Pub Date : 2024-07-17DOI: 10.24198/intermestic.v8n2.9
Daniel Jeremia Natanael Nababan, Henny Saptatia Drajati Nugrahani
Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk mengevaluasi kebijakan pengendalian kebakaran hutan Uni Eropa (EU) dan mengeksplorasi implementasinya dalam memperkuat ketahanan negara-negara Eropa Selatan di era pasca-pandemi. Subjek penelitiannya adalah Portugal, Spanyol, dan Italia. Penelitian ini menggunakan teori Multi-Level Governance (MLG) dari Hooghe dan Marks, serta teori Social-Ecological Systems (SES) dari Folke dan Berkes. Analisis mengambil rentang waktu 2021�2023, dimulai sejak European Commission mengeluarkan the New EU Forest Strategy for 2030 hingga tahun dilakukannya studi ini. Temuan dan analisis studi menunjukkan bahwa di era pasca-pandemi COVID-19, telah terjadi perkembangan penerapan MLG untuk memerangi kebakaran hutan di tiga negara Eropa Selatan tersebut. Selain itu, the New EU Forest Strategy for 2030 juga menujukkan korelasi dengan faktor dan sub-sistem yang ada dalam kerangka SES dan telah diterapkan oleh negara-negara tersebut. Namun, temuan penelitian menunjukkan bahwa kemajuan EU dan tiga negara Eropa Selatan dalam menangani kebakaran hutan masih belum memadai.
{"title":"EUROPEAN UNION'S FOREST FIRE POLICIES: STRENGTHENING POST-PANDEMIC AGE RESILIENCE. A CASE OF SOUTHERN EUROPEAN COUNTRIES","authors":"Daniel Jeremia Natanael Nababan, Henny Saptatia Drajati Nugrahani","doi":"10.24198/intermestic.v8n2.9","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.24198/intermestic.v8n2.9","url":null,"abstract":"Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk mengevaluasi kebijakan pengendalian kebakaran hutan Uni Eropa (EU) dan mengeksplorasi implementasinya dalam memperkuat ketahanan negara-negara Eropa Selatan di era pasca-pandemi. Subjek penelitiannya adalah Portugal, Spanyol, dan Italia. Penelitian ini menggunakan teori Multi-Level Governance (MLG) dari Hooghe dan Marks, serta teori Social-Ecological Systems (SES) dari Folke dan Berkes. Analisis mengambil rentang waktu 2021�2023, dimulai sejak European Commission mengeluarkan the New EU Forest Strategy for 2030 hingga tahun dilakukannya studi ini. Temuan dan analisis studi menunjukkan bahwa di era pasca-pandemi COVID-19, telah terjadi perkembangan penerapan MLG untuk memerangi kebakaran hutan di tiga negara Eropa Selatan tersebut. Selain itu, the New EU Forest Strategy for 2030 juga menujukkan korelasi dengan faktor dan sub-sistem yang ada dalam kerangka SES dan telah diterapkan oleh negara-negara tersebut. Namun, temuan penelitian menunjukkan bahwa kemajuan EU dan tiga negara Eropa Selatan dalam menangani kebakaran hutan masih belum memadai.","PeriodicalId":111531,"journal":{"name":"Intermestic: Journal of International Studies","volume":" 16","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-07-17","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141830169","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-07-15DOI: 10.24198/intermestic.v8n2.10
Yonarisman Muhammad Akbar, Dina Fadiyah
This paper delves into Finland's potential accession to NATO, marking a significant departure from its longstanding policy of military non-alignment. As geopolitical dynamics in the Baltic region undergo profound changes, Finland's consideration of NATO membership carries far-reaching implications for regional security and global geopolitics. Finland responded to Russian aggressiveness by joining the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) to counteract Russia�s security threats in the region. The abstract explores the historical context of Finland's neutrality, the evolving security landscape, and the factors driving the nation towards reevaluating its defense posture. Using the research method of critical content analysis and in-depth interview with military and defense and security analyst Rahakundini, the potential impact on NATO, Russia's response, and the broader implications for the delicate balance of power in Northern Europe. The proposed NATO membership signals a strategic recalibration for Finland, with ramifications extending beyond national borders, shaping the geopolitical narrative in an ever-evolving international arena.
{"title":"Finland's Strategic Shift: A New Chapter with NATO Membership","authors":"Yonarisman Muhammad Akbar, Dina Fadiyah","doi":"10.24198/intermestic.v8n2.10","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.24198/intermestic.v8n2.10","url":null,"abstract":"This paper delves into Finland's potential accession to NATO, marking a significant departure from its longstanding policy of military non-alignment. As geopolitical dynamics in the Baltic region undergo profound changes, Finland's consideration of NATO membership carries far-reaching implications for regional security and global geopolitics. Finland responded to Russian aggressiveness by joining the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) to counteract Russia�s security threats in the region. The abstract explores the historical context of Finland's neutrality, the evolving security landscape, and the factors driving the nation towards reevaluating its defense posture. Using the research method of critical content analysis and in-depth interview with military and defense and security analyst Rahakundini, the potential impact on NATO, Russia's response, and the broader implications for the delicate balance of power in Northern Europe. The proposed NATO membership signals a strategic recalibration for Finland, with ramifications extending beyond national borders, shaping the geopolitical narrative in an ever-evolving international arena.","PeriodicalId":111531,"journal":{"name":"Intermestic: Journal of International Studies","volume":" 24","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-07-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141833103","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-12-01DOI: 10.24198/intermestic.v8n1.12
Bella Wardha Devita Sinuraya, Fahlesa Munabari
The North Korea's nuclear program has threatened the security of the Korean Peninsula. Every year, North Korea launches various types of missile tests, which raises the international community's concern. As a country responsible for maintaining security on the Korean Peninsula, South Korea has made various efforts to stop North Korea's nuclear development. Foreign policy issued by South Korea is constantly re-orientated according to the identity and perspective of the South Korean president at a particular time. This article analyzes President Moon Jae In's idiosyncrasy factors informing the new Sunshine policy to resolve North Korea's nuclear threats. This study aims to prove that the idiosyncratic factor has a significant influence on the decision-making process and the formation of the South Korea�s foreign policy. It shows that President Moon Jae In is a conciliatory leader who has an active-independent leadership characteristic based on the current dynamic North and South Korea�s nuclear tensions.
{"title":"The Moonshine Policy: The Idiosyncrasy Factors of President Moon Jae-In in Improving Inter-Korean Relations","authors":"Bella Wardha Devita Sinuraya, Fahlesa Munabari","doi":"10.24198/intermestic.v8n1.12","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.24198/intermestic.v8n1.12","url":null,"abstract":"The North Korea's nuclear program has threatened the security of the Korean Peninsula. Every year, North Korea launches various types of missile tests, which raises the international community's concern. As a country responsible for maintaining security on the Korean Peninsula, South Korea has made various efforts to stop North Korea's nuclear development. Foreign policy issued by South Korea is constantly re-orientated according to the identity and perspective of the South Korean president at a particular time. This article analyzes President Moon Jae In's idiosyncrasy factors informing the new Sunshine policy to resolve North Korea's nuclear threats. This study aims to prove that the idiosyncratic factor has a significant influence on the decision-making process and the formation of the South Korea�s foreign policy. It shows that President Moon Jae In is a conciliatory leader who has an active-independent leadership characteristic based on the current dynamic North and South Korea�s nuclear tensions. \u0000","PeriodicalId":111531,"journal":{"name":"Intermestic: Journal of International Studies","volume":" 2","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"138615271","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-11-30DOI: 10.24198/intermestic.v8n1.15
Nurfarah Nidatya, Neneng Konety, Akim Akim
Abstrak Saat ini, industri halal berkembang pesat. Banyaknya populasi muslim di dunia mendorong beberapa negara termasuk negara non muslim untuk ikut mengembangkan industri halal. Korea Selatan adalah negara non-Muslim yang memperhatikan industri halal. Indonesia merupakan salah satu target pasar terbesar Korea Selatan dalam mengembangkan industri halalnya, mengingat Indonesia memiliki penduduk muslim terbesar di dunia. Budaya dan sistem nilai yang berbeda antara masyarakat Korea dan Islam menyebabkan munculnya hambatan dalam pengembangan industri halal ini. Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk menjelaskan bagaimana diplomasi publik yang dilakukan Korea Selatan terhadap Indonesia dalam mengembangkan industri halal. Penelitian ini menggunakan metode kualitatif, dan data diperoleh melalui wawancara dan studi pustaka. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa diplomasi publik yang diterapkan Korea Selatan terhadap Indonesia dilakukan dalam tiga dimensi, yaitu komunikasi harian, komunikasi strategis, dan komunikasi jangka panjang. Tiga dimensi diplomasi publik dilakukan Korea Selatan untuk mendapatkan dukungan dari masyarakat Indonesia, khususnya dalam mengembangkan industri halal. Kata Kunci: Diplomasi Publik; Korea Selatan; Halal Industri Abstract Nowadays, the halal industry is growing rapidly. The number of Muslim populations in the world encourages some countries including non-Muslim countries to participate in developing the halal industry. South Korea is a non-Muslim country that pay attention for the halal industry. Indonesia is one of the biggest target markets for South Korea in developing its halal industry, considering that Indonesia has the largest Muslim population in the world. Different culture and value systems between Korean and Islamic people cause the emergence of obstacles in the development of this halal industry. This study aims to explain how the public diplomacy which carried out by South Korea towards Indonesia in developing the halal industry. This study used a qualitative method, and data were obtained through interviews and literature studies. The results showed that public diplomacy applied in South Korea towards Indonesia was carried out in three dimensions, namely daily communication, strategic communication, and long-term communication. Three dimensions of public diplomacy were carried out by South Korea to acquire support from the Indonesian people, especially in developing the halal industry. Keywords: Public Diplomacy; South Korea; Halal Industry
{"title":"South Korea's Public Diplomacy towards Indonesia in Developing the Halal Industry","authors":"Nurfarah Nidatya, Neneng Konety, Akim Akim","doi":"10.24198/intermestic.v8n1.15","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.24198/intermestic.v8n1.15","url":null,"abstract":"Abstrak Saat ini, industri halal berkembang pesat. Banyaknya populasi muslim di dunia mendorong beberapa negara termasuk negara non muslim untuk ikut mengembangkan industri halal. Korea Selatan adalah negara non-Muslim yang memperhatikan industri halal. Indonesia merupakan salah satu target pasar terbesar Korea Selatan dalam mengembangkan industri halalnya, mengingat Indonesia memiliki penduduk muslim terbesar di dunia. Budaya dan sistem nilai yang berbeda antara masyarakat Korea dan Islam menyebabkan munculnya hambatan dalam pengembangan industri halal ini. Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk menjelaskan bagaimana diplomasi publik yang dilakukan Korea Selatan terhadap Indonesia dalam mengembangkan industri halal. Penelitian ini menggunakan metode kualitatif, dan data diperoleh melalui wawancara dan studi pustaka. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa diplomasi publik yang diterapkan Korea Selatan terhadap Indonesia dilakukan dalam tiga dimensi, yaitu komunikasi harian, komunikasi strategis, dan komunikasi jangka panjang. Tiga dimensi diplomasi publik dilakukan Korea Selatan untuk mendapatkan dukungan dari masyarakat Indonesia, khususnya dalam mengembangkan industri halal. Kata Kunci: Diplomasi Publik; Korea Selatan; Halal Industri Abstract Nowadays, the halal industry is growing rapidly. The number of Muslim populations in the world encourages some countries including non-Muslim countries to participate in developing the halal industry. South Korea is a non-Muslim country that pay attention for the halal industry. Indonesia is one of the biggest target markets for South Korea in developing its halal industry, considering that Indonesia has the largest Muslim population in the world. Different culture and value systems between Korean and Islamic people cause the emergence of obstacles in the development of this halal industry. This study aims to explain how the public diplomacy which carried out by South Korea towards Indonesia in developing the halal industry. This study used a qualitative method, and data were obtained through interviews and literature studies. The results showed that public diplomacy applied in South Korea towards Indonesia was carried out in three dimensions, namely daily communication, strategic communication, and long-term communication. Three dimensions of public diplomacy were carried out by South Korea to acquire support from the Indonesian people, especially in developing the halal industry. Keywords: Public Diplomacy; South Korea; Halal Industry","PeriodicalId":111531,"journal":{"name":"Intermestic: Journal of International Studies","volume":"178 8","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-11-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139205600","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-11-30DOI: 10.24198/intermestic.v8n1.4
Liza Umami, Bambang Cipto
This study aims to investigate China�s proactive stance toward developing tight ties with the Taliban regime. The author applies external-internal setting theory to examine China�s reasons for not carrying out Government Recognition to Taliban regime along with rational choice theory to emphasize why the choice to recognize the Taliban only as a de facto is the best solution for China�s current national interests. To study China�s foreign policy, a qualitative-explanatory method with a deductive method is used. After analyzing China�s concerns about Xinjiang instability as one of the �5 Poisons� and China�s security projects and investments in Afghanistan and the South and Central Asia region due to the Taliban�s weak legitimacy, this paper concludes that the recognition of Taliban regime is not a priority agenda at this time. China prioritizes regional cooperation and international support due to Afghanistan-based terrorism. Keywords: Foreign Policy, China, Taliban, Afghanistan, De Facto Recognition
{"title":"China�s Afghan Policy: De Facto Recognition of The Taliban Regime","authors":"Liza Umami, Bambang Cipto","doi":"10.24198/intermestic.v8n1.4","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.24198/intermestic.v8n1.4","url":null,"abstract":"This study aims to investigate China�s proactive stance toward developing tight ties with the Taliban regime. The author applies external-internal setting theory to examine China�s reasons for not carrying out Government Recognition to Taliban regime along with rational choice theory to emphasize why the choice to recognize the Taliban only as a de facto is the best solution for China�s current national interests. To study China�s foreign policy, a qualitative-explanatory method with a deductive method is used. After analyzing China�s concerns about Xinjiang instability as one of the �5 Poisons� and China�s security projects and investments in Afghanistan and the South and Central Asia region due to the Taliban�s weak legitimacy, this paper concludes that the recognition of Taliban regime is not a priority agenda at this time. China prioritizes regional cooperation and international support due to Afghanistan-based terrorism. Keywords: Foreign Policy, China, Taliban, Afghanistan, De Facto Recognition","PeriodicalId":111531,"journal":{"name":"Intermestic: Journal of International Studies","volume":"506 2","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-11-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139205671","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Arab dan Iran melakukan normalisasi yang ditengahi oleh Cina di Beijing pada 10 maret 2023 setelah beberapa dekade berada dalam hubungan yang rumit dalam pertarungan regional, dan pertarungan politik dan agama. Normalisasi ini pasti akan berdampak pada negara yang menjalin hubungan dengan kedua negara, khususnya negara-negara Kawasan yang berada di Timur Tengah. Normalisasi ini berdampak pada perubahan dinamika regional, stabilitas regional, dampak pada sekutu dan lawan dan implikasi ekonomi. Penelitian ini mengkaji apakah normalisasi ini menimbulkan konflik baru atau meredakan konflik yang pernah ada. Metode yang dipakai dalam penelitian ini adalah metode penelitian kualitatif deskriptif. Peneliti memfokuskan sumber data dari dokumen publik berupa artikel, surat kabar dan jurnal. Dalam penelitian ini membahas perubahan dinamika politik, keamanan, dan kekuasaan di Timur Tengah seiring dengan normalisasi. Landasan teori yang digunakan dalam kepenulisan yang dapat digunakan untuk menganalisis dampak geopolitik dengan menggunakan teori geopolitik. Peneliti menganalisis data dengan cara pengumpulan data, reduksi data, penyajian data dan verifikasi data.
{"title":"The Geopolitical Implications of Post-Diplomatic Normalization in the Middle East on Saudi-Iran Relations","authors":"Ghana Aldila Septiani, Chesa Andreana, Intan Rachmadani, Achmad Diny Hidayatullah, Badrus Sholeh","doi":"10.24198/intermestic.v8n1.14","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.24198/intermestic.v8n1.14","url":null,"abstract":"Arab dan Iran melakukan normalisasi yang ditengahi oleh Cina di Beijing pada 10 maret 2023 setelah beberapa dekade berada dalam hubungan yang rumit dalam pertarungan regional, dan pertarungan politik dan agama. Normalisasi ini pasti akan berdampak pada negara yang menjalin hubungan dengan kedua negara, khususnya negara-negara Kawasan yang berada di Timur Tengah. Normalisasi ini berdampak pada perubahan dinamika regional, stabilitas regional, dampak pada sekutu dan lawan dan implikasi ekonomi. Penelitian ini mengkaji apakah normalisasi ini menimbulkan konflik baru atau meredakan konflik yang pernah ada. Metode yang dipakai dalam penelitian ini adalah metode penelitian kualitatif deskriptif. Peneliti memfokuskan sumber data dari dokumen publik berupa artikel, surat kabar dan jurnal. Dalam penelitian ini membahas perubahan dinamika politik, keamanan, dan kekuasaan di Timur Tengah seiring dengan normalisasi. Landasan teori yang digunakan dalam kepenulisan yang dapat digunakan untuk menganalisis dampak geopolitik dengan menggunakan teori geopolitik. Peneliti menganalisis data dengan cara pengumpulan data, reduksi data, penyajian data dan verifikasi data.","PeriodicalId":111531,"journal":{"name":"Intermestic: Journal of International Studies","volume":"5 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-11-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139198486","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-11-30DOI: 10.24198/intermestic.v8n1.6
Hilman Mahmud Akmal Ma'arif, Baiq Ulva Rahmawati, Ahmad Sahide
This article discusses the dynamics of negotiating Britain's exit from the EU or Brexit. Negotiations between the UK and the EU took a long time, from the leadership of PM Theresa May to PM Boris Johnson. During Theresa May's time, Brexit efforts failed to materialize and succeeded under Boris Johnson who dared to maneuver by ignoring the parliament. This study uses a qualitative method using negotiation theory and the concept of national interest. Sources of data obtained through e-books, news, journals from Scopus and Google Scholar. The findings of this study are traceable causes, actors and parties involved during the negotiation process occurs. In addition, one of the reasons the UK wants to leave the EU is the reluctance of the EU to control its domination over the UK in domestic activities, in terms of the economy and the policy of free movement of workers.
本文讨论了英国退欧或脱欧谈判的动态。从首相特雷莎-梅到首相鲍里斯-约翰逊，英国与欧盟之间的谈判历时漫长。在特蕾莎-梅执政期间，英国脱欧的努力未能实现，而在鲍里斯-约翰逊执政期间，英国脱欧的努力取得了成功，他敢于无视议会的干预。本研究采用定性方法，使用谈判理论和国家利益概念。数据来源于 Scopus 和 Google Scholar 的电子书、新闻和期刊。本研究的结果可追溯谈判过程中发生的原因、参与者和相关方。此外，英国希望脱离欧盟的原因之一是欧盟不愿控制其在经济和工人自由流动政策方面对英国国内活动的支配。
{"title":"Dynamics of Brexit Negotiations from the European Union 2016-2020 Period","authors":"Hilman Mahmud Akmal Ma'arif, Baiq Ulva Rahmawati, Ahmad Sahide","doi":"10.24198/intermestic.v8n1.6","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.24198/intermestic.v8n1.6","url":null,"abstract":"This article discusses the dynamics of negotiating Britain's exit from the EU or Brexit. Negotiations between the UK and the EU took a long time, from the leadership of PM Theresa May to PM Boris Johnson. During Theresa May's time, Brexit efforts failed to materialize and succeeded under Boris Johnson who dared to maneuver by ignoring the parliament. This study uses a qualitative method using negotiation theory and the concept of national interest. Sources of data obtained through e-books, news, journals from Scopus and Google Scholar. The findings of this study are traceable causes, actors and parties involved during the negotiation process occurs. In addition, one of the reasons the UK wants to leave the EU is the reluctance of the EU to control its domination over the UK in domestic activities, in terms of the economy and the policy of free movement of workers.","PeriodicalId":111531,"journal":{"name":"Intermestic: Journal of International Studies","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-11-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139207530","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-11-30DOI: 10.24198/intermestic.v8n1.3
I. Permata
The Mekong region is strategic in terms of economics and geopolitics. Besides being home to mainland Southeast Asia countries, external state actors play around in the region, such as the United States, Japan, Korea, and India. They established institutions as a cooperation framework to maximize the region's potential. Over time, ASEAN remains the central organization for cooperation in East Asia, but the numerous cooperations in the Mekong will have implications for ASEAN. This article aims to provide an overview of the dynamics of overlap institutions in the Mekong Region, focusing on ASEAN's position in these cooperative efforts. The overlap institution is used as a conceptual framework. This article applies a qualitative method with secondary data. The Mekong region has multi-membership because the interests of the major actors and countries are intertwined. Therefore, they are trying to open up new opportunities by forming other institutions. In addition, the dynamic will shake East Asia's regional integration.
{"title":"ASEAN Amid Mekong's Overlap Institutions: Visible or Invisible?","authors":"I. Permata","doi":"10.24198/intermestic.v8n1.3","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.24198/intermestic.v8n1.3","url":null,"abstract":"The Mekong region is strategic in terms of economics and geopolitics. Besides being home to mainland Southeast Asia countries, external state actors play around in the region, such as the United States, Japan, Korea, and India. They established institutions as a cooperation framework to maximize the region's potential. Over time, ASEAN remains the central organization for cooperation in East Asia, but the numerous cooperations in the Mekong will have implications for ASEAN. This article aims to provide an overview of the dynamics of overlap institutions in the Mekong Region, focusing on ASEAN's position in these cooperative efforts. The overlap institution is used as a conceptual framework. This article applies a qualitative method with secondary data. The Mekong region has multi-membership because the interests of the major actors and countries are intertwined. Therefore, they are trying to open up new opportunities by forming other institutions. In addition, the dynamic will shake East Asia's regional integration.","PeriodicalId":111531,"journal":{"name":"Intermestic: Journal of International Studies","volume":"18 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-11-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139208334","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-11-30DOI: 10.24198/intermestic.v8n1.2
Zahidiyah Ela Tursina, Sartika Soesilowati, S. R. Susanto
This paper explains how political norms can influence Japan to use a multilateral assistance strategy in the context of dealing with Covid-19 in Indonesia. Japan distributes Official Development Assistance (ODA) assistance through a multilateral assistance strategy because Japan, as an Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) country, follows international norms, namely the 2008 Accra Agenda for Action norms. These international norms use the principle of inclusive partnership in efforts to provide help. These international norms are strongly supported by domestic norms, namely the 2015 Development Cooperation Charter. The charter adheres to the principle of development cooperation in efforts to provide assistance. The norms that contain the values of the principle of cooperation internalized into the policy of providing Japanese ODA assistance, namely in the form of Japan's multilateral assistance strategy in the context of handling Covid-19 in Indonesia thus creating a better human security condition.
{"title":"Norma Politik dan Bantuan Multilateral: Strategi Jepang dalam Mengatasi Covid-19 di Indonesia","authors":"Zahidiyah Ela Tursina, Sartika Soesilowati, S. R. Susanto","doi":"10.24198/intermestic.v8n1.2","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.24198/intermestic.v8n1.2","url":null,"abstract":"This paper explains how political norms can influence Japan to use a multilateral assistance strategy in the context of dealing with Covid-19 in Indonesia. Japan distributes Official Development Assistance (ODA) assistance through a multilateral assistance strategy because Japan, as an Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) country, follows international norms, namely the 2008 Accra Agenda for Action norms. These international norms use the principle of inclusive partnership in efforts to provide help. These international norms are strongly supported by domestic norms, namely the 2015 Development Cooperation Charter. The charter adheres to the principle of development cooperation in efforts to provide assistance. The norms that contain the values of the principle of cooperation internalized into the policy of providing Japanese ODA assistance, namely in the form of Japan's multilateral assistance strategy in the context of handling Covid-19 in Indonesia thus creating a better human security condition.","PeriodicalId":111531,"journal":{"name":"Intermestic: Journal of International Studies","volume":"173 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-11-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139208540","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk menganalisis diplomasi ekonomi Cina di Amerika Latin dengan fokus pada studi kasus hubungan perdagangan bebas Cina-Peru. Melalui perjanjian perdagangan bebas Cina - Peru telah memberikan manfaat ekonomi yang signifikan bagi Peru, terutama dalam hal akses pasar, peningkatan ekspor, dan investasi. Dalam penelitian ini menggunakan kerangka analisis diplomasi ekonomi yang di kemukakan oleh Okano-Heijima. Metode penelitian yang digunakan adalah metode kualitatif yang ditunjang dengan teknik pengumpulan data melalui studi pustaka, kemudian dilakukan reduksi data dalam melakukan anlisis data. Hasil penelitian ini menunjukan bahwa, diplomasi ekonomi Cina di Amerika Latin merupakan bagian dari strategi luar negeri Cina yang lebih besar untuk memperluas pengaruh politik dan ekonomi di seluruh dunia. Diplomasi ekonomi Cina di Amerika Latin terutama terkait dengan upaya Cina untuk mengamankan sumber daya alam dan memperluas pasar ekspor, serta memperkuat hubungan politik dan diplomatik dengan negara-negara di kawasan tersebut.
{"title":"Diplomasi Geoekonomi Cina di Kawasan Amerika Latin Studi Kasus: Hubungan Perdagangan Bebas Cina-Peru","authors":"Rizal Budi Santoso, Dwi Fauziah Moenardy, Achmad Alfaron Alamsyah","doi":"10.24198/intermestic.v8n1.7","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.24198/intermestic.v8n1.7","url":null,"abstract":"Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk menganalisis diplomasi ekonomi Cina di Amerika Latin dengan fokus pada studi kasus hubungan perdagangan bebas Cina-Peru. Melalui perjanjian perdagangan bebas Cina - Peru telah memberikan manfaat ekonomi yang signifikan bagi Peru, terutama dalam hal akses pasar, peningkatan ekspor, dan investasi. Dalam penelitian ini menggunakan kerangka analisis diplomasi ekonomi yang di kemukakan oleh Okano-Heijima. Metode penelitian yang digunakan adalah metode kualitatif yang ditunjang dengan teknik pengumpulan data melalui studi pustaka, kemudian dilakukan reduksi data dalam melakukan anlisis data. Hasil penelitian ini menunjukan bahwa, diplomasi ekonomi Cina di Amerika Latin merupakan bagian dari strategi luar negeri Cina yang lebih besar untuk memperluas pengaruh politik dan ekonomi di seluruh dunia. Diplomasi ekonomi Cina di Amerika Latin terutama terkait dengan upaya Cina untuk mengamankan sumber daya alam dan memperluas pasar ekspor, serta memperkuat hubungan politik dan diplomatik dengan negara-negara di kawasan tersebut.","PeriodicalId":111531,"journal":{"name":"Intermestic: Journal of International Studies","volume":"38 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-11-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139198289","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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