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Legalizing executive control: on the law of online journalism in India 行政控制合法化:论印度网络新闻法
Pub Date : 2023-10-16 DOI: 10.1080/24730580.2023.2266979
Nakul Nayak
ABSTRACTThis article critiques the Information Technology (Intermediaries Guidelines and Digital Media Ethics Code) Rules 2021 (“the Rules”) as they relate to online journalism. The Government’s stated objective for making the Rules is to “level the playing field” of online journalism with print journalism. I examine whether and how the Government satisfies this objective. I make two broad claims. First, the Rules fail to “level the playing field”. The objectives, philosophical approach, and substance of the new regulatory scheme are significantly different from those that govern print journalism, and to the disadvantage of online journalism. Second, rather than “levelling the playing field”, the Rules give the Government overwhelming control of online journalism. The Government exercises ultimate control over the regulatory structures and gives itself unprecedented censorship powers over online journalism. If my claims are correct, the Rules will have catastrophic consequences for online journalism and Indian democracy.KEYWORDS: Digital Media Ethics CodePress Council of Indiaonline journalismPress Commissiondigital media ethics AcknowledgmentsFor research support, I am grateful to Arunima Das, Kaustubha Kalidindi, and Ananya Narain. Thanks to Sukumar Muralidharan, Siddharth Narrain, Aakanksha Kumar, Shohini Sengupta, Keerti Pendyal, Ashaawari Datta Chaudhuri, Sandeep Suresh, Rajesh Nayak, and Neytra Nayak for valuable discussions. Errors are mine alone. To Sagarika Nayak, for her unwavering support during good and bad.Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1 A notable exception was the Foreign Contribution (Regulation) Act 2010. Sections 3(1)(g) and 3(1)(h) prohibit “any association or company engaged in the production or broadcast of … current affairs programmes through any electronic mode” or their “correspondent or columnist, cartoonist, editor, owner” from accepting any “foreign contribution”.2 Akriti Gaur, Aniruddh Nigam and Sreyan Chatterjee, “The future of news in India” Vidhi Centre for Legal Policy 33 (30 April 2020) accessed 6 July 2023.3 The lack of specific regulatory frameworks for DNMs and DNM’s ability to engage in target advertising have resulted in dynamic business models in online journalism. See ibid 18–22.4 Press Information Bureau, “Cabinet approves proposal for Review of FDI policy on various sectors” (28 August 2019) accessed 6 July 2023.5 Soumyarendra Barik, “Watch: Why New FDI Rules For Digital Media Companies Are Regressive For The Internet Space In India” Medianama (New Delhi, 5 September 2019) accessed 6 July 2023.6 Ministry of Information and Broadcasting, ‘Soliciting Suggestions/Comments/Inputs from the Stakeholders on the Draft ”Registration of Press and Periodicals Bill
摘要本文对《2021年信息技术(中介机构指南和数字媒体道德准则)规则》(“规则”)进行了批评,因为它们与在线新闻有关。政府制定《规则》的既定目标是为网络新闻与印刷新闻“创造公平的竞争环境”。我研究政府是否及如何达到这个目标。我有两大主张。首先,这些规则未能“创造公平的竞争环境”。新监管计划的目标、哲学方法和实质与管理印刷新闻的计划有很大不同,这对在线新闻来说是不利的。其次,这些规则并没有“公平竞争”,而是赋予了政府对网络新闻的压倒性控制权。政府对监管机构实行最终控制,并赋予自己对在线新闻空前的审查权力。如果我的说法是正确的,这些规则将对在线新闻和印度民主产生灾难性的后果。关键词:数字媒体伦理守则印度新闻委员会在线新闻新闻委员会数字媒体伦理致谢对于研究支持,我要感谢Arunima Das, Kaustubha Kalidindi和Ananya Narain。感谢Sukumar Muralidharan, Siddharth Narrain, Aakanksha Kumar, Shohini Sengupta, Keerti Pendyal, Ashaawari Datta Chaudhuri, Sandeep Suresh, Rajesh Nayak和Neytra Nayak的宝贵讨论。都是我的错。感谢萨加里卡·纳亚克,无论顺境还是逆境,她始终不渝的支持。披露声明作者未报告潜在的利益冲突。注1一个明显的例外是《2010年外国捐款(管理)法》。第3(1)(g)和第3(1)(h)条禁止“通过任何电子方式制作或播放时事节目的任何协会或公司”或其“通讯员或专栏作家、漫画家、编辑、所有者”接受任何“外国捐款”Akriti Gaur, Aniruddh Nigam和Sreyan Chatterjee,“印度新闻的未来”,Vidhi法律政策中心33(2020年4月30日),2023.3缺乏针对DNM的具体监管框架以及DNM从事目标广告的能力导致了在线新闻的动态商业模式。见同上18-22.4新闻新闻局,“内阁批准检讨各行业外商直接投资政策的建议”(2019年8月28日),20223年7月6日查阅。为什么针对数字媒体公司的新的外国直接投资规则对印度的互联网空间是倒退的?”Medianama(2019年9月5日,新德里)查阅2023.6信息和广播部,“征求利益相关者对《2019年新闻和期刊注册法案》草案的建议/意见/投入”(2019年11月25日)查阅2023.7月6日《新闻和期刊注册法案》第1(1)条将“报纸”定义为“任何包含公共新闻或对公共新闻评论的印刷期刊作品”条例草案对“数码媒体”是否只包括数码媒体机构或纸媒及期刊的网站,或两者兼而有之,释义含糊。“印度报纸注册局”的办公室是模糊的。该法案没有界定该办公室,也没有提供任何细节Aniruddh Nigam,“新闻注册法案草案只不过是旧链子上的新链子”,The Wire(2020年7月1日,新德里)于2023.7月6日访问了Lata Jha,“OTT,数字新闻内容现在属于I&B部的范围;引发审查恐惧”Livemint(新德里,2020年11月11日)查阅2023.7月6日新闻新闻局,“政府通知2021年信息技术(中介准则和数字媒体道德准则)规则”(2021年2月25日)查阅2023.7月6日Gaur, Nigam和Chatterjee (n 2) 33;Prannv Dhawan和Vishal Rakhecha,“印度媒体的监管设置:看看现有规则如何转化为数字领域”,Firstpost(2021年1月25日),2023年7月6日访问;Niharika Yadav,“印度数字新闻媒体的监管制度-迄今为止的故事”,堡垒(2021年3月18日)查阅了2023年7月6日。2020年9月19日MIB的宣誓书,Firoz Iqbal Khan诉印度联邦,2020年第956号书面请愿书(民事)查阅了2023年7月6日。15同上[21]。16同上[21]- [28]《经济时报》(2018年4月5日,新德里)访问2023.7月6日,同上。19 Trisha Jalan,“我是一个相信自我监管的人”I&B部长Prakash Javadekar在数字新闻“Medianama”(2020年8月28日,新德里)访问了2023.7月6日的Wire Analysis,“内部政府文件显示,政府认为数字新闻中存在“偏见”,并有兴趣管理dmm出现的叙述。《莫迪政府媒体管理工具包注释阅读指南》(the Wire, 2021年3月7日,新德里),2023年7月6日。 21 .然而,有些人质疑跨不同媒介统一管理的价值。参见N Ram和Justice Ravindran在Nikhil Pahwa的评论,“关于印度媒体的自我监管-法律委员会咨询的注释”Medianama(2014年10月9日,新德里)于2023年7月6日查阅。《印度新闻委员会1978年新闻委员会法案下的新闻行为规范》;《1995年有线电视网络监管法案第5节下的节目法典》;24泰米尔纳德邦诉P Krishnamurthy (2006) 4 SCC 517 [15], [16].25政府内部文件显示,法务部强调了这一担忧。见Saurav Das,“两名莫迪政府顾问警告称,新的IT规则超出了法律范围,被驳回”,第14条(2021年5月17日,新德里)于2023年7月6日查阅(“……法律部门只指出,“IT法案中没有具体规定允许(原文如此)对中介机构或数字媒体施加任何惩罚或采取刑事行动”)印度新闻委员会于2020年4月14日发布的新闻稿澄清说,它对dnm没有管辖权。印度新闻委员会,“根据1978年新闻委员会法,印度新闻委员会的管辖权”(2020年4月14日)于2023.7月6日查阅。27 agj推广公司诉印度联盟2021年SCC在线Bom 2938.28数字新闻出版商协会诉印度联盟,2021年第13,055号和12,515号令状请愿书(马德拉斯高等法院,2021年9月16日)Live Law Media Pvt Ltd诉印度联邦,2021年第6272号诉状(C)(喀拉拉邦高等法院,2021年3月10日);31 .新闻广播协会诉印度联盟,2021年SCC Online Ker 2735.30独立新闻基金会诉印度联盟,2021年(德里高等法院)第3125号诉状32 . Skand Bajpai诉印度联邦,2020年第799号诉状(C)(最高法院,2022年5月9日规则第11(2)(a)条。33规则、第12.34条、第14.35条、第14(2)(b)条规则,第14(5)条规则,第14(6)条。38有关媒体自我监管的批评,请参阅雷·芬克尔斯坦和罗德尼·蒂芬的著作《媒体自我监管何时起作用?》(2015) 38墨尔本大学法律评论944,952.39 Nireekshak,“装饰出版社理事会”(1974)9(25)经济与政治周刊978;人民院新闻委员会法案夏尔马议员的声明(1964年9月29日)(“如果新闻委员会的成立只是为了谴责某些人,那么它不会取得多大成就。我认为,除非我们被告知这次谴责的程序,否则这个新闻委员会将是一个没有牙齿的机构。它
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引用次数: 0
Under-inclusive laws and constitutional remedies: an exploration of the Citizenship (Amendment) Act 2019 包容性不足的法律和宪法救济:对《2019年公民身份(修正)法》的探索
Pub Date : 2023-09-20 DOI: 10.1080/24730580.2023.2255478
John Sebastian
ABSTRACTIt has been widely argued that the Citizenship (Amendment) Act 2019 (“CAA”) breaches Article 14’s equality guarantee due to its under-inclusiveness i.e. it does not include within its ambit many migrants who faced persecution similar to the persons it covers. However, it is often argued that under-inclusive laws are subjected to a low standard of review, which increases the justificatory burden on those who challenge its validity. I argue that there is no support in principle or case law for the argument that under-inclusive laws are subject to lower scrutiny than over-inclusive ones. Linked to this is the question of constitutional remedies for under-inclusive laws, which I analyse drawing on jurisprudence from India and other jurisdictions. Contrary to dominant opinion, I argue that, were the CAA to be declared unconstitutional, the appropriate remedy would be to extend its benefits to those hitherto uncovered by it, rather than striking it down.KEYWORDS: Citizenship Amendment Act 2019CAAunder-inclusive lawsstandard of reviewconstitutional remediesseveranceextension of benefits AcknowledgmentsI thank Tarunabh Khaitan, Faiza Rahman, Apoorva Sharma and Anshuman Singh for their detailed comments on previous versions of this paper. I thank the participants in the session on Constitutional Remedies at the ICON.S 2021 conference, where this paper was presented, and two anonymous reviewers for their careful and detailed feedback. I am grateful to Amber Darr, Nakul Nayak, Arun Thiruvengadam and the editorial team at the Indian Law Review for their patient and thoughtful engagement with the paper. Thanks also to the Melbourne Research Scholarship for supporting my research. Any errors are mine alone.Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1 Citizenship (Amendment) Act 2019, ss 2–4, 6 (CAA).2 Murali Krishnan, “In 10 points, Supreme Court hearing on Citizenship Act petitions explained” Hindustan Times (New Delhi, 30 August 2020) accessed 29 July 2023.3 Constitution of India 1950, art 14 (Constitution).4 Abhinav Chandrachud, “Secularism and the Citizenship Amendment Act” (2020) 4 Indian Law Review 138, 154.5 Citizenship (Amendment) Bill 2019, statement of objects and reasons. See also Preliminary Counter-Affidavit on Behalf of the Union of India 26, 81, in Indian Union of Muslim League v Union of India, Writ Petition (Civil) No 1470 of 2019 accessed 29 July 2023.6 See Kanika Gauba and Anshuman Singh, “Voter, Citizen, Enemy” (2017) 52(23) Economic and Political Weekly 12; Mohsin Alam Bhat, “The Constitutional Case Against the Citizenship Amendment Bill” (2019) 54(3) Economic and Political Weekly 12, 13; Chandrachud (n 4); Jaideep Singh Lalli, “Communalisation of Citizenship Law:
摘要:人们普遍认为,《2019年公民(修正)法》(“CAA”)违反了第14条的平等保障,因为它的包容性不足,即它没有将许多面临与它所涵盖的人相似迫害的移民纳入其范围。然而,人们常常认为,包容性不足的法律受到的审查标准较低,这增加了质疑其有效性的人的辩护负担。我认为,在原则上或判例法上都没有证据支持包容性不足的法律比包容性过大的法律受到更少的审查。与此相关的是对包容性不足的法律的宪法补救问题,我分析了印度和其他司法管辖区的判例。与主流观点相反,我认为,如果《民航法》被宣布违宪,适当的补救措施将是将其利益扩大到迄今为止未被它覆盖的人,而不是废除它。关键词:《2019年公民身份修正案》(Citizenship Amendment Act 2019)、《包容性法律》、审查标准、宪法救济、福利延长致谢感谢tarunh Khaitan、Faiza Rahman、Apoorva Sharma和Anshuman Singh对本文之前版本的详细评论。我感谢参加宪法救济会议的与会者。在S 2021会议上发表了这篇论文,并感谢两位匿名审稿人的仔细和详细的反馈。我要感谢Amber Darr、Nakul Nayak、Arun Thiruvengadam和《印度法律评论》的编辑团队,感谢他们耐心而周到的参与。同时也感谢墨尔本研究奖学金对我的研究的支持。任何错误都是我的错。披露声明作者未报告潜在的利益冲突。注1《2019年公民(修订)法》,第2-4条,第6条(CAA)《印度斯坦时报》(2020年8月30日,新德里)查阅了2023.3年7月29日《1950年印度宪法》第14条(宪法)Abhinav Chandrachud,“世俗主义与公民身份修正案”(2020)4印度法律评论138,154.5《2019年公民身份(修正案)法案》,目的和理由陈述。另见代表印度联邦的初步反宣誓书26,81,在印度穆斯林联盟联盟诉印度联盟中,2019年第1470号书面请愿书(民事)于2023.6年7月29日访问。见Kanika Gauba和Anshuman Singh,“选民,公民,敌人”(2017)52(23)经济和政治周刊12;Mohsin Alam Bhat:《反对公民身份修正案的宪法案例》(2019)54(3)《经济与政治周刊》第12、13期;Chandrachud (n 4);Jaideep Singh Lalli,《公民权法的社群化:从印度宪法的棱镜看2019年《公民权(修正案)法》》(2020)3(1),牛津大学人权中心杂志95,104.7 Chandrachud (n 4).8同上;Lalli (n 6)另见Nivedhitha K,“客座文章:公民身份(修正案)法案违宪”(印度宪法法律与哲学,2019年12月5日),2023.9 Ram Krishan Grover诉印度联邦(2020)12 SCC 506 [41].10tarunh Khaitan,“超越合理性——对第15条侵权行为的严格审查标准”(2008),《中国法学研究》第17卷第1期。Moiz Tundawala,《印度要求严格审查:为什么反对?》(2010) 3《法学评论》465,466;约翰·塞巴斯蒂安,“第15条和公民身份(修正案)法——一种思想实验”(2021年)17《社会法律评论》200,209.12,参见一般Khaitan (n 11);图达瓦拉(11年);阿帕纳·钱德拉,《印度的比例:通往虚无的桥梁?》(2020) 3(2)牛津大学人权中心期刊55.13 Agnidipto Tarafder和Adrija Ghosh,“印度婚内强奸豁免的违宪性”(2020)3(2)牛津大学人权中心期刊202;Saurav Das,《婚姻平等:政府说只有议会才能改变法律:最高法院有5次这样做》(2023年4月28日第14条),可于2023年7月29日查阅尼维德希塔(8).16Bhat (n 6) 13.17 Deb Mukharji的诉状20,在Deb Mukharji v Union of India中,于2023.7月29日访问Lalli (n 6) 110-11.19,然而,它在美国和加拿大的宪法法学中受到了很多关注。参见Evan Caminker,“基于规范的不包容性法规补救模型”(1986)95 Yale Law Journal 1185;Dianne Pothier,《宪章对包容性不足立法的挑战:不作为之罪的复杂性》(1993)19 Queen’s Law Journal 261.20,除了对立法意图和一致性(结构和文本)的广泛讨论之外,几乎没有涉及补救措施的选择。此外,不平等法律所提出的特殊补救问题值得特别注意。参见下面的第4节。 21肯特·罗奇,“对话救济”(2019)17国际宪法杂志860,863;另见Tundawala (n 11) 469.22 DS Nakara v Union of India (1983) 1 SCC 305 [60].23Chiranjit Lal Chowdhuri诉印度联邦(1950)SCR 869 [86] (SR Das J).25辛格议员:第15(4)条和第16(4)条是基本权利吗?(1994) 3最高法院学报33,35.26 (Chandrachud J).27同上。28 Joseph Tussman和Jacobus tenBroek,“法律的平等保护”(1949)37加州法律评论341,348.29 See n 11.30 Khaitan (n 11) 195.31 Lon Fuller,“裁决的形式和限制”(1978-79)92哈佛法律评论353,394-99.32 Navtej Johar诉印度联邦(2018)10最高法院1 [608](Chandrachud J).33tarabh Khaitan,“平等:第14条下的立法审查”,载于Sujit Choudhry, Madhav Khosla和Pratap Bhanu Mehta(编),《印度宪法牛津手册》(OUP 2016) 700, 707-08.34 Tundawala (n 11) 466, 470.35宪法,第14.36 Tundawala (n 11) 466.37 Ambica Mills (n 23).38法律事务监督和追诉人诉Girish Navalakha (1975) 4 SCC 754 bb0;Prag Ice诉印度联邦(1978)3 SCC 459 [51];先锋城市有限公司诉印度联邦(2019)8 SCC 416 bb0 .39Ambica Mills(2003年)40同上b[7].41根据1948年的《工厂法》,工厂可以包括一个至少有10名工人的场所。参见《1948年工厂法》第2(m).42条Ambica Mills(2003年)43同上[61]引用Mutual Loan Co .诉马泰尔案56 L Ed 175.44同上[57]引用西海岸酒店公司诉Parrish案300 US 379.45同上[58],[59],[61]。46同上[67]。47同上[72]-[76]。48同上[72]。[72] - [76].50Giri
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引用次数: 0
The non-obstante nuisance: a critique of Section 238 of the Insolvency and Bankruptcy Code 非抗拒妨害:对《破产与破产法》第238条的批判
Pub Date : 2023-09-18 DOI: 10.1080/24730580.2023.2259259
Vishvesh Vikram, Kannan Shailesh Jhunjhunwala
ABSTRACTThis paper argues that the non-obstante clause in the Insolvency and Bankruptcy Code 2016 (IBC), which gives supremacy to the IBC over all previous laws in case of conflict, does not serve its purpose of asset preservation, and highlights problems that arise due to its presence. The paper analyses this provision considering the test for determining inconsistency between statutes in Indian law. It argues that the impact of IBC across different fields of operation brings forth several inconsistencies when deciding a conflict between the IBC and another statute. It presents problems arising due to the supremacy given to the IBC through the non-obstante clause, and exhibits how its application sometimes defeats its purpose. Lastly, the paper analyses insolvency regimes of the UK and Singapore, as well as the UNCITRAL Guide on Insolvency, and presents an example of instituting better cooperation between authorities initiating proceedings against a company under different statutes.KEYWORDS: Insolvency and Bankruptcy Codeinsolvencynon-obstanteSection 238IBCIndian lawnotwithstandingoverarchingblanketconflict Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1 South India Corporation (P) Ltd v Secy, Board of Revenue, Trivandrum AIR 1964 SC 207 [215]; Chandavarkar Sita Ratna Rao v Ashalata S Guram (1986) 4 SCC 447; PEK Kalliani Amma (Smt) v K Devi (1996) 4 SCC 76; Moreshwar Balkrishna Pandare v Vithal Vyanku Chavan (2001) 5 SCC 551; Iridium India Telecom Ltd v Motorola Inc (2005) 2 SCC 145.2 Waman Shrinivas Kini v Ratilal Bhagwandas & Co AIR 1959 SC 689.3 ibid.4 ibid.5 M Venugopal v Divisional Manager, Life Insurance Corporation AIR 1994 SC 1343; Hindu Marriage Act 1955, s 16.6 See e.g. Prevention of Money Laundering Act 2002; Electricity Act 2003; Income Tax Act 1961.7 Sandeep Bhalla, Principles of Interpretation in India with Legal Maxims (Lawmystery.com 2006) 121.8 The Insolvency and Bankruptcy Code 2016, s 238.9 Ministry of Finance, Government of India, The Report of the Bankruptcy Law Reforms Committee Volume I: Rationale and Design (2015) 12 accessed 09 August 2023.10 Aravind Gayam, ‘The Insolvency and Bankruptcy Code: All you need to know’ (PRS Legislative Research, 10 May 2016) accessed 09 August 2023.11 Reserve Bank of India, Master Circular, Prudential norms on Income Recognition, Asset Classification and Provisioning pertaining to Advances, RBI/2015–16/101, Issued on October 1, 2021, Paragraph 2, Part A.12 The World Bank, ‘Bank nonperforming loans to total gross loans (%) – United Kingdom, India’ (World Bank Open Data) accessed 09 August 2023.13 Ministry of Finance, Government of India, The Report of the Bankruptcy Law Reforms Committee Volume I: Rationale an
摘要本文认为,2016年《破产破产法》(IBC)中的非反对条款在发生冲突时赋予了IBC高于以往所有法律的优先权,但这一条款并没有达到资产保全的目的,并突出了因其存在而产生的问题。本文结合印度法律中确定成文法之间不一致的检验来分析这一规定。它认为,在判定中型企业法与另一法规之间的冲突时,中型企业法对不同业务领域的影响造成了若干不一致之处。它提出了由于通过非反对条款给予IBC至高无上地位而产生的问题,并展示了其应用有时如何违背其目的。最后,本文分析了英国和新加坡的破产制度以及《联合国国际贸易法委员会破产指南》,并提供了一个在根据不同法规对公司提起诉讼的当局之间建立更好合作的例子。关键词:资不抵债和破产法典,无偿付能力,无异议,第238ibc条款,尽管印度法律管辖全面冲突披露声明作者未报告潜在的利益冲突。注1 South India Corporation (P) Ltd诉税务局秘书,Trivandrum AIR 1964 SC 207 [215];Chandavarkar Sita Ratna Rao诉Ashalata S Guram (1986) 4 SCC 447;PEK Kalliani Amma (Smt) vs K Devi (1996) 4 SCC 76;Moreshwar Balkrishna Pandare诉Vithal Vyanku Chavan (2001) 5 SCC 551;印度铱电信有限公司诉摩托罗拉公司(2005)2 SCC 145.2 Waman Shrinivas Kini诉ratial Bhagwandas & Co AIR 1959 SC 689.3同上,同上,5 M Venugopal诉部门经理,人寿保险公司AIR 1994 SC 1343;《1955年印度婚姻法》,第16.6条参见例如《2002年防止洗钱法》;2003年电力法;Sandeep Bhalla,《用法律准则解释印度的原则》(Lawmystery.com 2006) 121.8《破产和破产法2016》,s 238.9印度政府财政部,《破产法改革委员会报告》卷一:理由和设计(2015)12访问2023.8月9日Aravind Gayam,《破产和破产法》:“你需要知道的一切”(PRS立法研究,2016年5月10日),查阅2023.8月9日。11印度储备银行,总通告,关于收入确认、资产分类和预支拨备的审慎规范,RBI/ 2015-16/101, 2021年10月1日发布,A.12部分第2段。世界银行,“银行不良贷款占总贷款总额(%)-英国,印度”(世界银行开放数据),查阅2023.8月9日。破产法改革委员会报告第一册:原理与设计(2015)12查阅2023.8月9日同上15《2016年破产和破产法》,第7和9.16条《2016年破产和破产法》,第13.17条《2016年破产和破产法》,第14.18条《2016年破产和破产法》,第21.19条Karunjit Singh和Aashish Aryan,“在IBC的5年里,贷款人对索赔进行了61%的削减,显示数据”(印度快报,2021年7月27日)查阅2023.20年8月9日《2016年破产和破产法》,《破产与破产法》2016年第3章第21条。但是,尚未通知$ 243《破产与破产法2016》,第255.23条《破产与破产法2016》,第245.24条《破产与破产法2016》,第249.25条《破产与破产法2016》,第251.26条Sati Mukund,“2016年破产与破产法——为所有人提供公平的竞争环境”(2018)11(44)国际内部法律顾问杂志1,4.27 Ashish Pandey,“印度破产与破产法:六十年的制定”(2016)8(1)印度管理杂志26.28 (2018)1 SCC 407 [50].29Sara Jain,“分析2016年破产和破产法的主要影响”(2020)13 NUJS法律评论39,45.30 Madhusudan Sahoo,“CIRP中价值最大化的艺术”(破产和破产新闻,IBBI)访问2023年8月9日31印度财政部,破产法改革委员会报告第一卷:基本原理和设计(2015)22访问2023年8月9日32 2018 SCC OnLine NCLAT 565[17]。印度电网公司诉Jyoti结构公司(2017)SCC OnLine Del 12189.36同上[8].3738 .无论法院是否适用非反对条款的检验标准,这些案件都可作为先例,以了解在发生任何冲突时哪一部法规将适用Deep Chand诉UP AIR州1959 sc648;M Karunanidhi诉印度联邦(1979)3 SCR 254.39 [39](1979) 1 SCC 92.42 Shobha Ltd诉Pancard Clubs Ltd 2017 SCC OnLine NCLT 7486.43 ICICI Bank Ltd诉ABG Shipyard Ltd 2017 SCC OnLine NCLT 12031 [2.2].44《2016年企业破产解决程序条例》,第32条。 45 Jain (n 29) 39, 46.46同上。47 Bhanu Ram v HBN dairy & Allied Ltd Tax Pub (CL) 0050, (NCLAT: 2019);Anju Agarwal诉Bombay Stock Exchange and Ors (2019) SCC OnLine NCLAT 789。例如,在Anju Agarwal案中,NCLAT认为,IBC第14条将优先于SEBI法案第28A条,该条款涉及SEBI通过IBC中的非反对条款收回金额,包括通过扣押动产和银行账户。仲裁庭进一步指出,根据IBC本身,应付给SEBI的任何金额或罚款都可以由SEBI作为业务债权人提出索赔,但在决议过程中无法收回Shobha Ltd (n . 42).49执法局诉Axis Bank (2019) SCC OnLine Del 7854.50同上[146];印度证券交易委员会,关于加强董事会执行机制的措施和附带问题的报告(2020)410,查阅于2023年8月9日。《2016年破产和破产法》,第32A.52条印度中央银行诉喀拉拉邦(2009)4 SCC 94;Bhoruka Steel Ltd诉Fairgrowth Financial Services Ltd (1997) 89 Comp Cas 547;Solidaire India Ltd诉Fairgrowth Financial Services Ltd (2001) 3 SCC 71;KSL及工业有限公司诉Arihant Threads Limited (2008) 9 SCC 763 [70], [92].53印度工业信贷投资银行有限公司(n . 43)Shobha Ltd (n 42).55这与前面描述的同一操作领域不同。以前,确定是否存在冲突需要同一行动领域。在这里,一旦确定了冲突,立法的目的就有助于确定哪一方应占上风Swaran Singh诉Kasturilal AIR 1977
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引用次数: 0
When hypercriminalization falls afoul of the constitution: the need to rethink the Trafficking in Persons (Prevention, Care and Rehabilitation) Bill 2021 当过度定罪违反宪法:需要重新考虑《2021年贩运人口(预防、照顾和康复)法案》
Pub Date : 2023-07-20 DOI: 10.1080/24730580.2023.2235937
Prabha Kotiswaran, S. Rajam
ABSTRACT Trafficking is a transnational legal problem that has attracted considerable attention since the adoption of the UN Convention against Transnational Organized Crime. In derogation of a robust indigenous jurisprudence on forced labour, the Indian state has, since 2000, imported the criminal law model of the Convention culminating in the Trafficking in Persons (Prevention, Care and Rehabilitation) Bill 2021. This Bill is a hypercarceral law, the relationship of which with pre-existing labour laws is unclear even as it seeks to abolish sex work. In its zeal to crack down on criminals, its provisions violate fundamental principles of criminal liability and Articles 14, 19, and 21 of the Constitution even while it casts the net of the criminal law wide, threatening to freeze sections of the economy and render the Indian worker a victim who is confined to rehabilitation homes. The article argues for a fundamental rethink of the Bill.
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引用次数: 0
The Eighteenth Amendment at trial in Pakistan’s Supreme Court 巴基斯坦最高法院正在审理第十八修正案
Pub Date : 2023-05-15 DOI: 10.1080/24730580.2023.2213030
Bakhtawar Bilal Soofi
ABSTRACT The Supreme Court of Pakistan plays an important mediatory role in managing political conflict. While there is a growing body of literature on the merits of the Eighteenth Amendment to Pakistan’s Constitution, not much has been written about how those changes have actually played out in practice before the courts. This paper tries to plug this gap by critically examining the implications of the Supreme Court’s decision in Sui Southern Gas Company Ltd v Federation of Pakistan. This paper argues that while the outcome is consistent with a general tendency of constitutional courts to centralize power, the expansive rule laid down by the Supreme Court does not square up with the spirit of the Eighteenth Amendment which was intended to resolve long-standing disputes between the centre and the provinces by conferring greater provincial autonomy.
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引用次数: 0
Making Constitutions Work Post-War 使宪法在战后发挥作用
Pub Date : 2023-05-04 DOI: 10.1080/24730580.2023.2232638
Dinesha Samararatne
In states that are in or emerging out of conflict, what can we learn about constitutionmaking and implementation when we examine them from the status of that conflict, that is to say whether the state is post-war or post-conflict? What specific insights can we obtain when we ask this question from a South Asian perspective? This Special Issue was curated along these two main questions. The insights that emerge confirm that the prospects for constitutional reform can vary significantly depending on whether a state is in the midst of conflict or whether (for an identifiable reason) it can be designated as being post-conflict. It is possible to have an in-between stage too, a state where the “war” is concluded (at least formally) but a formal solution to the conflict has not been reached, known commonly as a post-war stage. These stages are of course not easy to identify but are indicative of distinctions that are useful to bear in mind when considering constitutional reform. In this Special Issue, five authors (including myself) reflect on these broader questions from the experiences of three South Asian jurisdictions. It has become clear that work on South Asia can benefit from intra-regional comparative work on the lesser known jurisdictions. Nepal, Myanmar, and Sri Lanka, in particular, are proximate jurisdictions that easily lend themselves to an intra-regional comparison on experiences and questions related to conflict. When I planned this project in 2019, it included Myanmar but the papers focusing mainly on Myanmar could not be finalized due to the ongoing crisis in the country. Draft papers were presented at an online workshop in 2020 on all three jurisdictions. After the Peace Agreement of 2006 and the adoption of a new constitution in 2015, Nepal is described as a post-conflict state. Even though sustained violence has ceased in Sri Lanka since 2009, a political settlement to the conflict has not yet been reached. The need for a constitutional solution to the conflict is raised from time to time. In Myanmar, reforms of the Constitution of 2008 were on the agenda over the last decade until the coup of 2021. In all three states, constitution-making and implementation have been closely linked with issues related to transitional justice, restoration of the rule of law, security sector reforms, and economic development. All three jurisdictions have had a settlement or agreement relating to the conflict. The conflicts involve ethnicity, historic injustices, religion, and gender in each of these societies. The experience of constitutionmaking and/or implementation in each of these states has been influenced and impacted by international or regional actors as well as international law. This Issue aims to add fresh voices to ongoing debates on these issues. Every effort was made, therefore, to seek submissions from authors who were from these jurisdictions and at an early stage in their career. Power-sharing is a key concern in all three jurisdict
在处于或刚刚摆脱冲突的国家,当我们从冲突的状态来审视它们时,也就是说,这个国家是战后的还是后冲突的,我们能从宪法的制定和实施中学到什么?当我们从南亚的角度提出这个问题时,我们能得到什么具体的见解?本期特刊就是围绕这两个主要问题策划的。出现的见解证实,宪法改革的前景可能会有很大的不同,这取决于一个国家是否处于冲突之中,或者(出于可识别的原因)它是否可以被指定为冲突后国家。也可能有一个中间阶段,即“战争”结束(至少是正式结束),但尚未达成冲突的正式解决方案的状态,通常被称为战后阶段。这些阶段当然不容易确定,但它们表明了在考虑宪法改革时值得牢记的区别。在本期特刊中,五位作者(包括我自己)从三个南亚司法管辖区的经验中反思这些更广泛的问题。很明显,关于南亚的工作可以从关于鲜为人知的司法管辖区的区域内比较工作中受益。特别是尼泊尔、缅甸和斯里兰卡,它们是邻近的司法管辖区,很容易对与冲突有关的经验和问题进行区域内比较。当我在2019年计划这个项目时,它包括缅甸,但由于该国持续的危机,主要关注缅甸的论文无法最终确定。在2020年关于这三个司法管辖区的在线研讨会上提交了文件草案。在2006年和平协议和2015年通过新宪法之后,尼泊尔被描述为一个后冲突国家。尽管自2009年以来,斯里兰卡已经停止了持续的暴力活动,但冲突的政治解决方案尚未达成。通过宪法解决冲突的必要性不时被提出。在缅甸,2008年宪法的改革在过去十年一直被提上日程,直到2021年的政变。在这三个国家,宪法的制定和实施都与过渡时期司法、恢复法治、安全部门改革和经济发展等问题密切相关。这三个司法管辖区都已就冲突达成和解或协议。这些冲突涉及这些社会中的种族、历史不公、宗教和性别。这些国家的制宪和(或)实施经验都受到国际或区域行为体以及国际法的影响和影响。本期杂志旨在为正在进行的有关这些问题的辩论增添新的声音。因此,我们尽一切努力寻求来自这些司法管辖区并处于职业生涯早期阶段的作者的意见。权力分享是这三个司法管辖区的一个关键问题,在本问题中占有突出地位。Sanjayan Rajasingham在《斯里兰卡的无名宪法和权力分享》一文中,考虑了斯里兰卡温和派为引入《印度法律评论》2023年第7卷第1期所采取的新策略。2,147 - 149 https://doi.org/10.1080/24730580.2023.2232638
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引用次数: 0
A mosaic of dovetailing laws: India’s communications surveillance regime 一系列相辅相成的法律:印度的通讯监控制度
Pub Date : 2023-04-10 DOI: 10.1080/24730580.2023.2193931
P. Arun
ABSTRACT India’s communications surveillance regime can be aptly described as a legal mosaic with different provisions in various statutes, yet they are neatly dovetailed with each other. This Conspectus paper examines India’s communications surveillance law and analyses the characteristics of the state’s surveillance power, the nature and scope of the legal restraints and procedural safeguards afforded to prevent arbitrariness, indiscriminate use and violation of the right to communications privacy. It further identifies the key issues and major decisions of the European courts on mass surveillance in post-Puttaswamy years.
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引用次数: 0
Indian constitutionalism, the rule of law, and Parsi legal culture 印度的宪政、法治和帕西人的法律文化
Pub Date : 2023-04-05 DOI: 10.1080/24730580.2023.2197317
M. Sharafi
ABSTRACT Parsi legal culture produced clear benefits for Zoroastrians in the late colonial era. It also played an underacknowledged role in the constitutional life of modern India, helping nationalists pivot from extra-legal resistance to the business of running a state. Independent India could re-activate constitutionalism and the rule of law as ideals because these values were well established among nationalists, albeit in a tradition that had been relegated to the back burner in the run-up to independence. This tradition, exemplified by early Congress figures like Dadabhai Naoroji, Pherozeshah Mehta, and Dinsha Wacha, was heavily influenced by Parsi legal culture. This article also suggests that rule-of-law values were not inescapably colonial. As an ideal, the rule of law caused division within the colonial state, powered anti-colonial critique, and reinforced constitutionalism. Because the rule-of-law agenda was distinct from colonialism, there was no inherent contradiction between Parsi legal culture and the rejection of colonial rule.
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引用次数: 1
Post-war reforms in Sri Lanka: need to tie minority demands to a rule of law discourse 斯里兰卡战后改革:需要将少数民族的要求与法治话语联系起来
Pub Date : 2023-02-10 DOI: 10.1080/24730580.2023.2175433
Isabelle Lassée
ABSTRACT In 2015, Sri Lanka underwent a major political change, with the opening of a window of opportunity for both constitutional reform and Transitional Justice (TJ). However, TJ and constitutional reform were routinely presented in mainstream political discourses as two agendas in tension competing for political capital. Furthermore, TJ was perceived as controversial and, for this reason, was isolated conceptually and procedurally from other reform agendas. This reinforced the perception that TJ was a measure benefiting solely minority communities and imposed by foreign powers. This misperception, in turn, fuelled continued opposition to this agenda. After recalling the important links between TJ and the rule of law, I argue that a well-designed communication strategy around TJ should have harnessed the pre-2015 momentum for good governance and rule of law reforms in order to foster greater support for TJ.
2015年,斯里兰卡经历了重大的政治变革,为宪法改革和过渡时期司法(TJ)打开了机会之窗。然而,在主流政治话语中,TJ和宪法改革通常被视为两个争夺政治资本的紧张议程。此外,TJ被认为是有争议的,因此在概念上和程序上与其他改革议程是分开的。这强化了一种看法,即TJ是外国势力强加给少数民族社区的一项措施。这种误解反过来又助长了对这一议程的持续反对。在回顾TJ与法治之间的重要联系后,我认为,设计良好的TJ传播战略应该利用2015年前善治和法治改革的势头,以促进对TJ的更大支持。
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引用次数: 0
COVID-19 And Rule By Decree – A Case Study Of The NCT of Delhi COVID-19与法令统治——以德里NCT为例
Pub Date : 2023-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/24730580.2023.2177813
Pranav Verma
ABSTRACT The article attempts a quantitative as well as a qualitative analysis of the National Capital Territory (“NCT”) of Delhi’s legislative productivity in the year 2020. The Legislative Assembly of Delhi produced only one piece of substantive legislation throughout the year, sitting for one of its fewest number of sessions. However, the business of the Government continued to run apace through several subordinate legislations. While most of these pertained to routine matters of day-to-day administration, two primary regulations embodied the entirety of the State’s pandemic response on the back of a colonial-era skeleton legislation. The article discusses the constitutional questions of concern raised by such promulgation of subordinate legislations, while acknowledging the backdrop of the emergency nature of the pandemic and the unique power-sharing arrangement in the Constitution of India regarding the National Capital Territory of Delhi.
本文试图对2020年德里立法生产力的国家首都地区(“NCT”)进行定量和定性分析。德里立法议会全年只制定了一项实质性立法,这是其为数不多的会议之一。但是,政府的工作继续通过若干从属立法迅速进行。虽然其中大多数涉及日常管理的日常事务,但有两项主要条例体现了国家在殖民时代框架立法的基础上对大流行病作出的全部反应。该条讨论了这种从属立法的颁布所引起的宪法问题,同时承认该流行病的紧急性质以及印度宪法中关于德里国家首都领土的独特权力分享安排的背景。
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引用次数: 0
期刊
Indian Law Review
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