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Optimal Design and Quantitative Evaluation of the Minimum Wage 最低工资的优化设计与定量评价
Pub Date : 2017-11-09 DOI: 10.2139/ssrn.3068822
Zachary L. Mahone, P. Pujolas
We study a labor market where firms have private information about their ex-ante heterogeneous productivities and search is random. In this environment, a binding minimum wage can be efficiency-enhancing - we show that setting it using a version of the Vickery-Clarke-Groves mechanism delivers full efficiency. In a dynamic, stochas-tic version of the model calibrated to the Routine Manual labor market in the U.S., our proposed mechanism generates sizeable welfare gains. The resulting minimum wage is procyclical, dampening the response of unemployment to aggregate shocks.
我们研究了一个劳动力市场,在这个市场中,企业拥有关于其事前异质性生产率的私人信息,并且搜索是随机的。在这种环境下,具有约束力的最低工资可以提高效率——我们表明,使用维克里-克拉克-格罗夫斯机制的一个版本来设定最低工资可以实现充分的效率。在一个动态的,随机版本的模型校准到美国的常规体力劳动市场,我们提出的机制产生可观的福利收益。由此产生的最低工资是顺周期性的,抑制了失业对总体冲击的反应。
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引用次数: 0
Employment Time and the Cyclicality of Earnings Growth 就业时间与收入增长的周期性
Pub Date : 2017-10-29 DOI: 10.2139/ssrn.2872933
Eran B. Hoffmann, Davide Malacrinò
We study how idiosyncratic earnings risk evolves over the business cycle in Italy and in the US. We distinguish between two sources of risk to annual earnings growth: changes in employment time (number of weeks of employment within a year) and changes in weekly earnings. Shocks to employment generate the tail distribution of annual earnings growth and account for the increased risk in recessions. In particular, an increase in the rate of separation and a decrease in the rate of hiring are responsible for the skewed annual earnings growth distribution observed in recessions. In contrast, the cross-sectional distribution of weekly earnings growth is relatively stable over the business cycle and exhibits little skewness. Thus, models that rely on cyclical idiosyncratic risk, should focus on cyclical employment risk rather than on cyclical wage risk.
我们研究了意大利和美国的特殊收益风险在商业周期中是如何演变的。我们区分了年度收入增长的两个风险来源:就业时间的变化(一年内就业的周数)和每周收入的变化。对就业的冲击产生了年度收入增长的尾部分布,并解释了衰退风险的增加。特别是,离职率的上升和雇佣率的下降是经济衰退中观察到的年度收入增长分布扭曲的原因。相比之下,每周收入增长的横截面分布在整个商业周期中相对稳定,几乎没有偏度。因此,依赖周期性特殊风险的模型应该关注周期性就业风险,而不是周期性工资风险。
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引用次数: 23
Atlas Nods: The Libertarian Case for a Basic Income 阿特拉斯点头:基本收入的自由主义案例
Pub Date : 2017-10-21 DOI: 10.2139/ssrn.3056576
M. Fleischer, Daniel Hemel
Proposals for a universal basic income are generating interest across the globe, with pilot experiments underway or in the works in California, Canada, Finland, Italy, Kenya, and Uganda. Surprisingly, many of the most outspoken supporters of a universal basic income have been self-described libertarians — even though libertarians are generally considered to be antagonistic toward redistribution and a universal basic income is, at its core, a program of income redistribution. What explains such strong libertarian support for a policy that seems so contrary to libertarian ideals? This Article seeks to answer that question. We first show that a basic safety net is not only consistent with, but likely required by, several strands of libertarian thought. We then explain why libertarians committed to limited redistribution and limited government might support a system of unconditional cash transfers paid periodically. Delivering benefits in cash, rather than in-kind, furthers autonomy by recognizing that all citizens — even poor ones — are the best judges of their needs. Decoupling such transfers from a work requirement acknowledges that the state lacks the ability to distinguish between work-capable and work-incapable individuals. Providing payments periodically, rather than through a once-in-a-lifetime lump sum grant, ensures that all individuals can receive a minimum level of support over lifespans of variable lengths, while also allowing individuals to adjust payment flows through financial market transactions. Although our main objective is to assess the fit between libertarian theory and a universal basic income, we also address various design choices inherent in any basic income scheme: who should receive it?; how large should it be?; which programs might it replace?; and should it phase out as market income rises? Lastly, we consider the relationship between a basic income and the political economy of redistribution. We find that the case for a basic income as a libertarian “second-best” is surprisingly shaky: libertarians who oppose all redistribution but grudgingly accept a basic income as the least-worst form of redistribution should reconsider both aspects of their position. We conclude by drawing out lessons from our analysis for non-libertarians, regardless of whether they are supportive or skeptical of basic income arguments.
全民基本收入的提议在全球引起了人们的兴趣,加州、加拿大、芬兰、意大利、肯尼亚和乌干达正在进行或正在进行试点试验。令人惊讶的是,许多最直言不讳的全民基本收入支持者都自称是自由主义者——尽管自由主义者通常被认为是反对再分配的,而全民基本收入的核心是一个收入再分配计划。如何解释自由意志主义者对一项看似与自由意志主义理想背道而驰的政策如此强烈的支持?本文试图回答这个问题。我们首先表明,一个基本的安全网不仅与若干自由意志主义思想相一致,而且可能是它们所必需的。然后,我们解释了为什么承诺有限再分配和有限政府的自由主义者可能会支持定期支付无条件现金转移的制度。以现金而非实物发放福利,通过认识到所有公民——甚至是穷人——都是自己需求的最佳判断者,从而进一步提高了自主权。将这种转移与工作需求脱钩,承认国家缺乏区分有工作能力和无工作能力的个人的能力。定期提供补贴,而不是通过一生一次的一次性补助,确保所有个人都能在不同的寿命期间获得最低水平的支持,同时还允许个人通过金融市场交易调整补贴流量。虽然我们的主要目标是评估自由主义理论与普遍基本收入之间的契合度,但我们也讨论了任何基本收入计划中固有的各种设计选择:谁应该得到它?它应该有多大?它会取代哪些程序?随着市场收入的增加,它是否应该逐步退出市场?最后,我们考虑了基本收入与再分配的政治经济学之间的关系。我们发现,将基本收入作为自由意志主义者的“次优”的观点令人惊讶地站不住脚:反对所有再分配但勉强接受基本收入作为最不坏的再分配形式的自由意志主义者应该重新考虑他们立场的两个方面。最后,我们从非自由意志主义者的分析中得出了一些教训,不管他们是支持还是怀疑基本收入的论点。
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引用次数: 15
Cutting the Losses: Reassessing the Costs of Import Competition to Workers and Communities 减少损失:重新评估进口竞争对工人和社区的成本
Pub Date : 2017-10-19 DOI: 10.2139/ssrn.2920188
J. Rothwell
In any dynamic economy, there is a risk of job loss. Job loss resulting from foreign rather than domestic competition has come under intense scrutiny recently with Britain’s exit from the European Union and the election of Donald Trump as president of the United States. While economists generally conclude that trade is broadly enriching, recent works have brought attention to the costs of trade to workers and communities. At the individual level, I find that the risk of layoff and unemployment to workers in trade-exposed sectors is comparable — or even lower — than the risk to workers in non-traded sectors and that these risks have not increased during the period of more intense competition with Chinese imports. At the community level, Autor, Dorn and Hanson (2013) find that local areas have experienced slower job and wage growth and higher unemployment because of import competition with China. Upon analyzing their data, I conclude that their results are biased by the weaker macroeconomic performance of 2000-2007 relative to the 1990s. When I analyze inter-local area economic changes — rather analyzing changes within and across areas — I fail to reject the null hypotheses that import competition has no effect on wage or employment growth, except within the manufacturing sector during the most recent period, or that it has no effect on many other outcomes, including labor force participation, intergenerational mobility, and mortality. During each period, import competition actually predicts an increase in average wages for manufacturing workers, as well as non-manufacturing during the 1990s period, and import competition predicts a shift toward college educated non-manufacturing jobs in the second period. I conclude that foreign competition does not appear to elevate the risk of job loss to a greater extent than domestic competition, and people living in the communities most exposed to foreign competition are no worse off on average.
在任何一个充满活力的经济体中,都存在失业的风险。最近,随着英国退出欧盟和唐纳德·特朗普当选美国总统,外国而非国内竞争导致的就业流失受到了密切关注。虽然经济学家普遍认为,贸易在广泛地丰富了人们的生活,但最近的研究成果让人们开始关注贸易给工人和社区带来的成本。在个人层面上,我发现贸易部门工人下岗和失业的风险与非贸易部门工人的风险相当,甚至更低,而且在与中国进口产品竞争更激烈的时期,这些风险并没有增加。在社区层面,Autor, Dorn和Hanson(2013)发现,由于与中国的进口竞争,当地经历了较慢的就业和工资增长以及较高的失业率。在分析他们的数据后,我得出结论,他们的结果受到2000-2007年相对于上世纪90年代更弱的宏观经济表现的影响。当我分析地区间的经济变化时——而不是分析地区内部和跨地区的变化——我不能拒绝零假设,即进口竞争对工资或就业增长没有影响,除了最近一段时期内的制造业,或者它对许多其他结果没有影响,包括劳动力参与、代际流动性和死亡率。在每一个时期,进口竞争实际上都预示着制造业工人平均工资的增长,在20世纪90年代期间,进口竞争预示着第二阶段向受过大学教育的非制造业工作岗位的转移。我的结论是,与国内竞争相比,外国竞争似乎并没有在更大程度上提高失业风险,而生活在最容易受到外国竞争影响的社区的人们的平均状况也并不差。
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引用次数: 9
European America: The Effect of Underreported Transfer Benefits and Cost-of-Living on Cross-National Poverty Analysis 欧洲美洲:少报的转移收益和生活成本对跨国贫困分析的影响
Pub Date : 2017-10-01 DOI: 10.2139/ssrn.2932938
M. George
This study investigates the extent to which correcting for the underreporting of transfer benefits in the American Current Population Survey (CPS) complicates typical analyses comparing the effect of anti-poverty policy in the United States and Europe. Previous research suggests that up to one-half of social program spending by the American Federal government is not accounted for in CPS data harmonized for cross-national analysis by the Luxembourg Income Study and Organisation for Economic Development and Cooperation. Using a microsimulation model to align survey responses with administrative data at the federal and state level decreases the overall and child relative poverty rates by 16% and 21% respectively. This doubles the number of Americans living in states with ‘European’ poverty rates to 25%, from 42 to 79 million, and demonstrates that more Americans live in states with ‘social democratic’ levels of poverty than the populations of Denmark, Finland, Norway, the Netherlands, and Sweden combined. Adjusting the national American poverty line for cost-of-living further suggests that 38% of Americans live in states with poverty rates typical of European countries. If a relative poverty line calculated across the European Union is used instead to reflect variation in standard of living across the EU, correcting for underreporting increases the share of Americans living in states with poverty rates below the EU member state average from 66% of the population to 94%.. Ultimately, given the varying adoption of administrative income data across countries, growing rates of underreporting in the CPS with variation across American states, and the increasing devolution of American social policy, comparative analyses of poverty and policy that do not consider underreporting or subnational variation risk biased conclusions.
本研究调查了在美国当前人口调查(CPS)中对转移收益漏报的纠正在多大程度上使比较美国和欧洲反贫困政策效果的典型分析复杂化。此前的研究表明,美国联邦政府多达一半的社会项目支出没有计入由卢森堡收入研究组织和经济发展与合作组织进行的跨国分析的CPS数据。使用微观模拟模型将调查结果与联邦和州一级的行政数据结合起来,总体贫困率和儿童相对贫困率分别降低了16%和21%。这使生活在“欧洲”贫困率州的美国人数量翻了一番,从4200万增加到7900万,达到25%,并表明生活在“社会民主”贫困率州的美国人比丹麦、芬兰、挪威、荷兰和瑞典的人口加起来还要多。根据生活成本进一步调整美国全国贫困线表明,38%的美国人生活在贫困率与典型的欧洲国家相当的州。如果在整个欧盟范围内计算的相对贫困线被用来反映整个欧盟生活水平的差异,那么对低报的修正将使生活在贫困率低于欧盟成员国平均水平的国家的美国人的比例从66%增加到94%。最后,考虑到各国对行政收入数据采用的不同、美国各州CPS低报率的增长以及美国社会政策权力下放的增加,不考虑低报或次国家差异的贫困和政策比较分析可能会导致结论存在偏差。
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引用次数: 0
On the Limitations of Some Current Usages of the Gini Index 论当前基尼指数的一些用法的局限性
Pub Date : 2017-09-01 DOI: 10.1111/roiw.12256
L. Osberg
This note constructs a simple two class example in which the Gini index is held constant while the size of the rich and poor populations change, in order to illustrate how very different societies can have the same Gini index and produce very similar estimates of standard inequality averse Social Welfare Functions. The rich/poor income ratio can vary by a factor of over 12, and the income share of the top one per cent can vary by a factor of over 16, with exactly the same Gini index. Focussing solely on the Gini index can thus obscure perceptions—e.g. of important market income trends or large changes in the redistributive impact of the tax and transfer system. Hence, analysts should supplement the use of an aggregate summary index of inequality with direct examination of the segments of the income distribution which they think are of greatest importance.
本文构建了一个简单的两类例子,其中基尼指数保持不变,而富人和穷人的人口规模发生变化,以说明不同的社会如何具有相同的基尼指数,并产生非常相似的标准不平等厌恶社会福利函数的估计。在基尼系数完全相同的情况下,贫富收入比的变化幅度可能超过12倍,而收入最高的1%人群的收入份额的变化幅度可能超过16倍。因此,仅仅关注基尼指数可能会模糊一些认知。对重要的市场收入趋势或税收和转移支付制度的再分配影响的重大变化。因此,分析人士应该在使用总不平等综合指数的同时,直接考察他们认为最重要的收入分配部分。
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引用次数: 35
The Canadian Productivity Stagnation, 2002–2014 加拿大生产力停滞,2002-2014
Pub Date : 2017-09-01 DOI: 10.1111/caje.12383
J. Conesa, P. Pujolas
Total Factor Productivity (TFP) growth in Canada between 2002 and 2014 has been only 0.16% per year. Although many developed countries have experienced a productivity slowdown since the beginning of the century, this figure is still substantially smaller than that of the U.S. We perform multiple counterfactual exercises to show that this difference in TFP growth cannot be accounted for by several compositional effects and/or mismeasurements of factors of production. We identify two key sectors (Mining and Manufacturing) that drive all of the TFP growth difference with the U.S. Despite the lack of TFP growth, Canada has experienced sustained income growth due to a prolonged period of appreciation of the terms of trade (while terms of trade in the U.S. have deteriorated), making real income in the two countries grow at similar rates.
2002年至2014年间,加拿大全要素生产率(TFP)的年增长率仅为0.16%。尽管自本世纪初以来,许多发达国家都经历了生产率放缓,但这一数字仍远远小于美国。我们进行了多个反事实练习,以表明TFP增长的这种差异不能由几种构成效应和/或生产要素的错误测量来解释。我们确定了推动与美国TFP增长差异的两个关键部门(采矿业和制造业)。尽管缺乏TFP增长,但由于贸易条件的长期升值(而美国的贸易条件已经恶化),加拿大经历了持续的收入增长,使两国的实际收入增长速度相似。
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引用次数: 2
Earnings Dynamics: The Role of Education throughout a Worker's Career 收入动态:教育在工人职业生涯中的作用
Pub Date : 2017-09-01 DOI: 10.2139/ssrn.2979362
Breno Braga
This paper describes two stylized facts about the earnings dynamics throughout a worker’s career. First, this paper shows that more educated workers have higher earnings growth with work experience than less educated workers. Second, it demonstrates that more educated workers suffer greater earnings losses following job displacement. I propose a model that integrates human capital accumulation and learning mechanisms that can explain these empirical findings. In the model, employers use both education and past job displacement as a signal of a worker’s unobservable ability. As a result, educated workers receive more on-the-job training in the beginning of their careers. In addition, educated workers suffer greater wage losses after being laid off when potential employers learn that an educated worker is low ability.
本文描述了两个程式化的事实关于收入动态在整个工人的职业生涯。首先,本文表明受教育程度较高的工人比受教育程度较低的工人有更高的工作经验收入增长。其次,它表明,受教育程度较高的工人在失业后遭受的收入损失更大。我提出了一个整合人力资本积累和学习机制的模型,可以解释这些实证结果。在该模型中,雇主将教育程度和过去的工作经历作为员工不可观察能力的信号。因此,受过教育的工人在职业生涯的初期接受了更多的在职培训。此外,当潜在雇主得知受过良好教育的工人能力低下时,受过良好教育的工人在被解雇后会遭受更大的工资损失。
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引用次数: 0
Decomposing Global Inequality 分解全球不平等
Pub Date : 2017-08-25 DOI: 10.1111/roiw.12230
J. Modalsli
This paper provides an intuitive additive decomposition of the global income Gini coefficient with respect to differences within and between countries. In 2005, nearly half the total global income inequality is due to income differences between Europeans and North Americans on the one side and inhabitants of Asia on the other, with the China-USA income differences alone accounting for six percent of global inequality. Historically, income differences between Asia and Europe have driven a large part of global inequality, but the quantitative importance of within-Asia income inequality has increased substantially since 1950.
本文提供了关于国家内部和国家之间差异的全球收入基尼系数的直观加性分解。2005年,全球近一半的收入不平等是由欧洲和北美与亚洲居民的收入差异造成的,仅中美两国的收入差异就占全球收入不平等的6%。从历史上看,亚洲和欧洲之间的收入差异在很大程度上推动了全球不平等,但自1950年以来,亚洲内部收入不平等的数量重要性大幅增加。
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引用次数: 7
Incomes and the Poverty Rate: Stagnation and Cautious Optimism 收入与贫困率:停滞与谨慎乐观
Pub Date : 2017-08-23 DOI: 10.2139/ssrn.3025023
E. Grishina
In June 2017, households’ real disposable cash income did not change as compared to June 2016. For the first time since January 2016 (if January 2017 is not taken into account), there was no decrease in real income. In Q1 2017, the poverty rate fell relative to Q1 2015 and Q1 2016. In H1 2017, the volume of consumer lending to individuals increased as compared to H1 2016, with lending growth being much higher in regions with a high poverty rate. As compared to 2016, people started to assess more positively the dynamics of their financial standing and the share of those who saved on food, clothes and footwear decreased.
2017年6月,家庭实际可支配现金收入与2016年6月相比没有变化。自2016年1月(如果不考虑2017年1月)以来,实际收入首次没有下降。与2015年和2016年第一季度相比,2017年第一季度的贫困率有所下降。2017年上半年,与2016年上半年相比,个人消费贷款数量有所增加,在贫困率高的地区,贷款增长要高得多。与2016年相比,人们开始更积极地评估自己的财务状况,在食品、衣服和鞋类上省钱的人所占比例下降。
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引用次数: 0
期刊
ERN: Other Macroeconomics: Employment
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