Pub Date : 2018-11-20DOI: 10.1163/2405478x-01101013
{"title":"Appendix I","authors":"","doi":"10.1163/2405478x-01101013","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/2405478x-01101013","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":132217,"journal":{"name":"Bulletin of Chinese linguistics","volume":"3 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2018-11-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"114636086","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2018-11-20DOI: 10.1163/2405478x-01101008
M. Miyake
The extinct Pyu language was spoken during the first millennium CE and the early centuries of the second millennium CE in what is now Upper Burma. Pyu appears to be Sino-Tibetan on the basis of its basic vocabulary. It survives in inscriptions in an Indic script. This study reconstructs Pyu rhymes on the basis of spellings in those inscriptions and concludes that Pyu was an atonal language with 7 vowels and 18 final consonants. Some previous scholars have interpreted the subscript dots of the Pyu script as tone markers, but this study argues that they indicate fricative initials.
{"title":"Studies in Pyu Phonology, ii: Rhymes","authors":"M. Miyake","doi":"10.1163/2405478x-01101008","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/2405478x-01101008","url":null,"abstract":"The extinct Pyu language was spoken during the first millennium CE and the early centuries of the second millennium CE in what is now Upper Burma. Pyu appears to be Sino-Tibetan on the basis of its basic vocabulary. It survives in inscriptions in an Indic script. This study reconstructs Pyu rhymes on the basis of spellings in those inscriptions and concludes that Pyu was an atonal language with 7 vowels and 18 final consonants. Some previous scholars have interpreted the subscript dots of the Pyu script as tone markers, but this study argues that they indicate fricative initials.","PeriodicalId":132217,"journal":{"name":"Bulletin of Chinese linguistics","volume":"50 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2018-11-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"116806166","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2017-04-01DOI: 10.1163/2405478X-01001004
Anne O. Yue
Recapturing the outline given in Part I of this article on syntactic typology in Chinese, the entire article “is divided into three parts: two pertaining to the neutral question forms and one to the attributive and the nominalized construction. Part 1 deals with the V-not-V questions, Part 2 the VP-neg and the Adv-VP questions and it also provides a general typological discussion of the neutral questions, while Part 3 discusses the attributive and the nominalized patterns, with a conclusion on dialectology in typology.” Since the VP-neg form is being gradually replaced by the popular V-not-V form in more than one major group of dialects or better termed as more than one major Sinitic languages, it is necessary to trace such a change wherever possible, so as to affirm whether VP-neg is the native form for the languages and dialects involved. The present paper focuses on the case of Min.論文分三章，本文是第二章，論述三種中性問句之一的謂語＋否定詞式在閩語裏共時歷時的類型布局。從觀察十六世紀以來的文獻以及十九世紀以至現代方言的發展模式，認爲閩語的本土型是謂語＋否定詞式。他如正反問及各種混合型乃是不同時地語言接觸後累積在不同層次的產物。
{"title":"Syntactic Typology in Chinese (Part II .1) (漢語句法類型學（第二部分之一）)","authors":"Anne O. Yue","doi":"10.1163/2405478X-01001004","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/2405478X-01001004","url":null,"abstract":"Recapturing the outline given in Part I of this article on syntactic typology in Chinese, the entire article “is divided into three parts: two pertaining to the neutral question forms and one to the attributive and the nominalized construction. Part 1 deals with the V-not-V questions, Part 2 the VP-neg and the Adv-VP questions and it also provides a general typological discussion of the neutral questions, while Part 3 discusses the attributive and the nominalized patterns, with a conclusion on dialectology in typology.” Since the VP-neg form is being gradually replaced by the popular V-not-V form in more than one major group of dialects or better termed as more than one major Sinitic languages, it is necessary to trace such a change wherever possible, so as to affirm whether VP-neg is the native form for the languages and dialects involved. The present paper focuses on the case of Min.論文分三章，本文是第二章，論述三種中性問句之一的謂語＋否定詞式在閩語裏共時歷時的類型布局。從觀察十六世紀以來的文獻以及十九世紀以至現代方言的發展模式，認爲閩語的本土型是謂語＋否定詞式。他如正反問及各種混合型乃是不同時地語言接觸後累積在不同層次的產物。","PeriodicalId":132217,"journal":{"name":"Bulletin of Chinese linguistics","volume":"4 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2017-04-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"122745907","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2017-04-01DOI: 10.1163/2405478X-01001002
Lin Deng
The present study is mainly concerned with the nature of the demonstrative shi 是 as the historical source of the copula shi . Tracing the development of shi in bronze inscriptions from the 11 th to 3 rd centuries BCE and comparing the patterns of change against two purportedly contemporary texts, Shī jīng 詩經 and Shang shū 尚書, it argues that shi is not a typical demonstrative in origin because it only occurs pronominally and is strongly associated with the structural expression of focus in its early stage of development. On the basis of these observations, shi is analyzed as a special demonstrative that combines anaphoric and focalizing force to highlight and contrast a constituent that has been introduced into the discourse. It is then compared with the expressions wei zhī 唯之and hui zhī 惠之 with the same function in the Shang oracle-bone inscriptions (13 th –11 th centuries BCE ). The investigation of whether shi is derived from wei zhī only finds evidence indicating a morphological relationship with zhī , while the etymological link with wei remains speculative. In conclusion, this study claims that the focalizing force of shi is important in answering the question why it is the only demonstrative evolving into a copula. The observed development of shi confirms that the origination of copulas is often related to the morphosyntactic expression of features of information structure.本文擬對指示詞“是”的最初歷史來源進行探討。根據學界近年對指示詞的研究成果，本文提出“是”很可能在產生之初即具有促發其向繫詞轉變的特徵。通過對西周至春秋戰國金文資料中指示詞“是”的全部用例的研讀以及與《詩經》、《尚書》中用例的比照，本文發現“是”的早期用法均為復指，且僅出現在焦點位置，其產生與商代甲骨語言中獨有的“唯／惠之”的表達方式大有關聯，極大可能是“之”在焦點位置的形態變體。“是”以及“唯／惠之”在語篇中具有同樣的復指及聚焦的雙重功能，是焦點的句法表達手段，反映了繫詞產生與焦點的句法表達之間的密切聯繫。
{"title":"Some New Insight into the Historical Source of the Chinese Copula Shì/*deʔ 是 (關於繫詞“是”歷史來源的新思考)","authors":"Lin Deng","doi":"10.1163/2405478X-01001002","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/2405478X-01001002","url":null,"abstract":"The present study is mainly concerned with the nature of the demonstrative shi 是 as the historical source of the copula shi . Tracing the development of shi in bronze inscriptions from the 11 th to 3 rd centuries BCE and comparing the patterns of change against two purportedly contemporary texts, Shī jīng 詩經 and Shang shū 尚書, it argues that shi is not a typical demonstrative in origin because it only occurs pronominally and is strongly associated with the structural expression of focus in its early stage of development. On the basis of these observations, shi is analyzed as a special demonstrative that combines anaphoric and focalizing force to highlight and contrast a constituent that has been introduced into the discourse. It is then compared with the expressions wei zhī 唯之and hui zhī 惠之 with the same function in the Shang oracle-bone inscriptions (13 th –11 th centuries BCE ). The investigation of whether shi is derived from wei zhī only finds evidence indicating a morphological relationship with zhī , while the etymological link with wei remains speculative. In conclusion, this study claims that the focalizing force of shi is important in answering the question why it is the only demonstrative evolving into a copula. The observed development of shi confirms that the origination of copulas is often related to the morphosyntactic expression of features of information structure.本文擬對指示詞“是”的最初歷史來源進行探討。根據學界近年對指示詞的研究成果，本文提出“是”很可能在產生之初即具有促發其向繫詞轉變的特徵。通過對西周至春秋戰國金文資料中指示詞“是”的全部用例的研讀以及與《詩經》、《尚書》中用例的比照，本文發現“是”的早期用法均為復指，且僅出現在焦點位置，其產生與商代甲骨語言中獨有的“唯／惠之”的表達方式大有關聯，極大可能是“之”在焦點位置的形態變體。“是”以及“唯／惠之”在語篇中具有同樣的復指及聚焦的雙重功能，是焦點的句法表達手段，反映了繫詞產生與焦點的句法表達之間的密切聯繫。","PeriodicalId":132217,"journal":{"name":"Bulletin of Chinese linguistics","volume":"3 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2017-04-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"130868672","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2017-04-01DOI: 10.1163/2405478X-01001003
B. Nkrumah, Yaoming Huang
The original meaning of “temperament” 脾氣 was explained with “the function of spleen” or “the disease of spleen” by the previous scholars is wrong and the explanation of “the Qi 氣 of spleen” is ambiguous. The earliest record about the word of “temperament” 脾氣 comes from the Historical Records 史記, and this book belongs to the language system of the Yellow Emperor’s Canon of Medicine 黃帝內經. By the Theory of Words’ Value, after analyzing the 593 words or phrases of including “Qi” 氣 in the Yellow Emperor’s Canon of Medicine 黃帝內經, the orignal meaning of “Qi” 氣 and “temperament” 脾氣 is inferred. Finally, this paper concludes that the orignal meaning of “temperament” is an essence and a tiny particle which produced by the water and food in the spleen and stomach, and has the functions of maintaining the physiological activities of the spleen, nourishing the body and resisting diseases.前人辭書將“脾氣”本義釋爲“脾的功能”“脾臟之病”有誤，而釋爲“脾的精氣”則表述模糊。“脾氣”最早見於《史記》，其文與《黃帝內經》屬同一系統。根據詞的價值理論分析《黃帝內經》593條含“氣”詞目，據以推測其“氣”“脾氣”的本義。結果表明：“脾氣”本義爲由脾胃中的水穀產生的，具有維持脾臟生理活動、滋養人體、抵禦病邪等功能的精微物質。
{"title":"Exploration on the Orignal Meaning of “Temperament” by the Theory of Words’ Value (以詞的價值理論探求“脾氣”之本義)","authors":"B. Nkrumah, Yaoming Huang","doi":"10.1163/2405478X-01001003","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/2405478X-01001003","url":null,"abstract":"The original meaning of “temperament” 脾氣 was explained with “the function of spleen” or “the disease of spleen” by the previous scholars is wrong and the explanation of “the Qi 氣 of spleen” is ambiguous. The earliest record about the word of “temperament” 脾氣 comes from the Historical Records 史記, and this book belongs to the language system of the Yellow Emperor’s Canon of Medicine 黃帝內經. By the Theory of Words’ Value, after analyzing the 593 words or phrases of including “Qi” 氣 in the Yellow Emperor’s Canon of Medicine 黃帝內經, the orignal meaning of “Qi” 氣 and “temperament” 脾氣 is inferred. Finally, this paper concludes that the orignal meaning of “temperament” is an essence and a tiny particle which produced by the water and food in the spleen and stomach, and has the functions of maintaining the physiological activities of the spleen, nourishing the body and resisting diseases.前人辭書將“脾氣”本義釋爲“脾的功能”“脾臟之病”有誤，而釋爲“脾的精氣”則表述模糊。“脾氣”最早見於《史記》，其文與《黃帝內經》屬同一系統。根據詞的價值理論分析《黃帝內經》593條含“氣”詞目，據以推測其“氣”“脾氣”的本義。結果表明：“脾氣”本義爲由脾胃中的水穀產生的，具有維持脾臟生理活動、滋養人體、抵禦病邪等功能的精微物質。","PeriodicalId":132217,"journal":{"name":"Bulletin of Chinese linguistics","volume":"4 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2017-04-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"130150502","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2017-04-01DOI: 10.1163/2405478X-01001005
Changyu Teng
In this paper, we find the original character of ‘tan3’ which means throwing or casting off in Southern Min. In the first section, we review the ways of the traditional writing characters in Southern Min and then we put forward our argument. In section 2, we list the possible cognates in Leizhou Min, Hakka, Cantonese, Xiang, Gan, Wu, Jin and Chinese Mandarin. We explain the reason from the aspect of sound correspondence and sound change for the above possible cognates and find the meaning ‘hit’ of it. In section 3, we present a detailed analysis of the potential original character and cite a lot of example sentences as evidences. Then we prove that the potential original character has the meaning ‘hit’ by the study on the word family of it. In section 4, we find that the original character of ‘tiŋ3’ in Southern Min which means hitting is the same as the original character of ‘tan3’. We also list some other characters which have the meaning ‘throw’ in Southern Min in order to prove the argument. In the last section, we rethink the reasons why we can find the original character of ‘tan3’ in Southern Min.本文考出閩南語中表達「投擲；丟棄」之義的tan3的本字為「打」。本文在第1節中首先回顧了閩南語tan3的常見寫法並逐一討論，再提出本文論點；在第2節中列出其在閩南雷州方言、客方言、粵方言、湘方言、贛方言、吳方言、晉方言、官話中可能的同源詞，一方面證明「釘」字與該詞素音讀吻合、而「打」字僅存在聲調上的差異，另一方面發現這一可能的同源詞在方言間除「投擲」義外另有「擊打」義；在第3節中首先回顧「丁」詞族的「釘」「打」二字在古文獻中的用法，從中發現「打」字表示「擊打」「擲擊」義的例證，進而釐清「打」字「擊打——擲擊——投擲」的語義發展脈絡，以此證明論點；在第4節中敘述「釘」字在閩南語中的用法，分析並證明「孤對tiŋ3」「tiŋ3孤枝」兩詞中tiŋ3的本字亦為「打」，此外還通過閩南語中其它表示「投擲」之義的語詞「掔」「揕」「㧒」等輔助論證；在第5節中提出一些反思。
{"title":"The Original Character of tan3 in Southern Min (閩南語 tan3（投擲；丟棄）本字考)","authors":"Changyu Teng","doi":"10.1163/2405478X-01001005","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/2405478X-01001005","url":null,"abstract":"In this paper, we find the original character of ‘tan3’ which means throwing or casting off in Southern Min. In the first section, we review the ways of the traditional writing characters in Southern Min and then we put forward our argument. In section 2, we list the possible cognates in Leizhou Min, Hakka, Cantonese, Xiang, Gan, Wu, Jin and Chinese Mandarin. We explain the reason from the aspect of sound correspondence and sound change for the above possible cognates and find the meaning ‘hit’ of it. In section 3, we present a detailed analysis of the potential original character and cite a lot of example sentences as evidences. Then we prove that the potential original character has the meaning ‘hit’ by the study on the word family of it. In section 4, we find that the original character of ‘tiŋ3’ in Southern Min which means hitting is the same as the original character of ‘tan3’. We also list some other characters which have the meaning ‘throw’ in Southern Min in order to prove the argument. In the last section, we rethink the reasons why we can find the original character of ‘tan3’ in Southern Min.本文考出閩南語中表達「投擲；丟棄」之義的tan3的本字為「打」。本文在第1節中首先回顧了閩南語tan3的常見寫法並逐一討論，再提出本文論點；在第2節中列出其在閩南雷州方言、客方言、粵方言、湘方言、贛方言、吳方言、晉方言、官話中可能的同源詞，一方面證明「釘」字與該詞素音讀吻合、而「打」字僅存在聲調上的差異，另一方面發現這一可能的同源詞在方言間除「投擲」義外另有「擊打」義；在第3節中首先回顧「丁」詞族的「釘」「打」二字在古文獻中的用法，從中發現「打」字表示「擊打」「擲擊」義的例證，進而釐清「打」字「擊打——擲擊——投擲」的語義發展脈絡，以此證明論點；在第4節中敘述「釘」字在閩南語中的用法，分析並證明「孤對tiŋ3」「tiŋ3孤枝」兩詞中tiŋ3的本字亦為「打」，此外還通過閩南語中其它表示「投擲」之義的語詞「掔」「揕」「㧒」等輔助論證；在第5節中提出一些反思。","PeriodicalId":132217,"journal":{"name":"Bulletin of Chinese linguistics","volume":"1 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2017-04-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"129494048","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2017-04-01DOI: 10.1163/2405478X-01001006
Feng Wang, W. Liu
Rigorous sound correspondence is fundamental to historical linguistics. It serves as a solid start in studying genetic relationship. Regarding the genetic position of Miao-Yao languages, Li (1937) proposed a hypothesis that the Sino-Tibetan language family consists of Chinese, Tibeto-Burman, Kam-Tai, and Miao-Yao. Benedict (1942; 1975) excluded Miao-Yao from the Sino-Tibetan language family since sound correspondences between Miao-Yao and Chinese were considered to be caused by language contact. The key point in this debate has been ignored for a long time: are the related morphemes proposed in this debate supported by rigorous sound correspondence? In this paper, related morphemes across 11 Miao-Yao languages have been first identified under the requirement of complete sound correspondence, and then analyzed by the Rank Method. The result of the genetic relationship between the 11 Miao-Yao languages has been confirmed. The same procedure has been applied to Sino-Miao-Yao related morphemes, and similar pattern has been found. The Sino-Miao-Yao related morphemes were recognized to be inherited from the common ancestor of Chinese and Miao-Yao. Combined with the result from the perspective of pervasive sound correspondence (Wang 2015), the proposal of a genetic relationship between Chinese and Miao-Yao has been supported. The Inexplicability Principle has been used to weaken the possibility of Sino-Miao-Yao related morphemes being induced by borrowing from Chinese to Miao-Yao, since some sound correspondences are unlikely to be explained by natural phonetic mechanisms. Moreover, related morphemes in Chinese and Miao-Yao have been examined from the perspective of Old Chinese, and such an examination also supports the hypothesis of a genetic relationship between Chinese and Miao-Yao languages.嚴格的語音對應是歷史比較的基礎，也是判定語源關係的必要條件。在苗瑤語的語源問題研究中，李方桂（1937）提出漢藏語系四語族學說，即漢語、藏緬語、侗台語和苗瑤語。Benedict（1942、1975）則將苗瑤語從漢藏語系中劃分出去，理由是苗瑤語和漢語有對應關係的語素是由接觸造成的。苗瑤語系屬問題的爭議焦點在於苗瑤語和漢語音近義同的一批關係語素是否有嚴格的語音對應支持，然而這一問題一直以來不被重視。本文基於完全對應得到苗瑤語族內部11個語言的關係語素，隨後應用詞階法分析，結果如願所示，這11個語言之間具有發生學關係。同樣的程序應用于漢-苗瑤語關係語素，結果與上述呈現的模式相同，即這些關係語素是來自漢語和苗瑤語共同的祖語，而非語言接觸的產物。結合普遍對應的研究（Wang 2015），漢語和苗瑤語的發生學關係可以得到支持。不可釋原則也顯示漢-苗瑤語關係語素是由苗瑤語從漢語借用的可能性較小，因為二者間的部分語音對應不可能通過自然音變來解釋。此外，從上古漢語的角度對漢-苗瑤語關係語素的校驗也支持二者的同源關係。
{"title":"Sound Correspondence and the Comparative Study of Miao-Yao Languages (語音對應與苗瑤語比較研究)","authors":"Feng Wang, W. Liu","doi":"10.1163/2405478X-01001006","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/2405478X-01001006","url":null,"abstract":"Rigorous sound correspondence is fundamental to historical linguistics. It serves as a solid start in studying genetic relationship. Regarding the genetic position of Miao-Yao languages, Li (1937) proposed a hypothesis that the Sino-Tibetan language family consists of Chinese, Tibeto-Burman, Kam-Tai, and Miao-Yao. Benedict (1942; 1975) excluded Miao-Yao from the Sino-Tibetan language family since sound correspondences between Miao-Yao and Chinese were considered to be caused by language contact. The key point in this debate has been ignored for a long time: are the related morphemes proposed in this debate supported by rigorous sound correspondence? In this paper, related morphemes across 11 Miao-Yao languages have been first identified under the requirement of complete sound correspondence, and then analyzed by the Rank Method. The result of the genetic relationship between the 11 Miao-Yao languages has been confirmed. The same procedure has been applied to Sino-Miao-Yao related morphemes, and similar pattern has been found. The Sino-Miao-Yao related morphemes were recognized to be inherited from the common ancestor of Chinese and Miao-Yao. Combined with the result from the perspective of pervasive sound correspondence (Wang 2015), the proposal of a genetic relationship between Chinese and Miao-Yao has been supported. The Inexplicability Principle has been used to weaken the possibility of Sino-Miao-Yao related morphemes being induced by borrowing from Chinese to Miao-Yao, since some sound correspondences are unlikely to be explained by natural phonetic mechanisms. Moreover, related morphemes in Chinese and Miao-Yao have been examined from the perspective of Old Chinese, and such an examination also supports the hypothesis of a genetic relationship between Chinese and Miao-Yao languages.嚴格的語音對應是歷史比較的基礎，也是判定語源關係的必要條件。在苗瑤語的語源問題研究中，李方桂（1937）提出漢藏語系四語族學說，即漢語、藏緬語、侗台語和苗瑤語。Benedict（1942、1975）則將苗瑤語從漢藏語系中劃分出去，理由是苗瑤語和漢語有對應關係的語素是由接觸造成的。苗瑤語系屬問題的爭議焦點在於苗瑤語和漢語音近義同的一批關係語素是否有嚴格的語音對應支持，然而這一問題一直以來不被重視。本文基於完全對應得到苗瑤語族內部11個語言的關係語素，隨後應用詞階法分析，結果如願所示，這11個語言之間具有發生學關係。同樣的程序應用于漢-苗瑤語關係語素，結果與上述呈現的模式相同，即這些關係語素是來自漢語和苗瑤語共同的祖語，而非語言接觸的產物。結合普遍對應的研究（Wang 2015），漢語和苗瑤語的發生學關係可以得到支持。不可釋原則也顯示漢-苗瑤語關係語素是由苗瑤語從漢語借用的可能性較小，因為二者間的部分語音對應不可能通過自然音變來解釋。此外，從上古漢語的角度對漢-苗瑤語關係語素的校驗也支持二者的同源關係。","PeriodicalId":132217,"journal":{"name":"Bulletin of Chinese linguistics","volume":"296 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2017-04-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"134108142","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2016-12-09DOI: 10.1163/2405478X-00901009
Min-Hua Chiang
This article discusses the locative TU5 in Hailu Hakka and analyzes its syntactic behaviors and grammatical functions when used as a locative verb and a locative preposition. This article probes into the usages of TU5 in Hailu Hakka from the perspective of dialectal comparison and historical grammar. It not only presents the features of Hailu Hakka in the typology of Chinese dialects, but, through phonological and grammatical correspondence, also proves that TU5 derives from the word 著 in the construction of “V + (O) + 著 + L(ocation)”, which was widely used in the Six Dynasties of China. In addition, with a macro view to typological comparison in Chinese dialects, this article tries to suggest that the durative marker TEN3 in Hakka is related to a locative suffix TEN1.本文討論海陸客家話引介處所的「TU5」，分析它作為存在動詞與作為引介處所的介詞時的句法行為與語法功能。本文從方言比較和歷史語法的觀點探討海陸客家話「TU5」的用法，除了呈現海陸客家話在漢語方言類型學上的特色外，還從語音和語法的對應證明「TU5」就是來源於魏晉南北朝大量用於「V+（O）+著+L（ocation）」格式中的「著」字。此外，本文也從漢語方言宏觀性的類型比較中，提出以梅縣為代表的客家話持續體「TEN3」可能來源於處所詞語，與來源於處所指代詞、後演變為方位詞或方位後綴的「TEN1」有關的看法。(This article is in Chinese.)
This article discusses the locative TU5 in Hailu Hakka and analyzes its syntactic behaviors and grammatical functions when used as a locative verb and a locative preposition. This article probes into the usages of TU5 in Hailu Hakka from the perspective of dialectal comparison and historical grammar. It not only presents the features of Hailu Hakka in the typology of Chinese dialects, but, through phonological and grammatical correspondence, also proves that TU5 derives from the word 著 in the construction of “V + (O) + 著 + L(ocation)”, which was widely used in the Six Dynasties of China. In addition, with a macro view to typological comparison in Chinese dialects, this article tries to suggest that the durative marker TEN3 in Hakka is related to a locative suffix TEN1.本文讨论海陆客家话引介处所的「TU5」，分析它作为存在动词与作为引介处所的介词时的句法行为与语法功能。本文从方言比较和历史语法的观点探讨海陆客家话「TU5」的用法，除了呈现海陆客家话在汉语方言类型学上的特色外，还从语音和语法的对应证明「TU5」就是来源于魏晋南北朝大量用于「V+（O）+著+L（ocation）」格式中的「著」字。此外，本文也从汉语方言宏观性的类型比较中，提出以梅县为代表的客家话持续体「TEN3」可能来源于处所词语，与来源于处所指代词、后演变为方位词或方位后缀的「TEN1」有关的看法。(This article is in Chinese.)
{"title":"The Functions and Origin of Locative TU5 in Hailu Hakka, with a Note on the Origin of the Durative Marker TEN3 (臺灣海陸客家話處所介詞「TU5」的用法及來源──兼論持續體標記「TEN3」的來源)","authors":"Min-Hua Chiang","doi":"10.1163/2405478X-00901009","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/2405478X-00901009","url":null,"abstract":"This article discusses the locative TU5 in Hailu Hakka and analyzes its syntactic behaviors and grammatical functions when used as a locative verb and a locative preposition. This article probes into the usages of TU5 in Hailu Hakka from the perspective of dialectal comparison and historical grammar. It not only presents the features of Hailu Hakka in the typology of Chinese dialects, but, through phonological and grammatical correspondence, also proves that TU5 derives from the word 著 in the construction of “V + (O) + 著 + L(ocation)”, which was widely used in the Six Dynasties of China. In addition, with a macro view to typological comparison in Chinese dialects, this article tries to suggest that the durative marker TEN3 in Hakka is related to a locative suffix TEN1.本文討論海陸客家話引介處所的「TU5」，分析它作為存在動詞與作為引介處所的介詞時的句法行為與語法功能。本文從方言比較和歷史語法的觀點探討海陸客家話「TU5」的用法，除了呈現海陸客家話在漢語方言類型學上的特色外，還從語音和語法的對應證明「TU5」就是來源於魏晉南北朝大量用於「V+（O）+著+L（ocation）」格式中的「著」字。此外，本文也從漢語方言宏觀性的類型比較中，提出以梅縣為代表的客家話持續體「TEN3」可能來源於處所詞語，與來源於處所指代詞、後演變為方位詞或方位後綴的「TEN1」有關的看法。(This article is in Chinese.)","PeriodicalId":132217,"journal":{"name":"Bulletin of Chinese linguistics","volume":"10 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2016-12-09","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"127998540","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2016-12-09DOI: 10.1163/2405478X-00901005
M. Shi
This paper provides an explanation for yinchuyangshou 陰出陽收 in Duquxuzhi 度曲須知 written by Shen Chongsui 沈寵綏 in the Ming Dynasty. Based on the reconstruction, we propose that yinchuyangshou is designed to help speakers of the Wu dialects to learn the sound feature [voiceless fricative] in Mandarin. This explanation not only reflects the contact between Mandarin and Wu dialects, but is also in keeping with the acoustic analysis of xia 匣 initial in the modern Suzhou dialect.本文主要認為沈寵綏《度曲須知》中所謂“陰出陽收”之概念，是要求吳人在唱曲時，注意某些字需要向當時已經發生濁音清化、並有“平送仄不送”的北方官話學習[清擦音]的特徵，這是“陰出”；而“陽收”則是指保持吳語本有陽平聲調的發音特性。“陰出陽收”和吳語的“清音濁流”關係不大。文章從沈氏論著的內部證據出發，按照其標注體系的一致性，結合現代語音學的分類，歸納出630個例字在北方話中都含有[清擦音]的統一聲學特徵。又從今蘇州方言的角度出發，通過歷時比較，證明了這種觀點。最後分析了蘇州方言匣母字的歷時變化，認為“陰出陽收”與今蘇州部分匣母 [hɦ] 的讀音有關，是一種人為的語言接觸，明朝中葉蘇州方言的匣母字應該就是吳語的原生一分類型 [ɦ]。(This article is in Chinese.)
This paper provides an explanation for yinchuyangshou 阴出阳收 in Duquxuzhi 度曲须知 written by Shen Chongsui 沈宠绥 in the Ming Dynasty. Based on the reconstruction, we propose that yinchuyangshou is designed to help speakers of the Wu dialects to learn the sound feature [voiceless fricative] in Mandarin. This explanation not only reflects the contact between Mandarin and Wu dialects, but is also in keeping with the acoustic analysis of xia 匣 initial in the modern Suzhou dialect.本文主要认为沈宠绥《度曲须知》中所谓“阴出阳收”之概念，是要求吴人在唱曲时，注意某些字需要向当时已经发生浊音清化、并有“平送仄不送”的北方官话学习[清擦音]的特征，这是“阴出”；而“阳收”则是指保持吴语本有阳平声调的发音特性。“阴出阳收”和吴语的“清音浊流”关系不大。文章从沈氏论著的内部证据出发，按照其标注体系的一致性，结合现代语音学的分类，归纳出630个例字在北方话中都含有[清擦音]的统一声学特征。又从今苏州方言的角度出发，通过历时比较，证明了这种观点。最后分析了苏州方言匣母字的历时变化，认为“阴出阳收”与今苏州部分匣母 [hɦ] 的读音有关，是一种人为的语言接触，明朝中叶苏州方言的匣母字应该就是吴语的原生一分类型 [ɦ]。(This article is in Chinese.)
{"title":"Rethinking Yinchuyangshou from the Perspective of Language Contact (再論 “陰出陽收” —— 從語言接觸的角度看)","authors":"M. Shi","doi":"10.1163/2405478X-00901005","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/2405478X-00901005","url":null,"abstract":"This paper provides an explanation for yinchuyangshou 陰出陽收 in Duquxuzhi 度曲須知 written by Shen Chongsui 沈寵綏 in the Ming Dynasty. Based on the reconstruction, we propose that yinchuyangshou is designed to help speakers of the Wu dialects to learn the sound feature [voiceless fricative] in Mandarin. This explanation not only reflects the contact between Mandarin and Wu dialects, but is also in keeping with the acoustic analysis of xia 匣 initial in the modern Suzhou dialect.本文主要認為沈寵綏《度曲須知》中所謂“陰出陽收”之概念，是要求吳人在唱曲時，注意某些字需要向當時已經發生濁音清化、並有“平送仄不送”的北方官話學習[清擦音]的特徵，這是“陰出”；而“陽收”則是指保持吳語本有陽平聲調的發音特性。“陰出陽收”和吳語的“清音濁流”關係不大。文章從沈氏論著的內部證據出發，按照其標注體系的一致性，結合現代語音學的分類，歸納出630個例字在北方話中都含有[清擦音]的統一聲學特徵。又從今蘇州方言的角度出發，通過歷時比較，證明了這種觀點。最後分析了蘇州方言匣母字的歷時變化，認為“陰出陽收”與今蘇州部分匣母 [hɦ] 的讀音有關，是一種人為的語言接觸，明朝中葉蘇州方言的匣母字應該就是吳語的原生一分類型 [ɦ]。(This article is in Chinese.)","PeriodicalId":132217,"journal":{"name":"Bulletin of Chinese linguistics","volume":"1 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2016-12-09","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"134541100","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2016-12-09DOI: 10.1163/2405478X-00901004
Hongzhi Wang
This paper analyzes the re-classification of the Ru tone with voiceless initials in Beijing dialect from the perspective of internal development. The main factors that cause the Ru tone to change into four different unchecked tones are the laryngealization feature accompanying the loss of stop endings and the rotary change of high and low in the unchecked tones.本文從內部音變的角度重新闡釋北京話清入歸派現象，認為清入字韻尾消失後對音節發聲形成的緊喉音色，以及北京話聲調調值的高低環流變化是造成清入字派入四聲的原因。(This article is in Chinese.)
This paper analyzes the re-classification of the Ru tone with voiceless initials in Beijing dialect from the perspective of internal development. The main factors that cause the Ru tone to change into four different unchecked tones are the laryngealization feature accompanying the loss of stop endings and the rotary change of high and low in the unchecked tones.本文从内部音变的角度重新阐释北京话清入归派现象，认为清入字韵尾消失后对音节发声形成的紧喉音色，以及北京话声调调值的高低环流变化是造成清入字派入四声的原因。(This article is in Chinese.)
{"title":"The Internal Development Perspective on the Tonal Re-Classification of the Ru Tone with Voiceless Initials in Beijing Dialect (北京話清入字歸調的內部演化視角)","authors":"Hongzhi Wang","doi":"10.1163/2405478X-00901004","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/2405478X-00901004","url":null,"abstract":"This paper analyzes the re-classification of the Ru tone with voiceless initials in Beijing dialect from the perspective of internal development. The main factors that cause the Ru tone to change into four different unchecked tones are the laryngealization feature accompanying the loss of stop endings and the rotary change of high and low in the unchecked tones.本文從內部音變的角度重新闡釋北京話清入歸派現象，認為清入字韻尾消失後對音節發聲形成的緊喉音色，以及北京話聲調調值的高低環流變化是造成清入字派入四聲的原因。(This article is in Chinese.)","PeriodicalId":132217,"journal":{"name":"Bulletin of Chinese linguistics","volume":"1 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2016-12-09","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"122563675","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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