Pub Date : 2015-01-25DOI: 10.1163/2405478X-00802007
S. Ikeda
This paper considers the phenomenon that, among the AABB -type noun reduplication forms of Mandarin Chinese, one part of them activates stativity. The state that can be expressed by the AABB -type noun reduplication form is ‘distributed state’, which is derived from the abundance meaning of the noun reduplication forms, and it describes the situation in which a large number of objects are distributed over a certain area. This paper points out three fundamental features of the distributed state, (i) the distributed state must depict the area which is covered with the objects, (ii) the individuality of the objects that form the distribution must be pushed into the background, (iii) this usage connotes an ‘abnormal state’. The distributed state is a concept with constant universality and is observed in some phenomena other than the AABB -type noun reduplication form. (This article is in Chinese.)提要本文考察名詞重疊 AABB 式中個別成員凸顯狀態性的情況。名詞重疊 AABB 式表達的狀態義是一種“遍布狀態”。遍布狀態是在名詞重疊 AABB 式的基本語法意義“多量”的基礎上顯現出來的，即在多量事物構成的集合體覆蓋著某一領域時凸顯出來的狀態義。通過詳細分析，我們發現，名詞 AABB 表達遍布狀態時必須具備以下三個語義特徵：以多量事物的所在領域為描寫對象；構成集合體的多量事物必須喪失個體性；帶有“不同尋常”的含義。遍布狀態並不是孤立的、特設的概念，而是一個具有跨語言的普遍意義的概念。
{"title":"Activation of the Stativity in Chinese AABB -Type Noun Reduplication Forms","authors":"S. Ikeda","doi":"10.1163/2405478X-00802007","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/2405478X-00802007","url":null,"abstract":"This paper considers the phenomenon that, among the AABB -type noun reduplication forms of Mandarin Chinese, one part of them activates stativity. The state that can be expressed by the AABB -type noun reduplication form is ‘distributed state’, which is derived from the abundance meaning of the noun reduplication forms, and it describes the situation in which a large number of objects are distributed over a certain area. This paper points out three fundamental features of the distributed state, (i) the distributed state must depict the area which is covered with the objects, (ii) the individuality of the objects that form the distribution must be pushed into the background, (iii) this usage connotes an ‘abnormal state’. The distributed state is a concept with constant universality and is observed in some phenomena other than the AABB -type noun reduplication form. (This article is in Chinese.)提要本文考察名詞重疊 AABB 式中個別成員凸顯狀態性的情況。名詞重疊 AABB 式表達的狀態義是一種“遍布狀態”。遍布狀態是在名詞重疊 AABB 式的基本語法意義“多量”的基礎上顯現出來的，即在多量事物構成的集合體覆蓋著某一領域時凸顯出來的狀態義。通過詳細分析，我們發現，名詞 AABB 表達遍布狀態時必須具備以下三個語義特徵：以多量事物的所在領域為描寫對象；構成集合體的多量事物必須喪失個體性；帶有“不同尋常”的含義。遍布狀態並不是孤立的、特設的概念，而是一個具有跨語言的普遍意義的概念。","PeriodicalId":132217,"journal":{"name":"Bulletin of Chinese linguistics","volume":"49 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2015-01-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"116112614","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2015-01-25DOI: 10.1163/2405478X-00802003
Wei Zheng
The homophony of the words wēi 微 and wei 維 ( wei wei tong yin 微維同音, hereafter WWTY ) recorded in the Zhongyuan Yinyun 中原音韻 ( Rhymes of the Central Plain ) actually reflects the phenomenon of the labiodentalization of the palatal initial [j-] into the voiced fricative [v-]. This merger of phonological classes can be dated back to the Hexi dialect 河西 in the tenth century C.E . It is thus clear that the merger of the words wei 惟 , wei 維 and wēi 微 could have occurred earlier in the history of the Chinese language. The northern dialect of the Eastern Jin dynasty 東晉 (317–420) reflected in Chinese transcriptions of Sanskrit and the relevant record in the Jingdian shiwen 經典釋文 ( Explanatory Glosses on the Classics ) may share superficial similarities with this merger, but their phonological characteristics are in fact different, an issue that needs to be discussed separately. This phonological change can be formalized into *j- > v- /__V [+back,-low]. In addition to the materials on the history of the Chinese language, the analysis of materials on Chinese dialects, minority languages in China as well as phonetic experiments further show that this merger constitutes a natural phonological change consisting of a typologically significant articulatory basis. (This article is in English.) 提要 《中原音韻》「微維」同音的記錄實際上反映的是前齶音聲母 j- 唇齒化為濁擦音 v-，這種音類合併可以追溯至10世紀的河西方音，可見漢語史上「惟維」和「微」字讀音混同的發生年代可以提前。而更早時期梵漢對音所反映的東晉北方話和《經典釋文》的有關記錄與其只有表面上的類似，其語音性質實有不同，需要另作解釋。(2)該音變可以形式化為 j->v-/__V[+back,-low] 除了漢語史資料，漢語方言、民族語等材料以及語音實驗的分析都可以表明，該音是具有生理基礎和類型學意義的自然音變。
{"title":"The Labiodentalization of the Palatal Initial j","authors":"Wei Zheng","doi":"10.1163/2405478X-00802003","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/2405478X-00802003","url":null,"abstract":"The homophony of the words wēi 微 and wei 維 ( wei wei tong yin 微維同音, hereafter WWTY ) recorded in the Zhongyuan Yinyun 中原音韻 ( Rhymes of the Central Plain ) actually reflects the phenomenon of the labiodentalization of the palatal initial [j-] into the voiced fricative [v-]. This merger of phonological classes can be dated back to the Hexi dialect 河西 in the tenth century C.E . It is thus clear that the merger of the words wei 惟 , wei 維 and wēi 微 could have occurred earlier in the history of the Chinese language. The northern dialect of the Eastern Jin dynasty 東晉 (317–420) reflected in Chinese transcriptions of Sanskrit and the relevant record in the Jingdian shiwen 經典釋文 ( Explanatory Glosses on the Classics ) may share superficial similarities with this merger, but their phonological characteristics are in fact different, an issue that needs to be discussed separately. This phonological change can be formalized into *j- > v- /__V [+back,-low]. In addition to the materials on the history of the Chinese language, the analysis of materials on Chinese dialects, minority languages in China as well as phonetic experiments further show that this merger constitutes a natural phonological change consisting of a typologically significant articulatory basis. (This article is in English.) 提要 《中原音韻》「微維」同音的記錄實際上反映的是前齶音聲母 j- 唇齒化為濁擦音 v-，這種音類合併可以追溯至10世紀的河西方音，可見漢語史上「惟維」和「微」字讀音混同的發生年代可以提前。而更早時期梵漢對音所反映的東晉北方話和《經典釋文》的有關記錄與其只有表面上的類似，其語音性質實有不同，需要另作解釋。(2)該音變可以形式化為 j->v-/__V[+back,-low] 除了漢語史資料，漢語方言、民族語等材料以及語音實驗的分析都可以表明，該音是具有生理基礎和類型學意義的自然音變。","PeriodicalId":132217,"journal":{"name":"Bulletin of Chinese linguistics","volume":"11 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2015-01-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"131986554","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2015-01-14DOI: 10.1163/2405478X-00801002
Johann-Mattis List
Little is known about the history of Chinese dialects. Major dialect groups were identified long ago using various traditional criteria, such as tonal and segmental development from their presumed common ancestor; however, scholarly agreement about their detailed development is largely lacking. At the core of the problem lies the role that language contact played in the history of Chinese. Unlike in the case of other language families, the Chinese dialects never really separated into distinct, independent languages, but kept evolving in close contact to each other. As a result, it is hard to tell whether traits shared among the dialects have been inherited or borrowed. Recent network approaches from a biological perspective could show a way out of this dilemma, since they were specifically designed to handle vertical and horizontal aspects in bacterial evolution, and the first pilot studies in historical linguistics have reported promising results. In this paper, a case study on the application of network approaches in Chinese historical linguistics is presented. Based on a dataset of 200 basic items translated into 23 Chinese dialect varieties, competing proposals for Chinese dialect classification are compared and tested for general plausibility. The results of the comparison show that network approaches are a useful supplement for quantitative and qualitative approaches in Chinese historical linguistics. In order to reach their full potential, however, the underlying evolutionary models need to be more closely adapted to linguistic needs, and additional evidence, like geographic information, needs to be taken into account. (This article is in English.) 提要 目前，學界對漢語方言歷史的了解還不夠完整。語言學家運用各種傳統方法與標準，試圖從假設的共同祖語來擬定聲調或音段的發展，從而界定主要的方言區。但是，有關聲調、音段的發展細節，學界尚遠未達成共識。學者們意見不統一的主要原因在於語言接觸在漢語方言歷史上所扮演的角色。漢語方言的情況跟其他語言不一樣：它們從來沒有真正分開過，也從來沒有獨立地發展，而是不斷在相互影響中演變。因此，我們很難確定方言之間的共同特征是從祖語繼承而來的還是從其他方言中借過來的。最新的生物學演化網絡方法可以作為借鑒，這昭示出歷史語言學一個新的探索方向。這類方法運用縱向及橫向網絡以了解細菌的演化過程。語言學家開始運用這些方法來研究語言的發展，并已獲得可喜的初步成績。本文以漢語方言作為專題研究，運用演化網絡方法來分析漢語歷史語言學的問題。在具體操作上，我們精心挑選了200個核心詞彙，並在該基礎上建立了23種漢語方言的數據集。隨後，筆者針對漢語方言的各種分類理論作出了不同的比較和測試，從而判斷其普遍合理性。比較的結果表明，演化網絡方法對漢語方言史的定量和定性研究起到了舉足輕重的補充作用。為了充分發揮其潛力，我們需要建立更適合語言學研究的演化發展模型，例如加入地理信息等其他佐證，才能夠更全面、更細緻地描述漢語方言的歷史演變。
{"title":"Network Perspectives on Chinese Dialect History","authors":"Johann-Mattis List","doi":"10.1163/2405478X-00801002","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/2405478X-00801002","url":null,"abstract":"Little is known about the history of Chinese dialects. Major dialect groups were identified long ago using various traditional criteria, such as tonal and segmental development from their presumed common ancestor; however, scholarly agreement about their detailed development is largely lacking. At the core of the problem lies the role that language contact played in the history of Chinese. Unlike in the case of other language families, the Chinese dialects never really separated into distinct, independent languages, but kept evolving in close contact to each other. As a result, it is hard to tell whether traits shared among the dialects have been inherited or borrowed. Recent network approaches from a biological perspective could show a way out of this dilemma, since they were specifically designed to handle vertical and horizontal aspects in bacterial evolution, and the first pilot studies in historical linguistics have reported promising results. In this paper, a case study on the application of network approaches in Chinese historical linguistics is presented. Based on a dataset of 200 basic items translated into 23 Chinese dialect varieties, competing proposals for Chinese dialect classification are compared and tested for general plausibility. The results of the comparison show that network approaches are a useful supplement for quantitative and qualitative approaches in Chinese historical linguistics. In order to reach their full potential, however, the underlying evolutionary models need to be more closely adapted to linguistic needs, and additional evidence, like geographic information, needs to be taken into account. (This article is in English.) 提要 目前，學界對漢語方言歷史的了解還不夠完整。語言學家運用各種傳統方法與標準，試圖從假設的共同祖語來擬定聲調或音段的發展，從而界定主要的方言區。但是，有關聲調、音段的發展細節，學界尚遠未達成共識。學者們意見不統一的主要原因在於語言接觸在漢語方言歷史上所扮演的角色。漢語方言的情況跟其他語言不一樣：它們從來沒有真正分開過，也從來沒有獨立地發展，而是不斷在相互影響中演變。因此，我們很難確定方言之間的共同特征是從祖語繼承而來的還是從其他方言中借過來的。最新的生物學演化網絡方法可以作為借鑒，這昭示出歷史語言學一個新的探索方向。這類方法運用縱向及橫向網絡以了解細菌的演化過程。語言學家開始運用這些方法來研究語言的發展，并已獲得可喜的初步成績。本文以漢語方言作為專題研究，運用演化網絡方法來分析漢語歷史語言學的問題。在具體操作上，我們精心挑選了200個核心詞彙，並在該基礎上建立了23種漢語方言的數據集。隨後，筆者針對漢語方言的各種分類理論作出了不同的比較和測試，從而判斷其普遍合理性。比較的結果表明，演化網絡方法對漢語方言史的定量和定性研究起到了舉足輕重的補充作用。為了充分發揮其潛力，我們需要建立更適合語言學研究的演化發展模型，例如加入地理信息等其他佐證，才能夠更全面、更細緻地描述漢語方言的歷史演變。","PeriodicalId":132217,"journal":{"name":"Bulletin of Chinese linguistics","volume":"7 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2015-01-14","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"121763306","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2015-01-14DOI: 10.1163/2405478X-00801006
Alexis Michaud
Yongning Na is a Sino-Tibetan language spoken in an area straddling the border between Yunnan and Sichuan. The Yongning Na tone system is based on three levels: L, M, and H. It comprises a host of rules that are specific to certain morphosyntactic contexts. These rules represent the bulk of what language learners must acquire to master the tone system. Different rules apply in the association of a verb with a subject or an object, the association of two nouns into a compound, that of a numeral and classifier, and that of a word and its affixes, for instance. The domain of tonal computation is referred to here as the tone group; tonal processes never apply across tone-group junctures. The present study investigates how utterances are divided into tone groups in Yongning Na, building on examples from narratives and elicited combinations. There is no hard-and-fast correspondence between syntactic structure and tone group divisions: several options are generally open for the division of an utterance into tone groups. The choice among these options depends on considerations of information structure. This study is intended as a stepping-stone towards the long-term goal of modelling the Na tonal system (its morpho-phonology and its phonetics), and placing the findings in a typological perspective.
{"title":"Phrasing, prominence, and morphotonology: How utterances are divided into tone groups in Yongning Na","authors":"Alexis Michaud","doi":"10.1163/2405478X-00801006","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/2405478X-00801006","url":null,"abstract":"Yongning Na is a Sino-Tibetan language spoken in an area straddling the border between Yunnan and Sichuan. The Yongning Na tone system is based on three levels: L, M, and H. It comprises a host of rules that are specific to certain morphosyntactic contexts. These rules represent the bulk of what language learners must acquire to master the tone system. Different rules apply in the association of a verb with a subject or an object, the association of two nouns into a compound, that of a numeral and classifier, and that of a word and its affixes, for instance. The domain of tonal computation is referred to here as the tone group; tonal processes never apply across tone-group junctures. The present study investigates how utterances are divided into tone groups in Yongning Na, building on examples from narratives and elicited combinations. There is no hard-and-fast correspondence between syntactic structure and tone group divisions: several options are generally open for the division of an utterance into tone groups. The choice among these options depends on considerations of information structure. This study is intended as a stepping-stone towards the long-term goal of modelling the Na tonal system (its morpho-phonology and its phonetics), and placing the findings in a typological perspective.","PeriodicalId":132217,"journal":{"name":"Bulletin of Chinese linguistics","volume":"3 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2015-01-14","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"133815272","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2015-01-14DOI: 10.1163/2405478X-00801004
N. Hayashi
This paper investigates the origin of fricatives in two dialects of Jino, namely Youle Jino ( YJ ) and Buyuan Jino ( BJ ), which are spoken in Sipsongpanna (Xishuangbanna), Yunnan Province, China, and are genetically affiliated with the Lolo-Burmese branch of the Tibeto-Burman linguistic family.Synchronically, YJ has 10 fricatives, /f, v, s, z, ʃ, r, c, j, x, ɣ/, while BJ has only 4, /f, s, ɕ, x/. This paper also deals with /w/ and /j/ in BJ , although they may be considered to be semivowels from a synchronic point of view. In cognate words, YJ fricatives are mostly retained from Proto-Jino ( PJ ), whereas BJ merges them into fewer phonemes under certain conditions. Moreover, it should be noted that /f, ɕ, x/ in some BJ words derive from PJ /*l/.In the Sipsongpanna area, Tai Lue [Tai-Kadai] and the Yunnan dialect of Chinese [Sinitic, Sino-Tibetan] have been dominant languages, from which both YJ and BJ inherited several fricatives. Most fricatives in loanwords are the same as those in the donor languages, except in the case of ɕ - and ʂ -, which had merged into a single phoneme within the phonology of the local Chinese dialects before language contact with Youle Jino. (This article is in English.)提要基諾語是在中國雲南省西雙版納傣族自治州景洪市居住的基諾族的語言，屬於漢藏語系藏緬語族彝緬語群。基諾語有兩大方言，即悠樂話與補遠話。本文分析了基諾語悠樂話和補遠話的擦音的來源，得出了以下結論：一、由共時層面來說，悠樂話有十個擦音，即/f, v, s, z, ʃ, r, c, j, x, ɣ/，而補遠話只有四個擦音，即/f, s, ɕ, x/。本文同時還討論了補遠話/w, j/與悠樂話擦音的對應關係，儘管它們或可當作半元音。二、悠樂話保留著原始基諾語的擦音體系，而補遠話的擦音已在一定條件下合併了。並且，補遠話/f, ɕ, x/中的一部分實際上源自原始基諾語的/*l/。三、西雙版納地區有很多語言，其中傣仂語(侗傣語族)與漢語景洪方言是主要語言。基諾語悠樂話與補遠話從中吸收了很多帶擦音的外來詞。這些外來擦音大部份與傣仂語或漢語方言的擦音相同，但是 ɕ -與 ʂ -卻是合併為一個擦音後才進入基諾語悠樂話與補遠話的。
{"title":"Origins of Jino Fricatives","authors":"N. Hayashi","doi":"10.1163/2405478X-00801004","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/2405478X-00801004","url":null,"abstract":"This paper investigates the origin of fricatives in two dialects of Jino, namely Youle Jino ( YJ ) and Buyuan Jino ( BJ ), which are spoken in Sipsongpanna (Xishuangbanna), Yunnan Province, China, and are genetically affiliated with the Lolo-Burmese branch of the Tibeto-Burman linguistic family.Synchronically, YJ has 10 fricatives, /f, v, s, z, ʃ, r, c, j, x, ɣ/, while BJ has only 4, /f, s, ɕ, x/. This paper also deals with /w/ and /j/ in BJ , although they may be considered to be semivowels from a synchronic point of view. In cognate words, YJ fricatives are mostly retained from Proto-Jino ( PJ ), whereas BJ merges them into fewer phonemes under certain conditions. Moreover, it should be noted that /f, ɕ, x/ in some BJ words derive from PJ /*l/.In the Sipsongpanna area, Tai Lue [Tai-Kadai] and the Yunnan dialect of Chinese [Sinitic, Sino-Tibetan] have been dominant languages, from which both YJ and BJ inherited several fricatives. Most fricatives in loanwords are the same as those in the donor languages, except in the case of ɕ - and ʂ -, which had merged into a single phoneme within the phonology of the local Chinese dialects before language contact with Youle Jino. (This article is in English.)提要基諾語是在中國雲南省西雙版納傣族自治州景洪市居住的基諾族的語言，屬於漢藏語系藏緬語族彝緬語群。基諾語有兩大方言，即悠樂話與補遠話。本文分析了基諾語悠樂話和補遠話的擦音的來源，得出了以下結論：一、由共時層面來說，悠樂話有十個擦音，即/f, v, s, z, ʃ, r, c, j, x, ɣ/，而補遠話只有四個擦音，即/f, s, ɕ, x/。本文同時還討論了補遠話/w, j/與悠樂話擦音的對應關係，儘管它們或可當作半元音。二、悠樂話保留著原始基諾語的擦音體系，而補遠話的擦音已在一定條件下合併了。並且，補遠話/f, ɕ, x/中的一部分實際上源自原始基諾語的/*l/。三、西雙版納地區有很多語言，其中傣仂語(侗傣語族)與漢語景洪方言是主要語言。基諾語悠樂話與補遠話從中吸收了很多帶擦音的外來詞。這些外來擦音大部份與傣仂語或漢語方言的擦音相同，但是 ɕ -與 ʂ -卻是合併為一個擦音後才進入基諾語悠樂話與補遠話的。","PeriodicalId":132217,"journal":{"name":"Bulletin of Chinese linguistics","volume":"61 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2015-01-14","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"123345204","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2015-01-14DOI: 10.1163/2405478X-00801005
Guillaume Jacques
This works describes the -t applicative/causative, the voicing alternation as well as a few other residual morphological processes in Khaling, and discusses their relevance to Sino-Tibetan historical comparison. (This article is in English.) 提要 本文描寫卡嶺語動詞的幾種派生形態，包括應用態/使動態的-t 後綴以及表示反使動態的聲母清濁交替，並討論這些派生形態對原始漢藏語構擬的貢獻。
This works describes the -t applicative/causative, the voicing alternation as well as a few other residual morphological processes in Khaling, and discusses their relevance to Sino-Tibetan historical comparison. (This article is in English.) 提要 本文描写卡岭语动词的几种派生形态，包括应用态/使动态的-t 后缀以及表示反使动态的声母清浊交替，并讨论这些派生形态对原始汉藏语构拟的贡献。
{"title":"Derivational verbal morphology in Khaling","authors":"Guillaume Jacques","doi":"10.1163/2405478X-00801005","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/2405478X-00801005","url":null,"abstract":"This works describes the -t applicative/causative, the voicing alternation as well as a few other residual morphological processes in Khaling, and discusses their relevance to Sino-Tibetan historical comparison. (This article is in English.) 提要 本文描寫卡嶺語動詞的幾種派生形態，包括應用態/使動態的-t 後綴以及表示反使動態的聲母清濁交替，並討論這些派生形態對原始漢藏語構擬的貢獻。","PeriodicalId":132217,"journal":{"name":"Bulletin of Chinese linguistics","volume":"1 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2015-01-14","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"128409417","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2015-01-14DOI: 10.1163/2405478X-00801001
G. Arcodia
Chinese is often defined as a ‘textbook example’ of an isolating language, with comparatively few affixes that are usually etymologically transparent (Sagart 2004). After ‘deconstructing’ the notion of the isolating morphological type, I shall discuss data from a number of Chinese dialects spread over the Shanxi, Shaanxi, Henan, Hebei, and Shandong provinces. I will show that there seem to be some areal clusters with productive morphological phenomena not expected to occur in isolating languages, which can be explained both by the cross-linguistically widespread tendency towards the reduction of certain items in speech production and, arguably, by processes of convergence among dialects. (This article is in English.) 提要 學者們通常認為漢語是典型的孤立語，詞綴較少，由來知根知底 (Sagart 2004)。本文首先對孤立語的概念進行“解構”。接著，基於山西、陝西、河南、河北以及山東方言的語料，說明漢語方言中似乎存在著地域上成片的具有能產性的形態現象，而這種現象似乎不該出現在孤立語中。本文認為，產生這類形態現象的動因包括語法化標記語音侵蝕的普遍傾向以及方言之間的互相影響。
Chinese is often defined as a ‘textbook example’ of an isolating language, with comparatively few affixes that are usually etymologically transparent (Sagart 2004). After ‘deconstructing’ the notion of the isolating morphological type, I shall discuss data from a number of Chinese dialects spread over the Shanxi, Shaanxi, Henan, Hebei, and Shandong provinces. I will show that there seem to be some areal clusters with productive morphological phenomena not expected to occur in isolating languages, which can be explained both by the cross-linguistically widespread tendency towards the reduction of certain items in speech production and, arguably, by processes of convergence among dialects. (This article is in English.) 提要 学者们通常认为汉语是典型的孤立语，词缀较少，由来知根知底 (Sagart 2004)。本文首先对孤立语的概念进行“解构”。接著，基于山西、陕西、河南、河北以及山东方言的语料，说明汉语方言中似乎存在著地域上成片的具有能产性的形态现象，而这种现象似乎不该出现在孤立语中。本文认为，产生这类形态现象的动因包括语法化标记语音侵蚀的普遍倾向以及方言之间的互相影响。
{"title":"More on the Morphological Typology of Sinitic","authors":"G. Arcodia","doi":"10.1163/2405478X-00801001","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/2405478X-00801001","url":null,"abstract":"Chinese is often defined as a ‘textbook example’ of an isolating language, with comparatively few affixes that are usually etymologically transparent (Sagart 2004). After ‘deconstructing’ the notion of the isolating morphological type, I shall discuss data from a number of Chinese dialects spread over the Shanxi, Shaanxi, Henan, Hebei, and Shandong provinces. I will show that there seem to be some areal clusters with productive morphological phenomena not expected to occur in isolating languages, which can be explained both by the cross-linguistically widespread tendency towards the reduction of certain items in speech production and, arguably, by processes of convergence among dialects. (This article is in English.) 提要 學者們通常認為漢語是典型的孤立語，詞綴較少，由來知根知底 (Sagart 2004)。本文首先對孤立語的概念進行“解構”。接著，基於山西、陝西、河南、河北以及山東方言的語料，說明漢語方言中似乎存在著地域上成片的具有能產性的形態現象，而這種現象似乎不該出現在孤立語中。本文認為，產生這類形態現象的動因包括語法化標記語音侵蝕的普遍傾向以及方言之間的互相影響。","PeriodicalId":132217,"journal":{"name":"Bulletin of Chinese linguistics","volume":"46 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2015-01-14","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"127862206","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2015-01-14DOI: 10.1163/2405478X-00801008
A. Chin
This paper is a preliminary report on the author’s investigation of a language spoken in the western part of Hainan Province—Gelong (哥隆話, also known as cunyu 村語, lit.: village language). This study is based on the fieldwork data collected in 2011 and 2012. The purpose is to compare the author’s data and those of Fu (1996) and Ouyang (1998) and to discuss the affiliation of this language by comparing the 100 basic vocabulary items in Gelong and Hlai. (This article is in English.)提要本文是作者於2011和2012年調查海南島西部哥隆話的初步報告。調查目的是比較現代哥隆話跟二十多年前的差別 (如符鎮南(1996)和歐陽覺亞(1998))。此外,我們也比較哥隆話和黎語的一百個基本詞匯,討論哥隆話的系屬。
This paper is a preliminary report on the author’s investigation of a language spoken in the western part of Hainan Province—Gelong (哥隆话, also known as cunyu 村语, lit.: village language). This study is based on the fieldwork data collected in 2011 and 2012. The purpose is to compare the author’s data and those of Fu (1996) and Ouyang (1998) and to discuss the affiliation of this language by comparing the 100 basic vocabulary items in Gelong and Hlai. (This article is in English.)提要本文是作者于2011和2012年调查海南岛西部哥隆话的初步报告。调查目的是比较现代哥隆话跟二十多年前的差别 (如符镇南(1996)和欧阳觉亚(1998))。此外,我们也比较哥隆话和黎语的一百个基本词汇,讨论哥隆话的系属。
{"title":"The Gelong Language in the Multilingual Hub of Hainan","authors":"A. Chin","doi":"10.1163/2405478X-00801008","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/2405478X-00801008","url":null,"abstract":"This paper is a preliminary report on the author’s investigation of a language spoken in the western part of Hainan Province—Gelong (哥隆話, also known as cunyu 村語, lit.: village language). This study is based on the fieldwork data collected in 2011 and 2012. The purpose is to compare the author’s data and those of Fu (1996) and Ouyang (1998) and to discuss the affiliation of this language by comparing the 100 basic vocabulary items in Gelong and Hlai. (This article is in English.)提要本文是作者於2011和2012年調查海南島西部哥隆話的初步報告。調查目的是比較現代哥隆話跟二十多年前的差別 (如符鎮南(1996)和歐陽覺亞(1998))。此外,我們也比較哥隆話和黎語的一百個基本詞匯,討論哥隆話的系屬。","PeriodicalId":132217,"journal":{"name":"Bulletin of Chinese linguistics","volume":"85 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2015-01-14","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"114659562","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2015-01-14DOI: 10.1163/2405478X-00801007
Hiroyuki Suzuki
mBrugchu Tibetan, a linguistic group of the Tibetic languages spoken in Zhouqu County, Gannan Prefecture, Gansu, is regarded as a tonal language in previous works. This paper shows that it does not have a distinction of tone in regards to pitch, but rather has prominent breathy phonation which has not yet obtained a phonological position as a suprasegmental and, instead, is merely one of the phonetic features of the voiced glottal fricative /ɦ/. The paper discusses two dialects, dGonpa and Ongsum; the breathy phonation of dGonpa is more prominent than that of Ongsum, this is because /ɦ/ plays a different role in each dialect and hence has different functions. (This article is in English.) 提要 分佈在甘肅省甘南州的一個獨立藏語方言群舟曲藏語在以往研究中被認為是個具有聲調對立的語言。但本文指出此藏語尚未有音高對立,并僅有以氣聲發聲態為主的超音段特徵,而且氣聲也還沒成為音系對立中的一部份而是個喉擦音/ɦ/的語音變體。本文討論舟曲藏語之兩個土話,即拱壩話及八楞話,其中氣聲在拱壩話比八楞話出現得更明顯。此差異源於/ɦ/在音系上的功能程度之別。
mBrugchu Tibetan, a linguistic group of the Tibetic languages spoken in Zhouqu County, Gannan Prefecture, Gansu, is regarded as a tonal language in previous works. This paper shows that it does not have a distinction of tone in regards to pitch, but rather has prominent breathy phonation which has not yet obtained a phonological position as a suprasegmental and, instead, is merely one of the phonetic features of the voiced glottal fricative /ɦ/. The paper discusses two dialects, dGonpa and Ongsum; the breathy phonation of dGonpa is more prominent than that of Ongsum, this is because /ɦ/ plays a different role in each dialect and hence has different functions. (This article is in English.) 提要 分布在甘肃省甘南州的一个独立藏语方言群舟曲藏语在以往研究中被认为是个具有声调对立的语言。但本文指出此藏语尚未有音高对立,并仅有以气声发声态为主的超音段特征,而且气声也还没成为音系对立中的一部份而是个喉擦音/ɦ/的语音变体。本文讨论舟曲藏语之两个土话,即拱坝话及八楞话,其中气声在拱坝话比八楞话出现得更明显。此差异源于/ɦ/在音系上的功能程度之别。
{"title":"New Perspectives on the Suprasegmentals in mBrugchu Tibetan","authors":"Hiroyuki Suzuki","doi":"10.1163/2405478X-00801007","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/2405478X-00801007","url":null,"abstract":"mBrugchu Tibetan, a linguistic group of the Tibetic languages spoken in Zhouqu County, Gannan Prefecture, Gansu, is regarded as a tonal language in previous works. This paper shows that it does not have a distinction of tone in regards to pitch, but rather has prominent breathy phonation which has not yet obtained a phonological position as a suprasegmental and, instead, is merely one of the phonetic features of the voiced glottal fricative /ɦ/. The paper discusses two dialects, dGonpa and Ongsum; the breathy phonation of dGonpa is more prominent than that of Ongsum, this is because /ɦ/ plays a different role in each dialect and hence has different functions. (This article is in English.) 提要 分佈在甘肅省甘南州的一個獨立藏語方言群舟曲藏語在以往研究中被認為是個具有聲調對立的語言。但本文指出此藏語尚未有音高對立,并僅有以氣聲發聲態為主的超音段特徵,而且氣聲也還沒成為音系對立中的一部份而是個喉擦音/ɦ/的語音變體。本文討論舟曲藏語之兩個土話,即拱壩話及八楞話,其中氣聲在拱壩話比八楞話出現得更明顯。此差異源於/ɦ/在音系上的功能程度之別。","PeriodicalId":132217,"journal":{"name":"Bulletin of Chinese linguistics","volume":"1 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2015-01-14","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"121466533","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2015-01-14DOI: 10.1163/2405478X-00801009
Feng Wang
Pervasive sound correspondence requires reflexes in all languages compared. Relaxing this requirement would include more late borrowings into the comparison and could cause a misunderstanding of language relationships. From this perspective, this paper investigates the basis of sound correspondence in the reconstruction of Proto-Miao-Yao. The genetic relationship between Miao-Yao languages can be confirmed by the genetic indicator of more high-rank and less low-rank related morphemes, either through the requirement of pervasiveness or a relaxed requirement; though this relaxation results in some degree of distortion. A similar procedure has been applied to related morphemes between Chinese and Proto-Miao-Yao with similar results. A genetic relationship, rather than language contact between Chinese and Proto-Miao-Yao, has been suggested by rank analysis. To double-check this conclusion, the inexplicability principle was used. This principle refers to the inability to describe the representation of related morphemes in the recipient language in terms of the phonological system of the donor language; these inexplicable elements are considered to be inherited from the ancestor language rather than acquired through borrowing. (This article is in English.) 提要 普遍對應指對應的表現形式在所有參與比較的語言中都有分佈。放寬這一要求會導致晚期借用混入比較，乃至造成對語源關係的誤判。從這一角度出發，本文考察了原始苗瑤語重構所依賴的語音對應基礎。無論是在普遍對應的嚴格要求下，還是放寬要求，苗瑤語之間的關係語素都是高階比低階多，這可以進一步確認它們之間的親緣關係。應用同樣的比較程式，漢語和原始苗瑤語之間的關係語素也顯示出同樣的分佈，因此，詞階分析支持苗瑤語與漢語之間的親緣關係，而非接觸關係。不可釋原則的應用同樣確認了這一判斷。不可釋原則指無法用施借語言的音韻系統來解釋受借語言中關係語素的表現，就說明二者之間的關係假定為親緣關係比接觸關係更為合理。幾個不可釋的例子可以在漢-苗瑤語關係語素中找到，因此，苗瑤語應該仍然歸屬於漢藏語系。
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