Pub Date : 2023-11-30DOI: 10.24198/intermestic.v8n1.11
Sharon Pricilia Mareta Simin, Muhammad Sigit Andhi Rahman
Scholars argue that Trump�s character and experience influence American foreign policy during a crisis such as the COVID-19 pandemic. His controversial policy can be seen from his reopening of America agenda at a time when the situation was not conducive yet, the rejection to join COVAX, confrontational behavior toward WHO and China, the reduction of international engagement with the European Union to address COVID-19. This article examines how Trump�s leadership style influenced American foreign policy during the COVID-19 pandemic in 2020. It mainly uses psychobiography and content analysis as complementary methodologies. This article found that Trump is a predominant leader with a more goal-driven style. He is a leader who likes to challenge constraints, is closed to information, and is achievement-motivated, with an expansionist type. His personalities of high level of dominance, high self-confidence, emotional, ambitious and aggressiveness shaped his foreign policy to be inconsistent and unpredictable during the pandemic. Keywords: American Foreign Policy, COVID-19 Pandemic, Donald Trump, Leadership Style
{"title":"The Influence of Trump�s Leadership Style on American Foreign Policy During Covid-19 Pandemic","authors":"Sharon Pricilia Mareta Simin, Muhammad Sigit Andhi Rahman","doi":"10.24198/intermestic.v8n1.11","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.24198/intermestic.v8n1.11","url":null,"abstract":"Scholars argue that Trump�s character and experience influence American foreign policy during a crisis such as the COVID-19 pandemic. His controversial policy can be seen from his reopening of America agenda at a time when the situation was not conducive yet, the rejection to join COVAX, confrontational behavior toward WHO and China, the reduction of international engagement with the European Union to address COVID-19. This article examines how Trump�s leadership style influenced American foreign policy during the COVID-19 pandemic in 2020. It mainly uses psychobiography and content analysis as complementary methodologies. This article found that Trump is a predominant leader with a more goal-driven style. He is a leader who likes to challenge constraints, is closed to information, and is achievement-motivated, with an expansionist type. His personalities of high level of dominance, high self-confidence, emotional, ambitious and aggressiveness shaped his foreign policy to be inconsistent and unpredictable during the pandemic. Keywords: American Foreign Policy, COVID-19 Pandemic, Donald Trump, Leadership Style","PeriodicalId":111531,"journal":{"name":"Intermestic: Journal of International Studies","volume":"62 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-11-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139208748","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-11-30DOI: 10.24198/intermestic.v8n1.17
Fredericko Constantijn Yossia Yerromio Pangalila, C. H. De Fretes, Roberto Octavianus Cornelis Seba
Meningkatnya aktivitas online di internet membuat tingkat kasus cybercrime semakin meningkat. Sebagai bagian dari kejahatan transnasional yang memerlukan perhatian khusus dalam hal penanganannya. Salah satu model kejahatan dunia maya adalah penipuan online dengan modus penipuan romantis. Karakteristik tersebut dapat terjadi dimana saja dan kapan saja membutuhkan kerjasama antara negara dan organisasi internasional. Penipuan asmara dapat menyebabkan kerugian finansial dan masalah kesehatan mental bagi para korbannya. Badan Pusat Nasional (BPN)-Interpol Indonesia memiliki kewenangan untuk terlibat dalam penanganan kasus kejahatan lintas negara. Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk melihat peran NCB-Interpol Indonesia dalam menangani romance scam pada tahun 2018 hingga 2021. Penelitian ini akan menggunakan teori liberalisme institusional dan didukung oleh dua kerangka konseptual, yaitu cybercrime dan organisasi internasional menggunakan metode penelitian deskriptif kualitatif. NCB-Interpol Indonesia memiliki tiga peran aktif yaitu sebagai fasilitator, koordinator dan penyidik ??untuk membantu negara-negara anggota ICPO-Interpol dalam hal pertukaran informasi.
{"title":"Peran National Central Bureau (NCB)-Interpol Indonesia dalam Penanganan Cybercrime (Romance Scam) Tahun 2018-2021","authors":"Fredericko Constantijn Yossia Yerromio Pangalila, C. H. De Fretes, Roberto Octavianus Cornelis Seba","doi":"10.24198/intermestic.v8n1.17","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.24198/intermestic.v8n1.17","url":null,"abstract":"Meningkatnya aktivitas online di internet membuat tingkat kasus cybercrime semakin meningkat. Sebagai bagian dari kejahatan transnasional yang memerlukan perhatian khusus dalam hal penanganannya. Salah satu model kejahatan dunia maya adalah penipuan online dengan modus penipuan romantis. Karakteristik tersebut dapat terjadi dimana saja dan kapan saja membutuhkan kerjasama antara negara dan organisasi internasional. Penipuan asmara dapat menyebabkan kerugian finansial dan masalah kesehatan mental bagi para korbannya. Badan Pusat Nasional (BPN)-Interpol Indonesia memiliki kewenangan untuk terlibat dalam penanganan kasus kejahatan lintas negara. Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk melihat peran NCB-Interpol Indonesia dalam menangani romance scam pada tahun 2018 hingga 2021. Penelitian ini akan menggunakan teori liberalisme institusional dan didukung oleh dua kerangka konseptual, yaitu cybercrime dan organisasi internasional menggunakan metode penelitian deskriptif kualitatif. NCB-Interpol Indonesia memiliki tiga peran aktif yaitu sebagai fasilitator, koordinator dan penyidik ??untuk membantu negara-negara anggota ICPO-Interpol dalam hal pertukaran informasi.","PeriodicalId":111531,"journal":{"name":"Intermestic: Journal of International Studies","volume":"25 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-11-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139201632","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-11-30DOI: 10.24198/intermestic.v8n1.8
Wulandari Cahyasari, D. F. Suhermanto
Artikel ini mendiskusikan tentang hubungan kerja sama antara Australia dan Prancis dalam Program SEA 1000 Future Submarine. Australia sebagai negara benua yang dikelilingi oleh lautan yang luas mengharuskan mereka memperkuat angkatan lautnya. Salah satu strategi keamanan mereka yaitu melalui proyek SEA 1000 Future Submarine, yang mana sebuah proyek untuk pembangunan kapal selam yang lebih unggul. Dalam melakukan proyek tersebut Australia memutuskan untuk memilih Prancis sebagai mitra kerjanya. Tepatnya dengan Naval Group yaitu sebuah perusahaan Prancis yang bergerak di bidang pertahanan. Tujuan dari penelitian ini adalah untuk menganalisis alasan Australia memilih Prancis sebagai mitranya dalam melakukan proyek SEA 1000 Future Submarine. Penelitian ini menggunakan metode penelitian deskriptif, yang didukung oleh literatur jurnal, berita, media internet dan juga website resmi dari pemerintah. Penelitian ini menggunakan teori pilihan rasional dan konsep keamanan nasional. Hasil yang ditemukan adalah Australia memilih Prancis sebagai mitra karena desain kapal selam yang ditawarkan oleh Prancis lebih sesuai dengan kebutuhan Autralia. Dari segi ekonomi, kerja sama ini dapat berkontribusi pada perkembangan perekonomian Australia.
{"title":"Kerja Sama Australia dan Perancis dalam Proyek Pembuatan Kapal Selam","authors":"Wulandari Cahyasari, D. F. Suhermanto","doi":"10.24198/intermestic.v8n1.8","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.24198/intermestic.v8n1.8","url":null,"abstract":"Artikel ini mendiskusikan tentang hubungan kerja sama antara Australia dan Prancis dalam Program SEA 1000 Future Submarine. Australia sebagai negara benua yang dikelilingi oleh lautan yang luas mengharuskan mereka memperkuat angkatan lautnya. Salah satu strategi keamanan mereka yaitu melalui proyek SEA 1000 Future Submarine, yang mana sebuah proyek untuk pembangunan kapal selam yang lebih unggul. Dalam melakukan proyek tersebut Australia memutuskan untuk memilih Prancis sebagai mitra kerjanya. Tepatnya dengan Naval Group yaitu sebuah perusahaan Prancis yang bergerak di bidang pertahanan. Tujuan dari penelitian ini adalah untuk menganalisis alasan Australia memilih Prancis sebagai mitranya dalam melakukan proyek SEA 1000 Future Submarine. Penelitian ini menggunakan metode penelitian deskriptif, yang didukung oleh literatur jurnal, berita, media internet dan juga website resmi dari pemerintah. Penelitian ini menggunakan teori pilihan rasional dan konsep keamanan nasional. Hasil yang ditemukan adalah Australia memilih Prancis sebagai mitra karena desain kapal selam yang ditawarkan oleh Prancis lebih sesuai dengan kebutuhan Autralia. Dari segi ekonomi, kerja sama ini dapat berkontribusi pada perkembangan perekonomian Australia.","PeriodicalId":111531,"journal":{"name":"Intermestic: Journal of International Studies","volume":"2 1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-11-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139201163","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-11-30DOI: 10.24198/intermestic.v8n1.9
Nurfitri Nugrahaningsih, Lara Putri Olifiani
Pemanfaatan teknologi digital menjadi suatu urgensi yang perlu mendapat perhatian terutama dalam mendukung peningkatan ekonomi, khususnya di sektor pariwisata Kalimantan Barat. Meskipun masih terdapat kendala dalam implementasinya, beberapa program telah dijalankan sebagai upaya diplomasi pariwisata. Dinas Kepemudaan, Olahraga dan Pariwisata bersama dengan instansi terkait lainnya juga menjalin koordinasi sehingga pelayanan sektor pariwisata di Kalimantan Barat semakin terintegrasi. Menurut Bjola dan Holmes, digital agenda setting, presence expansion, dan conversation generation merupakan tiga dimensi penting yang menjadi tolok ukur untuk menilai efektivitas dan dampak dari penggunaan media digital dalam aktivitas diplomasi publik. Dengan menggunakan pendekatan kualitatif eksploratif, penelitian ini bertujuan untuk mengeksplorasi dan menjelaskan optimalisasi diplomasi digital sektor pariwisata di Kalimantan Barat. Hasil penelitian ini menunjukkan bahwasannya optimalisasi diplomasi di Kalimantan Barat melibatkan media digital yang berperan sebagai wadah diseminasi informasi, adanya kerja sama antar pelaku diplomasi, serta terjalinnya interaksi antara pelaku dan sasaran diplomasi.
{"title":"Optimasi Diplomasi Digital Sektor Pariwisata bagi Wisatawan Mancanegara di Kalimantan Barat","authors":"Nurfitri Nugrahaningsih, Lara Putri Olifiani","doi":"10.24198/intermestic.v8n1.9","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.24198/intermestic.v8n1.9","url":null,"abstract":"Pemanfaatan teknologi digital menjadi suatu urgensi yang perlu mendapat perhatian terutama dalam mendukung peningkatan ekonomi, khususnya di sektor pariwisata Kalimantan Barat. Meskipun masih terdapat kendala dalam implementasinya, beberapa program telah dijalankan sebagai upaya diplomasi pariwisata. Dinas Kepemudaan, Olahraga dan Pariwisata bersama dengan instansi terkait lainnya juga menjalin koordinasi sehingga pelayanan sektor pariwisata di Kalimantan Barat semakin terintegrasi. Menurut Bjola dan Holmes, digital agenda setting, presence expansion, dan conversation generation merupakan tiga dimensi penting yang menjadi tolok ukur untuk menilai efektivitas dan dampak dari penggunaan media digital dalam aktivitas diplomasi publik. Dengan menggunakan pendekatan kualitatif eksploratif, penelitian ini bertujuan untuk mengeksplorasi dan menjelaskan optimalisasi diplomasi digital sektor pariwisata di Kalimantan Barat. Hasil penelitian ini menunjukkan bahwasannya optimalisasi diplomasi di Kalimantan Barat melibatkan media digital yang berperan sebagai wadah diseminasi informasi, adanya kerja sama antar pelaku diplomasi, serta terjalinnya interaksi antara pelaku dan sasaran diplomasi.","PeriodicalId":111531,"journal":{"name":"Intermestic: Journal of International Studies","volume":"250 13","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-11-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139203480","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-11-30DOI: 10.24198/intermestic.v8n1.13
Ni Made Kayika Galuh, S. R. Susanto
This paper examines the failure of Tanzania’s African Socialism which leads the country’s entrapment on exploitation of mining resources by the British government in 2015-2020. African Socialism is Tanzanian development ideology in conducting political and economic practices. However, during the era of President John Magufuli, cases of mining exploitation by the British companies have increased. Magufuli, who implemented African Socialism through a nationalist economic system failed to remove Tanzania from the category of least developed country. African Socialism should be emphasizing Tanzania’s assertiveness in avoiding exploitation. This anomaly directs to a research question on why African Socialism failed to prevent Tanzania’s mining resources from being exploited by the British in 2015-2020. The question is examined explanatively with state failure theory. This paper finds that the Magufuli government was intentionally incorrect in implementing African Socialism which exemplifies state-building failure. The failure eased British government and corporate concessions to Tanzania’s mining resources.
{"title":"Kegagalan Sosialisme Africa (African Socialism) Tanzania dan Pengaruhnya terhadap Eksploitasi Sumber Daya Alam Tambang oleh Inggris (2015-2020)","authors":"Ni Made Kayika Galuh, S. R. Susanto","doi":"10.24198/intermestic.v8n1.13","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.24198/intermestic.v8n1.13","url":null,"abstract":"This paper examines the failure of Tanzania’s African Socialism which leads the country’s entrapment on exploitation of mining resources by the British government in 2015-2020. African Socialism is Tanzanian development ideology in conducting political and economic practices. However, during the era of President John Magufuli, cases of mining exploitation by the British companies have increased. Magufuli, who implemented African Socialism through a nationalist economic system failed to remove Tanzania from the category of least developed country. African Socialism should be emphasizing Tanzania’s assertiveness in avoiding exploitation. This anomaly directs to a research question on why African Socialism failed to prevent Tanzania’s mining resources from being exploited by the British in 2015-2020. The question is examined explanatively with state failure theory. This paper finds that the Magufuli government was intentionally incorrect in implementing African Socialism which exemplifies state-building failure. The failure eased British government and corporate concessions to Tanzania’s mining resources.","PeriodicalId":111531,"journal":{"name":"Intermestic: Journal of International Studies","volume":"55 10","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-11-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139206516","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-11-30DOI: 10.24198/intermestic.v8n1.16
Nur Rachmat Yuliantoro, Leonard Patrick Bromokusomo
The onset of the Russo-Ukrainian conflict in February 2022, commonly referred to as the 2022 Ukraine crisis, has had a notable impact on the dynamics of Sino-Russian relations. In light of Russia encountering a severe reaction from the global community, it is anticipated that China will assume a mitigating role, owing to their amicable bilateral ties throughout the preceding decade. This study investigates the potential for increased assertiveness in China�s response to the invasion and the resulting implications for their ties. It examines the ramifications of the crisis on Sino-Russian relations, considering the elements that contribute to either the change or continuity of these interactions. It does so by referencing a short historical account of the relations and power dynamics among the relevant actors, employing a realist perspective. The analysis of this study reveals that China has departed from its initially neutral position during the crisis, indicating its capacity to assume the responsibilities associated with becoming a major global power. Nevertheless, their bilateral relations may be advantageous to China with time, primarily due to Russia�s increasing economic reliance and China�s potential for enhancing its global standing.
{"title":"The 2022 Ukraine Crisis: What It Means for Sino-Russian Relations","authors":"Nur Rachmat Yuliantoro, Leonard Patrick Bromokusomo","doi":"10.24198/intermestic.v8n1.16","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.24198/intermestic.v8n1.16","url":null,"abstract":"The onset of the Russo-Ukrainian conflict in February 2022, commonly referred to as the 2022 Ukraine crisis, has had a notable impact on the dynamics of Sino-Russian relations. In light of Russia encountering a severe reaction from the global community, it is anticipated that China will assume a mitigating role, owing to their amicable bilateral ties throughout the preceding decade. This study investigates the potential for increased assertiveness in China�s response to the invasion and the resulting implications for their ties. It examines the ramifications of the crisis on Sino-Russian relations, considering the elements that contribute to either the change or continuity of these interactions. It does so by referencing a short historical account of the relations and power dynamics among the relevant actors, employing a realist perspective. The analysis of this study reveals that China has departed from its initially neutral position during the crisis, indicating its capacity to assume the responsibilities associated with becoming a major global power. Nevertheless, their bilateral relations may be advantageous to China with time, primarily due to Russia�s increasing economic reliance and China�s potential for enhancing its global standing.","PeriodicalId":111531,"journal":{"name":"Intermestic: Journal of International Studies","volume":"35 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-11-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139198687","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-11-30DOI: 10.24198/intermestic.v8n1.10
Minhajuddin Minhajuddin, AhmadAzmiKhoirul Umam
A series normalization of diplomatic ties between Middle Eastern countries with Israel took place in 2020. This normalization phenomenon drew attention as it occurred amidst the uncertain hope of Palestinian and Israel continued to occupation on Palestinian territories. This study uses a constructivist perspective to analyze the process of normalization during the period of 2010-2020, by examining the intersubjective dynamics among various stakeholders, including the United States, Israel, Saudi Arabia, and the Middle Eastern countries involved in the normalization process. The findings of this research conclude that the diplomatic normalization between Middle Eastern countries and Israeli is not solely motivated by economic, political, and military factors, but rather by shared ideas agreed upon by the United States, Israeli, and the Middle Eastern countries, which state that the Middle East region's threat originates from Iran. This threat perception serves as the rational for the Middle Eastern countries and Israel to normalize relations in order to delegitimize Iran's hegemony in the region. The implications of this normalization further complicate the position of Palestine in its struggle for independence, as Israel's position grows stronger.
{"title":"Implikasi Normalisasi Hubungan Diplomatik Negara-Negara Timur Tengah dengan Israel terhadap Prospek Kemerdekaan Palestina: Telaah Konstruktivisme","authors":"Minhajuddin Minhajuddin, AhmadAzmiKhoirul Umam","doi":"10.24198/intermestic.v8n1.10","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.24198/intermestic.v8n1.10","url":null,"abstract":"A series normalization of diplomatic ties between Middle Eastern countries with Israel took place in 2020. This normalization phenomenon drew attention as it occurred amidst the uncertain hope of Palestinian and Israel continued to occupation on Palestinian territories. This study uses a constructivist perspective to analyze the process of normalization during the period of 2010-2020, by examining the intersubjective dynamics among various stakeholders, including the United States, Israel, Saudi Arabia, and the Middle Eastern countries involved in the normalization process. The findings of this research conclude that the diplomatic normalization between Middle Eastern countries and Israeli is not solely motivated by economic, political, and military factors, but rather by shared ideas agreed upon by the United States, Israeli, and the Middle Eastern countries, which state that the Middle East region's threat originates from Iran. This threat perception serves as the rational for the Middle Eastern countries and Israel to normalize relations in order to delegitimize Iran's hegemony in the region. The implications of this normalization further complicate the position of Palestine in its struggle for independence, as Israel's position grows stronger.","PeriodicalId":111531,"journal":{"name":"Intermestic: Journal of International Studies","volume":"40 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-11-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139202075","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-11-30DOI: 10.24198/intermestic.v8n1.1
A. Bainus, Junita Budi Rachman
{"title":"EDITORIAL: Hubungan Internasional Digital (Digital International Relations)","authors":"A. Bainus, Junita Budi Rachman","doi":"10.24198/intermestic.v8n1.1","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.24198/intermestic.v8n1.1","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":111531,"journal":{"name":"Intermestic: Journal of International Studies","volume":"108 ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-11-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139203790","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-11-30DOI: 10.24198/intermestic.v8n1.5
Nur Hasanah, Mohamad Dziqie Aulia Al Farauqi, Khoirul Amin, Gilang Mukti Rukmana, Intan Kinanthi Damarin Tyas, Devina Paramitha
Abstrak Penelitian ini menjelaskan tentang dilema dan peran UNHCR dalam menangani permasalahan climate refugees di India. Dimana India adalah Negara tuan rumah bagi sebagian besar pengungsi di Asia Selatan namun belum meratifikasi Konvensi 1951 dan Protokol 1967 tentang penanganan Pengungsi. Asia Selatan merupakan salah satu kawasan yang sangat rentan perubahan iklim, kepadatan jumlah penduduk, kemiskinan, dan kurangnya sumber daya untuk adaptasi perubahan iklim menjadi kendala utama bagi kawasan tersebut, ditambah lagi kondisi wilayah geografis Asia Selatan yang berbatasan dengan pegunungan Himalaya di bagian Utara dan Timur, Samudera Hindia di bagian Selatan. Dimana dua batas geografis ini rentan terhadap perubahan iklim. Penelitian ini menggunakan teori interaksi transnasional antar negara dan teori organisasi antar pemerintah atau Intergovernmental Organizations (IGOs). Jenis penelitian ini menggunakan penelitian deskriptif dan menggunakan teknik analisis kualitatif. Metode yang digunakan dalam pengumpulan data penelitian ini adalah studi kepustakaan. Penelitian ini memiliki argumentasi awal yaitu Peran UNHCR di India adalah Refugee Status Determination (RSD) dalam bentuk wawancara pencari suaka dan memverifikasi dokumen untuk status pengungsi yang kemudian menerbitkan tempat tinggal sementara tersertifikasi kepada orang-orang yang memenuhi kriteria, dan membantu pemulangan sukarela para pengungsi dengan berkoordinasi dengan negara-negara terkait. Dengan Menjalankan tugasnya UNHCR juga bekerjasama dengan LSM yang ada di India seperti Don Bosco Ashalyan, Young Men Christian Association (YMCA), National Institution for Transforming India (Niti Ayong), Social Law Information Center (SLIC), Development and Justice Initiative (DAJI), Save the Children India (SCI), Indian Society of International Law (ISIL).
{"title":"Peran UNHCR dalam Menangani Climate Refugees India di Asia Selatan","authors":"Nur Hasanah, Mohamad Dziqie Aulia Al Farauqi, Khoirul Amin, Gilang Mukti Rukmana, Intan Kinanthi Damarin Tyas, Devina Paramitha","doi":"10.24198/intermestic.v8n1.5","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.24198/intermestic.v8n1.5","url":null,"abstract":"Abstrak Penelitian ini menjelaskan tentang dilema dan peran UNHCR dalam menangani permasalahan climate refugees di India. Dimana India adalah Negara tuan rumah bagi sebagian besar pengungsi di Asia Selatan namun belum meratifikasi Konvensi 1951 dan Protokol 1967 tentang penanganan Pengungsi. Asia Selatan merupakan salah satu kawasan yang sangat rentan perubahan iklim, kepadatan jumlah penduduk, kemiskinan, dan kurangnya sumber daya untuk adaptasi perubahan iklim menjadi kendala utama bagi kawasan tersebut, ditambah lagi kondisi wilayah geografis Asia Selatan yang berbatasan dengan pegunungan Himalaya di bagian Utara dan Timur, Samudera Hindia di bagian Selatan. Dimana dua batas geografis ini rentan terhadap perubahan iklim. Penelitian ini menggunakan teori interaksi transnasional antar negara dan teori organisasi antar pemerintah atau Intergovernmental Organizations (IGOs). Jenis penelitian ini menggunakan penelitian deskriptif dan menggunakan teknik analisis kualitatif. Metode yang digunakan dalam pengumpulan data penelitian ini adalah studi kepustakaan. Penelitian ini memiliki argumentasi awal yaitu Peran UNHCR di India adalah Refugee Status Determination (RSD) dalam bentuk wawancara pencari suaka dan memverifikasi dokumen untuk status pengungsi yang kemudian menerbitkan tempat tinggal sementara tersertifikasi kepada orang-orang yang memenuhi kriteria, dan membantu pemulangan sukarela para pengungsi dengan berkoordinasi dengan negara-negara terkait. Dengan Menjalankan tugasnya UNHCR juga bekerjasama dengan LSM yang ada di India seperti Don Bosco Ashalyan, Young Men Christian Association (YMCA), National Institution for Transforming India (Niti Ayong), Social Law Information Center (SLIC), Development and Justice Initiative (DAJI), Save the Children India (SCI), Indian Society of International Law (ISIL).","PeriodicalId":111531,"journal":{"name":"Intermestic: Journal of International Studies","volume":"32 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-11-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139208344","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-11-30DOI: 10.24198/intermestic.v7n1.13
Deasy silvya Sari, Mas Halimah Mas Halimah, Akim Akim, Ali Zahid Habibullah
This study aimed to explain Indonesia's foreign policy on Covid-19 vaccine procurement. It applied foreign policy concepts and qualitative methods to direct, collect, and analyze data. The data were collected through focus group discussions and structured interviews. The results showed that Indonesia's foreign policy on Covid-19 management had a national interest in protecting the public from contracting the virus. The country had 10 vaccines, including Sinovac, AstraZeneca, Pfizer, Moderna, Sinopharm, Johnson Johnson, Sputnik V, CanSino, Novavax, and Zifivax. The procurement of the Covid-19 vaccine is carried out through bilateral and multilateral channels. The vaccine procurement financing was through buying and grants. The granting countries included China, Japan, the Netherlands, the United States, and the United Arab Emirates; while Covax Facility provided the multilateral grant.
{"title":"Indonesian Foreign Policy on Covid-19 Vaccine Procurement","authors":"Deasy silvya Sari, Mas Halimah Mas Halimah, Akim Akim, Ali Zahid Habibullah","doi":"10.24198/intermestic.v7n1.13","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.24198/intermestic.v7n1.13","url":null,"abstract":"This study aimed to explain Indonesia's foreign policy on Covid-19 vaccine procurement. It applied foreign policy concepts and qualitative methods to direct, collect, and analyze data. The data were collected through focus group discussions and structured interviews. The results showed that Indonesia's foreign policy on Covid-19 management had a national interest in protecting the public from contracting the virus. The country had 10 vaccines, including Sinovac, AstraZeneca, Pfizer, Moderna, Sinopharm, Johnson Johnson, Sputnik V, CanSino, Novavax, and Zifivax. The procurement of the Covid-19 vaccine is carried out through bilateral and multilateral channels. The vaccine procurement financing was through buying and grants. The granting countries included China, Japan, the Netherlands, the United States, and the United Arab Emirates; while Covax Facility provided the multilateral grant.","PeriodicalId":111531,"journal":{"name":"Intermestic: Journal of International Studies","volume":"53 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-11-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"117023257","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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