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Cascading Expert Failure 级联专家故障
Pub Date : 2021-02-04 DOI: 10.2139/SSRN.3778836
Jon Murphy
Recent research has shown how experts may fail in their duty as advisors by providing advice that leads to a worse outcome than that anticipated by the user of expert opinion. However, those models have focused on the immediate effects of the failure on experts and nonexperts. Using a cascading network failure model, I show how expert failure can cascade throughout multiple sectors, even those not necessarily purchasing the expert opinion. Consequently, even relatively small failures end up having outsized aggregate effects. To provide evidence of my theory, I look at two case studies of COVID expert advice to show how one seemingly minor failure ended up contributing to the pandemic. I conclude with a discussion on institutional frameworks that can prevent such cascades.
最近的研究表明,专家可能会因为提供的建议导致比专家意见使用者预期的更糟糕的结果而未能履行其作为顾问的职责。然而,这些模型关注的是失败对专家和非专家的直接影响。使用级联网络故障模型,我展示了专家故障如何在多个部门中级联,甚至是那些不一定购买专家意见的部门。因此,即使是相对较小的失败最终也会产生巨大的总体效应。为了证明我的理论,我研究了两个关于COVID专家建议的案例研究,以展示一个看似微不足道的失败最终如何导致了这场大流行。最后,我将讨论能够防止这种连锁反应的体制框架。
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引用次数: 3
Politically Motivated Intergovernmental Transfers in Russia: The Case of the 2018 FIFA World Cup 俄罗斯政府间资金转移的政治动机:以2018年世界杯为例
Pub Date : 2021-01-28 DOI: 10.2139/ssrn.3776026
Ekaterina Paustyan
This paper studies the distribution of politically motivated intergovernmental transfers in Russia focusing on the case of the 2018 FIFA World Cup. It investigates what factors have accounted for the selection of the 2018 FIFA World Cup venues. Qualitative Comparative Analysis of 14 cases reveals that well-connected political elites were able to secure the right for their regions to host the championship and, as a result, to extract additional funds from the center. These findings are in line with the argument that the regional governments in Russia play an important role in the distribution of politically sensitive transfers. Taking into account that these transfers have been increasing over the past years, there is no surprise that the regional elites have developed various lobbying strategies and mechanisms for attracting them.
本文以2018年世界杯为例,研究了俄罗斯政府间政治动机转移支付的分布。该报告调查了影响2018年世界杯场馆选择的因素。对14个案例的定性比较分析表明,关系良好的政治精英能够确保其地区举办锦标赛的权利,并因此从中央提取额外的资金。这些发现与俄罗斯地方政府在政治敏感转移支付分配中发挥重要作用的论点一致。考虑到这些转移在过去几年一直在增加,地区精英们开发了各种游说策略和机制来吸引他们也就不足为奇了。
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引用次数: 0
Mind the Gap: Why Wealthy Voters Support Brexit 注意差距:为什么富裕选民支持英国脱欧
Pub Date : 2021-01-12 DOI: 10.2139/ssrn.3764889
Jane Green, Raluca L. Pahontu
Does insurance alter voters' decisions to support the status-quo? As wealth provides a cushion against financial risk, which in turn decreases risk-aversion, we argue that wealth increases support for a change to the status quo. When calculating net benefits, a less risk averse individual places a lower weight on costs than on benefits, thereby reinforcing the decision to depart from the status quo. We test our theory in the case of Brexit, which has been widely characterized as a vote by economically left-behind voters. Our results show that individuals who lacked wealth are less likely to support leaving the EU, meaning they are more biased to the status quo. We corroborate our theory using two panel data surveys, accounting for unobserved individual level heterogeneity, and also using a survey experiment. The findings have implications for the role of wealth-as-insurance in electoral behavior, and also important implications for understanding the Brexit case.
保险会改变选民支持现状的决定吗?由于财富提供了对金融风险的缓冲,从而降低了风险厌恶,我们认为财富增加了对改变现状的支持。在计算净收益时,风险厌恶程度较低的个体对成本的重视程度低于对收益的重视程度,从而加强了脱离现状的决定。我们以英国脱欧为例来检验我们的理论,英国脱欧被广泛地描述为经济落后选民的投票。我们的研究结果显示,缺乏财富的人不太可能支持离开欧盟,这意味着他们更倾向于维持现状。我们使用两个面板数据调查来证实我们的理论,考虑到未观察到的个体水平异质性,并使用调查实验。这些发现对财富作为保险在选举行为中的作用有影响,对理解英国脱欧案件也有重要意义。
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引用次数: 1
Collective Decision Through an Intermediary 通过中介的集体决策
Pub Date : 2021-01-06 DOI: 10.2139/ssrn.3761473
Yunan Li, Xingtan Zhang
An intermediary must make a decision on behalf of a group of agents, who are privately informed about their valuations attached to decisions. Examples include the government acting as an intermediary in the provision of public goods. We show that an imperfectly informed intermediary can help achieve an ex post efficient decision. We propose a cross-subsidization mechanism that implements an efficient decision. A condition on the intermediary's information that ensures efficiency is characterized. Our results provide a rationale for the government's involvement in public good projects based on information.
中介机构必须代表一组代理人做出决定,这些代理人私下被告知与决策相关的估值。例子包括政府作为提供公共产品的中介。我们表明,不完全知情的中介可以帮助实现事后有效决策。我们提出了一种实现高效决策的交叉补贴机制。中介信息上保证效率的条件。我们的研究结果为政府参与基于信息的公益项目提供了理论依据。
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引用次数: 0
Reverse Revolving Doors: The Influence of Interest Groups on Legislative Voting 反向旋转门:利益集团对立法投票的影响
Pub Date : 2020-12-04 DOI: 10.2139/ssrn.3741488
Miguel Alquezar-Yus, Josep Amer-Mestre
This paper studies how former interest groups’ employees turned politicians (who we label as lobbyist legislators) influence the voting behavior of their colleague legislators. Using the alphabetic allocation of seats in the European Parliament and detailed individual résumé information, we find that legislators connected to lobbyist legislators are 7% more likely to coincide in their ballot with that of the lobbyist legislator only when the subject of the vote is deemed of importance to the interest group’s economic activity. Lobbyist legislators are influencing their connections’ ballots by achieving a 44% reduction in voting abstention. Lobbyist legislators substantially increase the likelihood of their connections casting their same ballot during high-stakes votes, however legislators slowly learn from their connections’ leanings and preferences, and tend to deviate overtime. All the effects are similar in size to that of being connected to lead legislators responsible for calling the party’s position in each motion.
本文研究了前利益集团雇员转变为政治家(我们称之为游说者立法者)如何影响其同事立法者的投票行为。使用欧洲议会席位的字母顺序分配和详细的个人汇汇表信息,我们发现,只有当投票的主题被认为对利益集团的经济活动很重要时,与游说者立法者有联系的立法者在投票中与游说者立法者一致的可能性要高7%。游说者立法者通过减少44%的弃权票来影响他们关系的投票。在高风险的投票中,说客立法者大大增加了他们的关系投同一票的可能性,然而立法者慢慢地从他们的关系的倾向和偏好中学习,并倾向于随着时间的推移而偏离。所有这些影响在规模上都类似于与负责在每项动议中表明该党立场的主要立法者有联系。
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引用次数: 1
The Politics of Differentiated Integration: What do Governments Want? Country Report – Belgium (FR) 差别化整合的政治:政府想要什么?国别报告-比利时(FR)
Pub Date : 2020-12-01 DOI: 10.2139/ssrn.3783816
Fabio Cescon
This report analyses the salience and overall position of the Belgian government on issues of European Integration between 2004 and 2020. The material analysed consists of mainly speeches and debates from institutional actors at the federal level; other Belgian governmental instances have been excluded from the analysis. The analysis showed that DI is a low salience issue in Belgium, possibly due to the government’s instability and the overall pro-EU stance of the country. The Belgian government has taken a positive stance towards a multi-speed Europe, especially in the post-Brexit debates. This solution is described as allowing different MS to pursue different interests, while still working towards the EU integration project. A notable contentious issue amongst Belgian federal parties has been the Financial Transaction Tax, notably over the possible unfair consequences on competition that this tax would bring about.
本报告分析了2004年至2020年比利时政府在欧洲一体化问题上的突出地位和总体立场。所分析的材料主要包括联邦一级机构行为者的发言和辩论;比利时政府的其他事例已被排除在分析之外。分析显示,DI在比利时是一个不太突出的问题,可能是由于政府的不稳定和该国整体的亲欧盟立场。比利时政府对多速欧洲持积极态度,尤其是在英国脱欧后的辩论中。该解决方案被描述为允许不同的MS追求不同的兴趣,同时仍然为欧盟一体化项目而努力。比利时联邦各党派之间一个值得注意的争议问题是金融交易税,特别是该税可能对竞争带来的不公平后果。
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引用次数: 1
Recovering Election Winner Probabilities from Stock Prices 从股票价格中恢复选举获胜的可能性
Pub Date : 2020-11-30 DOI: 10.2139/ssrn.3739982
M. Hanke, Sebastian Stöckl, Alex Weissensteiner
Abstract After the 2020 U.S. presidential election, counting votes and calling states took more time than usual, particularly in battleground states. In the days following the election, winning probabilities changed frequently as new results were tabulated. Based on the sensitivity of stocks to changes in winning probabilities observed before the election, we show how the stock market’s assessment of the unobserved post-election winning probabilities can be backed out from stock prices. Our approach is based solely on publicly available data.
在2020年美国总统大选之后,计票和致电各州花费了比平时更多的时间,特别是在战场州。在选举之后的几天里,随着新结果的出炉,获胜的可能性经常发生变化。基于股票对选举前观察到的获胜概率变化的敏感性,我们展示了股票市场对选举后未观察到的获胜概率的评估如何从股票价格中退出。我们的方法完全基于公开可用的数据。
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引用次数: 2
How Can New Governance Regulation Develop? Regulatory Dialectics and Mandatory Charity Performance Reporting 新的治理规则如何发展?监管辩证法与强制性慈善业绩报告
Pub Date : 2020-11-12 DOI: 10.2139/ssrn.3728801
D. Mcconville, C. Cordery
Increasingly New Governance approaches are evident in public administration, in contrast to the New Public Management (NPM) approach and reforms of last century. In focusing on competition and outcomes, regulation under NPM has been a tool to manage self-interested decision-makers, and is beset by conflict. Kane’s model of regulatory dialectics could be applied to this approach. New Governance (variously known as New Public Governance, Public Value Governance) takes a process approach, aimed at problem solving and co-creating public good. It blurs traditional regulatory boundaries, and yet, the concern is that, when developing mandatory regulation, power imbalances may still occur and that the process approach may severely delay successful outcomes. We propose a New Governance-orientated model of regulatory dialectics. Here, the use of formal organisations, routine processes and informal dialogues facilitates repeated interactions, identifying more ‘soft’ than ‘hard’ responses by regulators and regulates. This less adversarial and more partnered process leads to greater engagement in regulatory development which impacts significantly on the regulation that results, and has the potential to improve acceptance of (and compliance with) mandatory regulation.
与上世纪的新公共管理(NPM)方法和改革相比,新治理方法在公共行政中越来越明显。在关注竞争和结果方面,国家预防机制下的监管一直是管理自利决策者的工具,并受到冲突的困扰。凯恩的调节辩证法模型可以应用于这种方法。新治理(又称新公共治理、公共价值治理)采用过程方法,旨在解决问题和共同创造公共产品。它模糊了传统的监管界限,然而,令人担忧的是,在制定强制性监管时,权力失衡仍可能发生,而过程方法可能严重拖延成功的结果。我们提出了一个以“新治理”为导向的监管辩证法模型。在这里,正式组织、常规流程和非正式对话的使用促进了重复的互动,确定了监管机构和被监管机构的“软”反应多于“硬”反应。这种较少的对抗性和更多的合作过程导致更多的参与监管发展,这对结果的监管产生重大影响,并有可能提高对强制性监管的接受(和遵守)。
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引用次数: 0
Evo Morales and Electoral Fraud in Bolivia: A Natural Experiment and Discontinuity Evidence 埃沃·莫拉莱斯和玻利维亚的选举舞弊:一个自然实验和不连续性证据
Pub Date : 2020-10-15 DOI: 10.2139/ssrn.3492928
Diego Escobari, G. Hoover
This paper uses a unique data set and a natural experiment based on the shutdown in the official preliminary vote counting system to identify and estimate the size of electoral fraud in the 2019 Bolivian presidential elections. The 2016 Constitutional Referendum and the participation of other political parties serve as controls to estimate various difference-in-differences and difference-in-difference-in-differences specifications. The results show evidence of a statistically significant electoral case of fraud that increased the votes of the incumbent Movimiento al Socialismo and decreased the votes of the runner up Comunidad Ciudadana. We estimate that the extent of the fraud is 2.50% of valid votes, sufficient to change the outcome of the election. We report a break in trend and evidence of fraud beyond the shutdown. Our results are robust to polling-station-level shocks common across 2019 and 2016, as well as 2019 specific shocks. This controls for geography (e.g., rural vs. urban), unobserved voting preferences, voter's last names, and endogeneity in the arrival of the polling stations. We document a statistically significant discontinuous jump in the gap between the incumbent and the runner up during the shutdown.
本文使用独特的数据集和基于官方初步计票系统关闭的自然实验来识别和估计2019年玻利维亚总统选举中选举欺诈的规模。2016年宪法公投和其他政党的参与作为对照,以估计各种差异中的差异和差异中的差异规格。结果显示,有证据表明,在统计上存在重大的选举舞弊行为,使现任的社会主义运动党(Movimiento al Socialismo)的选票增加,而第二名的城市共同体(comidad Ciudadana)的选票减少。我们估计舞弊的程度为有效选票的2.50%,足以改变选举结果。我们在关闭之后报告了趋势的突破和欺诈的证据。我们的结果对于2019年和2016年常见的投票站级冲击以及2019年特定冲击都是稳健的。这控制了地理位置(如农村与城市)、未观察到的投票偏好、选民的姓氏以及投票站到达时的内生性。我们记录了统计上显著的不连续跳跃在现任者和亚军之间的差距在关闭期间。
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引用次数: 2
Rolling the Dice in the Corridors of Power: William Nordhaus's Impacts on Climate Change Policy 在权力走廊里掷骰子:威廉·诺德豪斯对气候变化政策的影响
Pub Date : 2020-07-10 DOI: 10.2139/ssrn.3656729
Joseph E. Aldy, Robert Stavins
The seminal contributions of William Nordhaus to scholarship on the long-run macroeconomics of global climate change are clear. Much more challenging to identify are the impacts of Nordhaus and his research on public policy in this domain. We examine three conceptually distinct pathways for that influence: his personal participation in the policy world; his research’s direct contribution to the formulation and evaluation of public policy; and his research’s indirect role informing public policy. Many of the themes that emerge in this assessment of the contributions of one of the most important economists to have worked in the domain of climate change analysis apply more broadly to the roles played by other leading economists in this and other policy domains.
威廉•诺德豪斯(William Nordhaus)对全球气候变化长期宏观经济学研究的开创性贡献是显而易见的。要确定诺德豪斯及其研究在这一领域对公共政策的影响更具挑战性。我们研究了三种概念上截然不同的影响途径:他个人对政策世界的参与;他的研究对公共政策的制定和评估有直接贡献;以及他的研究对公共政策的间接影响。在对气候变化分析领域最重要的经济学家之一的贡献进行评估时,出现的许多主题更广泛地适用于其他主要经济学家在这一领域和其他政策领域所扮演的角色。
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引用次数: 2
期刊
Public Choice: Analysis of Collective Decision-Making eJournal
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