Pub Date : 2019-03-09DOI: 10.1163/2405478X-01002006
Yen-ling Chen
This study is the first to provide a bottom-up reconstruction of Proto-Ong-Be initials and finals using the comparative method. Thirty-four initials (labelled with tone series) and nine finals that can be reconstructed with confidence are postulated. This paper shows that the early voicing contrast associated with initials cannot be directly reconstructed based on the internal evidence, although the loss of the contrast is compensated for at the suprasegmental level. This study also demonstrates that Proto-Ong-Be finals remain intact in modern Ong-Be varieties. In addition, this paper serves as a testing ground and a demonstration for doing linguistic reconstruction from different angles.
{"title":"Proto-Ong-Be Initials and Finals","authors":"Yen-ling Chen","doi":"10.1163/2405478X-01002006","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/2405478X-01002006","url":null,"abstract":"This study is the first to provide a bottom-up reconstruction of Proto-Ong-Be initials and finals using the comparative method. Thirty-four initials (labelled with tone series) and nine finals that can be reconstructed with confidence are postulated. This paper shows that the early voicing contrast associated with initials cannot be directly reconstructed based on the internal evidence, although the loss of the contrast is compensated for at the suprasegmental level. This study also demonstrates that Proto-Ong-Be finals remain intact in modern Ong-Be varieties. In addition, this paper serves as a testing ground and a demonstration for doing linguistic reconstruction from different angles.","PeriodicalId":132217,"journal":{"name":"Bulletin of Chinese linguistics","volume":"1 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-03-09","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"130859230","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-03-09DOI: 10.1163/2405478X-01002003
Lin Su’e
Our statistical work on data in early Ningpo dialect shows us that Ningpo dialect is a kind of typical satellite-framed language in motion events. Non-agentive motion events and agentive motion events are more likely to encode the information of motion events as satellite-framed languages than self-agentive motion events. Although self-agentive motion events can encode it according as verb-framed and satellite-framed languages, compared to early Shanghai dialect and Mandarin, self-agentive motion events are less likely to encode it in the way of verb-framed languages. There is a strong correlation between the type of lexicalization in motion events in early Ningpo dialect and its topicalization, which prove that topicalization plays a critical role in evolution of motion events in Chinese from a verb-framed language and an equipollently-framed language to a satellite-framed language.
{"title":"Types of Lexicalization in Motion Events in Early Ningpo Dialect","authors":"Lin Su’e","doi":"10.1163/2405478X-01002003","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/2405478X-01002003","url":null,"abstract":"Our statistical work on data in early Ningpo dialect shows us that Ningpo dialect is a kind of typical satellite-framed language in motion events. Non-agentive motion events and agentive motion events are more likely to encode the information of motion events as satellite-framed languages than self-agentive motion events. Although self-agentive motion events can encode it according as verb-framed and satellite-framed languages, compared to early Shanghai dialect and Mandarin, self-agentive motion events are less likely to encode it in the way of verb-framed languages. There is a strong correlation between the type of lexicalization in motion events in early Ningpo dialect and its topicalization, which prove that topicalization plays a critical role in evolution of motion events in Chinese from a verb-framed language and an equipollently-framed language to a satellite-framed language.","PeriodicalId":132217,"journal":{"name":"Bulletin of Chinese linguistics","volume":"34 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-03-09","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"123376125","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-03-09DOI: 10.1163/2405478X-01002007
Qianzi Tian
Horpa is a relatively obscure Sino-Tibetan language group with an abundance of noteworthy grammatical phenomena, among which are those related to situation aspect, or Aktionsart and lexical aspect. Situation aspect can be divided into five types—state, activity, accomplishment, achievement and semelfactive, according to dynamicity, telicity, and durability. This paper analyzes situation aspect distinctions in the Gexi dialect of Central Horpa, based on first-hand fieldwork data. Semantic features and morpho-syntactic encoding of the situation aspect are explored and illustrated, focusing on the rules and mechanisms by which the situation aspect categories are derived from one another. In this process the conditioning factors of lexical versus morphosyntactic realization of situation aspect are recognized, and several important morpho-syntactic innovations are discovered. The concrete contributions in this work include the elucidation of the typological properties of verbal situation aspect in Gexi Horpa grammar and their interconnections with grammatical aspect, and an account of the way the language transitions in morphology.
{"title":"Situation Aspects and Their Transformation in Gexi Horpa","authors":"Qianzi Tian","doi":"10.1163/2405478X-01002007","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/2405478X-01002007","url":null,"abstract":"Horpa is a relatively obscure Sino-Tibetan language group with an abundance of noteworthy grammatical phenomena, among which are those related to situation aspect, or Aktionsart and lexical aspect. Situation aspect can be divided into five types—state, activity, accomplishment, achievement and semelfactive, according to dynamicity, telicity, and durability. This paper analyzes situation aspect distinctions in the Gexi dialect of Central Horpa, based on first-hand fieldwork data. Semantic features and morpho-syntactic encoding of the situation aspect are explored and illustrated, focusing on the rules and mechanisms by which the situation aspect categories are derived from one another. In this process the conditioning factors of lexical versus morphosyntactic realization of situation aspect are recognized, and several important morpho-syntactic innovations are discovered. The concrete contributions in this work include the elucidation of the typological properties of verbal situation aspect in Gexi Horpa grammar and their interconnections with grammatical aspect, and an account of the way the language transitions in morphology.","PeriodicalId":132217,"journal":{"name":"Bulletin of Chinese linguistics","volume":"47 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-03-09","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"116433542","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-03-09DOI: 10.1163/2405478X-01002002
Ruiwen Wu
This paper analyses the different phonological strata of first division unrounded finals of the Xiè Rhyme Group （蟹攝），specifically the Xai rhyme and Tài rhyme, in the finals system of proto-Min and explores the distinction between double rhymes in old Jiangdong dialects. Norman (1981) reconstructed five finals for Xai rhyme and Tài rhyme. They are: *əi for Xai 菜咍栽咍來咍 *oi for Xai 袋咍 *ɑi for Tài 帶泰蔡泰蓋泰 *uəi for Xai 改咍 *yəi for Xai 開咍 According to Norman’s reconstruction, there are four finals for the Xai rhyme but there is only one final for the Tài rhyme. Therefore, some issues need to be clarified. To begin with, what is the time sequence of those four forms of Xai? Additionally, three forms are reconstructed by one cognate in proto-Min. It is highly doubtful to regard those forms as a single stratum individually. Furthermore, the double rhymes, Xai and Tài, could be distinct in the Qieyun system but merged in most modern Chinese dialects. However, some southern dialects retain the distinction (refer to Cao et al. 2000, Wang 2004 and Wu 2005). How is the distinction of double rhymes expressed in proto-Min? It is worth examining those questions in depth. The methodology of this paper is the comparative method. We would like to expand Min dialectal material and find more reliable cognates to reexamine Norman’s finals of Xai and Tài. From the perspective of historical development, proto-Min has several different phonological strata. After thoughtful and cautious analysis, those strata could be an important reference for the reconstruction of both Middle Chinese and Old Chinese. An important aim of this paper is to reconstruct the Jiangdong dialect, a southern Chinese dialect used in the Six Dynasties period, using proto-Min and related common dialect systems. In conclusion: 1. both Xai and Tài could be reconstructed as two forms in the finals system of Proto-Min. In brief, *-əi and *-oi are for Xai; *-ɑi and *-ai are for Tài. 2. from a diachronic development viewpoint,the pattern *-oi: *-ai reveals the distinction of Xai and Tài, i.e. double rhyme, in the Six Dynasties Jiangdong dialect. 3. Relatedly, the pattern *-əi: *-ɑi could be traced to differences between the Zhi group （之部） and Jì group （祭部） in Old Chinese.
分析了不同语音层的甲级不四舍五入的决赛谢韵集团(蟹攝),特别是新品押韵和Tai押韵,在总决赛proto-Min体系,探讨了双押韵在旧江东方言之间的区别。Norman(1981)重构了“西韵”和“Tài韵”的五个韵母。它们是:Xai咍咍咍*oi咍* i Tài咍根据诺曼的重构，Xai韵有四个韵母，而Tài韵只有一个韵母。因此，有一些问题需要澄清。首先，这四种“喜”的时间顺序是什么?此外，原语中一个同源词重构了三种形式。把这些形式单独看作一个阶层是非常值得怀疑的。此外，“歇”和“Tài”这两个双韵在切云系统中可以区分开来，但在大多数现代汉语方言中却融合在一起。然而，一些南方方言保留了这种区别(参见Cao et al. 2000, Wang 2004和Wu 2005)。双韵的区别在原音中是如何表达的?这些问题值得深入研究。本文的研究方法是比较法。我们希望扩充闽南方言材料，寻找更可靠的同源词，重新考察诺曼的Xai和Tài韵母。从历史发展的角度看，原民语有几个不同的音系层次。经过深思熟虑和谨慎的分析，这些地层可以作为中古汉语和古汉语重建的重要参考。本文的一个重要目的是利用原始闽南语和相关的常用方言系统对六朝时期的南方方言江东方言进行重构。总结:1。无论是Xai还是Tài，都可以重构为原民终极系统中的两种形式。简而言之，*- i和*-oi代表“Xai”;*- i和*-ai代表Tài。2. 从历时发展的角度看，六朝江东方言“*-oi: *-ai”模式揭示了“*”与“Tài”的区别，即双韵。3.同理,模式* -ə我:* -ɑ我可以追溯到差异智集团(之部)和霁集团(祭部)在古老的中国。
{"title":"On the Strata Analysis of First Division Unrounded Finals of Xiè Rhyme Group in Proto Min and Related Issues","authors":"Ruiwen Wu","doi":"10.1163/2405478X-01002002","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/2405478X-01002002","url":null,"abstract":"This paper analyses the different phonological strata of first division unrounded finals of the Xiè Rhyme Group （蟹攝），specifically the Xai rhyme and Tài rhyme, in the finals system of proto-Min and explores the distinction between double rhymes in old Jiangdong dialects. Norman (1981) reconstructed five finals for Xai rhyme and Tài rhyme. They are:\u0000*əi for Xai 菜咍栽咍來咍\u0000\u0000*oi for Xai 袋咍\u0000\u0000*ɑi for Tài 帶泰蔡泰蓋泰\u0000\u0000*uəi for Xai 改咍\u0000\u0000*yəi for Xai 開咍\u0000\u0000According to Norman’s reconstruction, there are four finals for the Xai rhyme but there is only one final for the Tài rhyme. Therefore, some issues need to be clarified. To begin with, what is the time sequence of those four forms of Xai? Additionally, three forms are reconstructed by one cognate in proto-Min. It is highly doubtful to regard those forms as a single stratum individually. Furthermore, the double rhymes, Xai and Tài, could be distinct in the Qieyun system but merged in most modern Chinese dialects. However, some southern dialects retain the distinction (refer to Cao et al. 2000, Wang 2004 and Wu 2005). How is the distinction of double rhymes expressed in proto-Min? It is worth examining those questions in depth.\u0000The methodology of this paper is the comparative method. We would like to expand Min dialectal material and find more reliable cognates to reexamine Norman’s finals of Xai and Tài. From the perspective of historical development, proto-Min has several different phonological strata. After thoughtful and cautious analysis, those strata could be an important reference for the reconstruction of both Middle Chinese and Old Chinese. An important aim of this paper is to reconstruct the Jiangdong dialect, a southern Chinese dialect used in the Six Dynasties period, using proto-Min and related common dialect systems.\u0000In conclusion: 1. both Xai and Tài could be reconstructed as two forms in the finals system of Proto-Min. In brief, *-əi and *-oi are for Xai; *-ɑi and *-ai are for Tài. 2. from a diachronic development viewpoint,the pattern *-oi: *-ai reveals the distinction of Xai and Tài, i.e. double rhyme, in the Six Dynasties Jiangdong dialect. 3. Relatedly, the pattern *-əi: *-ɑi could be traced to differences between the Zhi group （之部） and Jì group （祭部） in Old Chinese.","PeriodicalId":132217,"journal":{"name":"Bulletin of Chinese linguistics","volume":"59 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-03-09","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"116176109","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-03-09DOI: 10.1163/2405478X-01002008
H. Yang
This paper proposes the following points: (1) Apart from changing word classes—a function much discussed in the literature—derivational morphology in Chinese may have been used to distinguish phrasal differences on a level below sentence structure, such as the distinction between direct vs. indirect objects, adjectival vs. adverbial modifiers, as well as various types of causative constructions. (2) As a grammatical domain of morphology and on account of the differing perspectives related to it, “cognition” leads to the development of inward/outward, downward/upward, exocentric/endocentric, inchoative/non-inchoative and similar distinctions. (3) While many cases of derivational morphology display contrasts of meaning by means of phonetic alternations, the reverse type of displaying contrasts in meaning not through phonetic contrasts (i.e. by zero-contrasts as a means of derivation) also exists. (4) At different historical stages or in areal varieties, Chinese has used derivational morphology to mark parts of speech or specific meanings. (1) to (3) above reflect the diversified nature of the derivational morphology in Chinese, while (4) reflects its multilayered-ness.
{"title":"The Diversity and Multilayered-ness of Derivational Morphology in Chinese","authors":"H. Yang","doi":"10.1163/2405478X-01002008","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/2405478X-01002008","url":null,"abstract":"This paper proposes the following points: (1) Apart from changing word classes—a function much discussed in the literature—derivational morphology in Chinese may have been used to distinguish phrasal differences on a level below sentence structure, such as the distinction between direct vs. indirect objects, adjectival vs. adverbial modifiers, as well as various types of causative constructions. (2) As a grammatical domain of morphology and on account of the differing perspectives related to it, “cognition” leads to the development of inward/outward, downward/upward, exocentric/endocentric, inchoative/non-inchoative and similar distinctions. (3) While many cases of derivational morphology display contrasts of meaning by means of phonetic alternations, the reverse type of displaying contrasts in meaning not through phonetic contrasts (i.e. by zero-contrasts as a means of derivation) also exists. (4) At different historical stages or in areal varieties, Chinese has used derivational morphology to mark parts of speech or specific meanings. (1) to (3) above reflect the diversified nature of the derivational morphology in Chinese, while (4) reflects its multilayered-ness.","PeriodicalId":132217,"journal":{"name":"Bulletin of Chinese linguistics","volume":"7 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-03-09","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"129953583","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-03-09DOI: 10.1163/2405478X-01002004
Li Huayong, Wu Xueyu, Liu Zhiling
The theory of contact-induced grammaticalization has been proposed to examine language contact and grammatical change, and was introduced into Chinese linguistic circles over 10 years ago. It contributes to a series of developments and breakthroughs in the domain of contact between Chinese and other languages as well as contact among Chinese dialects. Recent approaches to Chinese linguistics combine the theory with Semantic Map Model. In this paper, we focus on the Chinese linguistic studies benefitting from the theory and discuss a group of regional grammatical features which have provided the linguistic basis for cultural regionalization in Guangdong Province.
{"title":"A Study on a Group of Grammatical Features across Western Yue Dialects: Perspectives from Contact-induced Grammaticalization and Semantic Map Model","authors":"Li Huayong, Wu Xueyu, Liu Zhiling","doi":"10.1163/2405478X-01002004","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/2405478X-01002004","url":null,"abstract":"The theory of contact-induced grammaticalization has been proposed to examine language contact and grammatical change, and was introduced into Chinese linguistic circles over 10 years ago. It contributes to a series of developments and breakthroughs in the domain of contact between Chinese and other languages as well as contact among Chinese dialects. Recent approaches to Chinese linguistics combine the theory with Semantic Map Model. In this paper, we focus on the Chinese linguistic studies benefitting from the theory and discuss a group of regional grammatical features which have provided the linguistic basis for cultural regionalization in Guangdong Province.","PeriodicalId":132217,"journal":{"name":"Bulletin of Chinese linguistics","volume":"109 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-03-09","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"128891625","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2018-11-20DOI: 10.1163/2405478x-01001007
{"title":"Style Sheet for BULLETIN OF CHINESE LINGUISTICS 《中國語言學集刊》稿約及撰稿格式","authors":"","doi":"10.1163/2405478x-01001007","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/2405478x-01001007","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":132217,"journal":{"name":"Bulletin of Chinese linguistics","volume":"44 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2018-11-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"115664748","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2018-11-20DOI: 10.1163/2405478x-01101007
Mark J. Alves
Vietnamese has numerous early-era Chinese loanwords with ngang and huyền tones, which in Middle Chinese loanwords correspond to the pingsheng level tone category, for words that should have sắc or nặng tones, corresponding to the Middle Chinese non-level qusheng departing tone category. 1 It is proposed that this layer of Early Sino-Vietnamese represents borrowing of Chinese words in the period after which Old Chinese had lost final *-s and prior to tonogenesis in Viet-Muong, thus leading to words with the level-tone category when tones emerged in Viet-Muong. This paper provides 60 items of Early Sino-Vietnamese that exemplify this phenomenon of ngang/huyền tones in qusheng words, but also 120 items exemplifying the previously noted reversal of sắc/nặng and hỏi/ngã tones between Early Sino-Vietnamese and later Sino-Vietnamese (the formalized readings of Chinese characters). Altogether, this allows for an overall relative chronology of the development of tones in both Sinitic and Vietic.
{"title":"Early Sino-Vietnamese Lexical Data and the Relative Chronology of Tonogenesis in Chinese and Vietnamese","authors":"Mark J. Alves","doi":"10.1163/2405478x-01101007","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/2405478x-01101007","url":null,"abstract":"Vietnamese has numerous early-era Chinese loanwords with ngang and huyền tones, which in Middle Chinese loanwords correspond to the pingsheng level tone category, for words that should have sắc or nặng tones, corresponding to the Middle Chinese non-level qusheng departing tone category.\u00001\u0000 It is proposed that this layer of Early Sino-Vietnamese represents borrowing of Chinese words in the period after which Old Chinese had lost final *-s and prior to tonogenesis in Viet-Muong, thus leading to words with the level-tone category when tones emerged in Viet-Muong. This paper provides 60 items of Early Sino-Vietnamese that exemplify this phenomenon of ngang/huyền tones in qusheng words, but also 120 items exemplifying the previously noted reversal of sắc/nặng and hỏi/ngã tones between Early Sino-Vietnamese and later Sino-Vietnamese (the formalized readings of Chinese characters). Altogether, this allows for an overall relative chronology of the development of tones in both Sinitic and Vietic.","PeriodicalId":132217,"journal":{"name":"Bulletin of Chinese linguistics","volume":"29 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2018-11-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"134223707","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2018-11-20DOI: 10.1163/2405478x-01101009
Ruiwen Wu
According to Qièyùn, Tán (覃) and Tán (談) are two distinct rhymes, i.e. double rhyme, in Xián Shè Grade I. From the historical Chinese phonology perspective, the Northern people who spoke the Northern dialect started merging Tán / Tán distinction at early Tang Dynasty but, relatively, the Southern people retained it. In other words, Tán / Tán distinction is an important phonological feature to divide the early Chinese dialects into Northern group and Southern group. Recent researches shows that Tán / Tán distinction still obtain in modern Chinese dialects, such as Wú, Mĭn and Gàn dialects. However, the question ‘if Tán / Tán distinction obtains in modern Xiang dialect’ is under debate until now. This article would like to examine 12 modern Xiang dialects and explore the phenomena and phonological contrast in Xiang dialects. Furthermore, this article also tried to reconstruction the proto forms for Tán / Tán rhymes. This article not only focused on the phonological contrast provided by Qièyùn framework but also noticed the colloquial lexicons, which retained the early distinction. The main conclusions are as follows:1.From the viewpoint of phonological contrast, only one kind of Xiang dialect subcategories, i.e. Lóu-Shào Piàn, obtains Tán / Tán distinction. The distinction has been dropped in Cháng Yì Piàn and Xù Pŭ Piàn.2.From the viewpoint of colloquial lexicon, there are still four lexicons with Tán / Tán distinction. Those lexicons are distributed in modern Xiang dialects more or less. 3. From the viewpoint of historical linguistics, the Tán (覃) rhyme after velar initials could be reconstructed as *-oN and *-oʔ and the Tán (談) rhyme as *ɑN and *ɑʔ after the same initial environment. It shows that Tán / Tán distinction is partially remained in Xiang dialects. The main vowel *-o in *oN and *-oɁ finals tends to vowel breaking and so the reflections of *oN and *oʔ in modern Xiang dialects include -uẽ, -uɛ̃, -ua and -ue etc.
{"title":"On Tán/Tán Distinction in Modern Xiang Dialects and the Reconstruction in Proto Xiang","authors":"Ruiwen Wu","doi":"10.1163/2405478x-01101009","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/2405478x-01101009","url":null,"abstract":"According to Qièyùn, Tán (覃) and Tán (談) are two distinct rhymes, i.e. double rhyme, in Xián Shè Grade I. From the historical Chinese phonology perspective, the Northern people who spoke the Northern dialect started merging Tán / Tán distinction at early Tang Dynasty but, relatively, the Southern people retained it. In other words, Tán / Tán distinction is an important phonological feature to divide the early Chinese dialects into Northern group and Southern group. Recent researches shows that Tán / Tán distinction still obtain in modern Chinese dialects, such as Wú, Mĭn and Gàn dialects. However, the question ‘if Tán / Tán distinction obtains in modern Xiang dialect’ is under debate until now. This article would like to examine 12 modern Xiang dialects and explore the phenomena and phonological contrast in Xiang dialects. Furthermore, this article also tried to reconstruction the proto forms for Tán / Tán rhymes. This article not only focused on the phonological contrast provided by Qièyùn framework but also noticed the colloquial lexicons, which retained the early distinction. The main conclusions are as follows:1.From the viewpoint of phonological contrast, only one kind of Xiang dialect subcategories, i.e. Lóu-Shào Piàn, obtains Tán / Tán distinction. The distinction has been dropped in Cháng Yì Piàn and Xù Pŭ Piàn.2.From the viewpoint of colloquial lexicon, there are still four lexicons with Tán / Tán distinction. Those lexicons are distributed in modern Xiang dialects more or less. 3. From the viewpoint of historical linguistics, the Tán (覃) rhyme after velar initials could be reconstructed as *-oN and *-oʔ and the Tán (談) rhyme as *ɑN and *ɑʔ after the same initial environment. It shows that Tán / Tán distinction is partially remained in Xiang dialects. The main vowel *-o in *oN and *-oɁ finals tends to vowel breaking and so the reflections of *oN and *oʔ in modern Xiang dialects include -uẽ, -uɛ̃, -ua and -ue etc.\u0000","PeriodicalId":132217,"journal":{"name":"Bulletin of Chinese linguistics","volume":"14 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2018-11-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"133364939","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2018-11-20DOI: 10.1163/2405478X-01101010
Pascal Gerber, Selin Grollmann
This paper challenges the conventional views on the phylogeny of the bundle of languages of Eastern Nepal subsumed under the name ‘Kiranti’. Contrary to the widespread belief that the group constitutes a stable, monophyletic subgroup of the Trans-Himalayan language family, the empirical evidence for the coherence of a Kiranti branch is remarkably limited. Additionally, the internal structure of the alleged Kiranti branch is to a large degree unclarified, despite a number of contributions to this topic. This paper aims to critically review the different subgrouping proposals and the potential shared innovations defining a coherent Kiranti subgroup within Trans-Himalayan. Furthermore, it will be shown that certain languages outside the Kiranti speaking area may be more closely related to certain Kiranti languages than those are to other Kiranti languages. The Kiranti branch constitutes a largely unsubstantiated subgroup and its phylogenetic coherence should not be taken for granted in work on Trans-Himalayan historical linguistics.
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