Pub Date : 1900-01-01DOI: 10.37837/2707-7683-2019-16
O. B. Junior
The interview provides information on the diplomatic path of Oswaldo Biato Junior, Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary of the Federative Republic of Brazil to Ukraine. It articulates the idea that future transformations in Ukraine The article provides estimations on future changes in Ukraine will reverberate on social and political changes across the entire Eastern Europe and the Caucasus. Special attention is drawn to the beneficial strategic position of Ukraine. The article puts emphasis on the activities of the Embassy of Brazil to Ukraine aimed at strengthening cooperation between the two states. It is also noted that Brazilian society has a positive attitude towards Ukraine. The article provides data concerning the project Ukrainian Prizm, responsible for foreign policy analysis on a regular basis. It is stressed that the project is a useful initiative, since politicians can find out information on the progress made and results achieved in its framework. The article suggests that Ukraine should work upon its potential and avoid presenting itself solely as a victim of the Russian aggression. Instead, it should position itself as a country with huge trade, investment, and education capacity. The Ambassador reminds that Brazil and Ukraine have always maintained friendly diplomatic relations, which is only reinforced by the fact there are almost 500,000 Ukraine-born Brazilians. It is stressed Ukraine should be promoted in Latin America, especially given the less and less Europocentric character of the world. The articles focuses on the fact that Brazil does not and will not admit the Crimean peninsula as part of the Russian Federation. Special attention is drawn to the project of the Cyclon-4 carrier rocket. The reasons for the termination of activities in this sphere as well as new cooperation prospects are described. The interviews also offers an insight into the information on achievements in certain realms of economy in the course of the establishment of the Ukrainian-Brazilian dialogue. Key words: Ukrainian-Brazilian relations, Ambassador, Ukrainian Prizm, Latin America, bilateral cooperation.
{"title":"Brazil–Ukraine: Partners at Sea or Overseas Partners","authors":"O. B. Junior","doi":"10.37837/2707-7683-2019-16","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.37837/2707-7683-2019-16","url":null,"abstract":"The interview provides information on the diplomatic path of Oswaldo Biato Junior, Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary of the Federative Republic of Brazil to Ukraine. It articulates the idea that future transformations in Ukraine The article provides estimations on future changes in Ukraine will reverberate on social and political changes across the entire Eastern Europe and the Caucasus. Special attention is drawn to the beneficial strategic position of Ukraine. The article puts emphasis on the activities of the Embassy of Brazil to Ukraine aimed at strengthening cooperation between the two states. It is also noted that Brazilian society has a positive attitude towards Ukraine.\u0000The article provides data concerning the project Ukrainian Prizm, responsible for foreign policy analysis on a regular basis. It is stressed that the project is a useful initiative, since politicians can find out information on the progress made and results achieved in its framework.\u0000The article suggests that Ukraine should work upon its potential and avoid presenting itself solely as a victim of the Russian aggression. Instead, it should position itself as a country with huge trade, investment, and education capacity. The Ambassador reminds that Brazil and Ukraine have always maintained friendly diplomatic relations, which is only reinforced by the fact there are almost 500,000 Ukraine-born Brazilians. It is stressed Ukraine should be promoted in Latin America, especially given the less and less Europocentric character of the world.\u0000The articles focuses on the fact that Brazil does not and will not admit the Crimean peninsula as part of the Russian Federation.\u0000Special attention is drawn to the project of the Cyclon-4 carrier rocket. The reasons for the termination of activities in this sphere as well as new cooperation prospects are described.\u0000The interviews also offers an insight into the information on achievements in certain realms of economy in the course of the establishment of the Ukrainian-Brazilian dialogue.\u0000Key words: Ukrainian-Brazilian relations, Ambassador, Ukrainian Prizm, Latin America, bilateral cooperation.","PeriodicalId":175721,"journal":{"name":"Diplomatic Ukraine","volume":"13 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"126233107","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 1900-01-01DOI: 10.37837/2707-7683-2021-24
Faouz Achchabi
{"title":"Ukraine and Morocco: Common Aspiration for Development","authors":"Faouz Achchabi","doi":"10.37837/2707-7683-2021-24","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.37837/2707-7683-2021-24","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":175721,"journal":{"name":"Diplomatic Ukraine","volume":"18 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"125164757","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 1900-01-01DOI: 10.37837/2707-7683-2019-39
S. Zdioruk
The article deals with the influence of the Russian Orthodox Church on the Ukrainian society and the problems that arise as a result. The author claims that the ROC and its branch, the Ukrainian Orthodox Church, pursue a purposeful and systematic pol-icy of destruction of the autocephalous status of the Orthodox Church of Ukraine and the policy of national unity in Ukraine. It is argued that on 3 April 2019, the Synod of the UOC of the Moscow Patriarchate reiterated that the ROC and the UOC (MP) will not concede to full and global recognition of the autocephalous status of the newly-established UOC. A wide range of tools is used for that purpose. The author analyses the attitude of the UOC (MP) to the Russian military aggression. He claims that part of the priests of the UOC (MP) openly supported terrorists and systematically cooperated with the invaders in the territories beyond Ukraine’s control. It is noted that the administration of the UOC (MP) adheres to the paradigm of the ‘Russian world’ and ‘spiritual unity of fraternal Ukrainian and Russian peoples’, therefore refusing to refer to the armed aggression in Donetsk, Luhansk and Crimea as the Russian aggression, occupation or hybrid war. It is stated that the UOC (MP) together with the ROC has become a strong instigator of a stressful situation in Ukrainian society through creating ‘multiple lines of confrontation’. They also regularly conduct information and manipulative campaigns aimed at discrediting Ukraine. In addition, they appeal to international organizations on the violation of hu-man rights in order to realize their own interests. The article elaborates upon the exploitation of religious issues by the Kremlin in the context of the attack on Ukrainian history. It is argued that Moscow considers part of the territory of Ukraine ‘the spiritual source of the formation of the Russian nation and the Russian state’. It is proposed to take a number of measures to neutralize the destructive influence of the Russian Orthodox Church on the consolidation of Ukrainian society. Keywords: Russian Orthodox Church, national interests of Ukraine, Russian aggression, hybrid war, Moscow Patriarchate, international religious relations.
{"title":"The Russian Orthodox Church as the Mechanism of Degradation of National Unity in Ukraine","authors":"S. Zdioruk","doi":"10.37837/2707-7683-2019-39","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.37837/2707-7683-2019-39","url":null,"abstract":"The article deals with the influence of the Russian Orthodox Church on the Ukrainian society and the problems that arise as a result. The author claims that the ROC and its branch, the Ukrainian Orthodox Church, pursue a purposeful and systematic pol-icy of destruction of the autocephalous status of the Orthodox Church of Ukraine and the policy of national unity in Ukraine.\u0000It is argued that on 3 April 2019, the Synod of the UOC of the Moscow Patriarchate reiterated that the ROC and the UOC (MP) will not concede to full and global recognition of the autocephalous status of the newly-established UOC. A wide range of tools is used for that purpose.\u0000The author analyses the attitude of the UOC (MP) to the Russian military aggression. He claims that part of the priests of the UOC (MP) openly supported terrorists and systematically cooperated with the invaders in the territories beyond Ukraine’s control. It is noted that the administration of the UOC (MP) adheres to the paradigm of the ‘Russian world’ and ‘spiritual unity of fraternal Ukrainian and Russian peoples’, therefore refusing to refer to the armed aggression in Donetsk, Luhansk and Crimea as the Russian aggression, occupation or hybrid war.\u0000It is stated that the UOC (MP) together with the ROC has become a strong instigator of a stressful situation in Ukrainian society through creating ‘multiple lines of confrontation’. They also regularly conduct information and manipulative campaigns aimed at discrediting Ukraine. In addition, they appeal to international organizations on the violation of hu-man rights in order to realize their own interests.\u0000The article elaborates upon the exploitation of religious issues by the Kremlin in the context of the attack on Ukrainian history. It is argued that Moscow considers part of the territory of Ukraine ‘the spiritual source of the formation of the Russian nation and the Russian state’.\u0000It is proposed to take a number of measures to neutralize the destructive influence of the Russian Orthodox Church on the consolidation of Ukrainian society.\u0000Keywords: Russian Orthodox Church, national interests of Ukraine, Russian aggression, hybrid war, Moscow Patriarchate, international religious relations.","PeriodicalId":175721,"journal":{"name":"Diplomatic Ukraine","volume":"232 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"131907580","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 1900-01-01DOI: 10.37837/2707-7683-2022-25
Viktor Matviienko
The article offers an insight into the foreign policy of the Ukrainian People’s Republic at the final stage of the national liberation struggle. Author analyses the UPR’s course towards forging stable political and economic alliances with the peripheral states that have emerged on the post-imperial territory of russia. The most ambitious project of 1919–20 was the creation of the Baltic-Black Sea Union consisting of Latvia, Lithuania, Estonia, Poland, Finland, and Ukraine; however, the legal aspects of the organisation of the Black Sea Union became of primary importance in late November 1920. The certain aspirations for its formation were based on the intensification of anti-Bolshevik insurgent movements in the regions on the Don, Kuban, and Terek Rivers, in Dagestan and Chechnya, the existence of the Republic of Mountainous Armenia and the Democratic Republic of Georgia, which were independent from the kremlin. During the spring–autumn of 1921, the governments-in-exile of the Ukrainian People’s Republic, the Georgian Democratic Republic, the Azerbaijan Democratic Republic, and the Mountainous Republic of the Northern Caucasus completed the treaty and legal formalisation of the Black Sea Union. Yet, the project was not implemented de-facto: the then military and political situation in Central and Eastern Europe and the Caucasus was not favourable for the successful struggle for independence of the peripheral states of the former empire. In the late 20th century, Ukraine and the Transcaucasian countries restored their independence, thus creating new political realities in Europe. It became possible to implement effective projects of the Black Sea sub-regional associations, in particular the Black Sea Economic Cooperation Organisation and Organisation for Democracy and Economic Development (GUAM), aimed at the development of a network of transport connections and broad economic cooperation. Keywords: Black Sea Union, Ukrainian People’s Republic, Democratic Republic of Georgia, Democratic Republic of Azerbaijan, Republic of North Caucasus Mountaineers, peripheral states, government-in-exile.
{"title":"UPR’s Diplomacy at the Conclusion of the National Liberation Struggle: The 1921 Black Sea Union","authors":"Viktor Matviienko","doi":"10.37837/2707-7683-2022-25","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.37837/2707-7683-2022-25","url":null,"abstract":"The article offers an insight into the foreign policy of the Ukrainian People’s Republic at the final stage of the national liberation struggle. Author analyses the UPR’s course towards forging stable political and economic alliances with the peripheral states that have emerged on the post-imperial territory of russia. The most ambitious project of 1919–20 was the creation of the Baltic-Black Sea Union consisting of Latvia, Lithuania, Estonia, Poland, Finland, and Ukraine; however, the legal aspects of the organisation of the Black Sea Union became of primary importance in late November 1920. The certain aspirations for its formation were based on the intensification of anti-Bolshevik insurgent movements in the regions on the Don, Kuban, and Terek Rivers, in Dagestan and Chechnya, the existence of the Republic of Mountainous Armenia and the Democratic Republic of Georgia, which were independent from the kremlin. During the spring–autumn of 1921, the governments-in-exile of the Ukrainian People’s Republic, the Georgian Democratic Republic, the Azerbaijan Democratic Republic, and the Mountainous Republic of the Northern Caucasus completed the treaty and legal formalisation of the Black Sea Union. Yet, the project was not implemented de-facto: the then military and political situation in Central and Eastern Europe and the Caucasus was not favourable for the successful struggle for independence of the peripheral states of the former empire.\u0000In the late 20th century, Ukraine and the Transcaucasian countries restored their independence, thus creating new political realities in Europe. It became possible to implement effective projects of the Black Sea sub-regional associations, in particular the Black Sea Economic Cooperation Organisation and Organisation for Democracy and Economic Development (GUAM), aimed at the development of a network of transport connections and broad economic cooperation.\u0000Keywords: Black Sea Union, Ukrainian People’s Republic, Democratic Republic of Georgia, Democratic Republic of Azerbaijan, Republic of North Caucasus Mountaineers, peripheral states, government-in-exile.","PeriodicalId":175721,"journal":{"name":"Diplomatic Ukraine","volume":"16 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"133757304","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 1900-01-01DOI: 10.37837/2707-7683-2019-13
Stanislav Lazebnyk
The article refers to the World Congress of Free Ukrainians (WCFU), founded in New York in November 1967. The WCFU united 150 Ukrainian public, political and faith-based organizations. The elected Presidium of the Congress established special committees, which began to work on the coordination of Ukrainian organizations in the West regarding the provision of assistance to Ukrainian refugees and communities in the Americas, Western Europe and Australia, protection of human rights and of political prisoners of Ukrainian descent in the USSR, development of Ukrainian education and culture in the expatriate environment, etc. The WCFU opened its information office at the UN, which brought to the attention of diplomats from different countries the facts about the struggle of the Congress for an independent Ukraine, information about Ukrainian political prisoners, the russification process in Ukraine and Holodomor of 1932–1933. Owing to this effective influence, Canada, with its powerful and numerous Ukrainian community, was the first in the Western world to recognize the independence of Ukraine. In 1991, the WCFU organized a mass demonstration in front of the White House in Washington for the recognition of the young Ukrainian state. In December of the same year, the Congress, together with the Ukrainian World Foundation, announced the creation of the Ukrainian Reconstruction Fund. Since then, this organization has gradually become one of the consistent lobbyists of Ukraine’s national interests in the world. Having changed its name to the Ukrainian World Congress (UWC), it is constantly engaged in the establishment of a positive international image of Ukraine, promotion of its rich historical heritage as well as compelling changes in its society. At the same time, in the circles of this international association there is a certain disappointment with the social and economic situation in Ukraine and lack of real results in the fight against corruption. However, the UWC seeks to contribute to the further development of the historical homeland. Today UWC has an extensive network of constituent organizations and maintains relations with Ukrainian communities in 61 countries. Keywords: WCFU, Ukrainian World Congress, New York, Canada, historical homeland.
{"title":"Ukrainian World Tribune","authors":"Stanislav Lazebnyk","doi":"10.37837/2707-7683-2019-13","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.37837/2707-7683-2019-13","url":null,"abstract":"The article refers to the World Congress of Free Ukrainians (WCFU), founded in New York in November 1967. The WCFU united 150 Ukrainian public, political and faith-based organizations. The elected Presidium of the Congress established special committees, which began to work on the coordination of Ukrainian organizations in the West regarding the provision of assistance to Ukrainian refugees and communities in the Americas, Western Europe and Australia, protection of human rights and of political prisoners of Ukrainian descent in the USSR, development of Ukrainian education and culture in the expatriate environment, etc.\u0000The WCFU opened its information office at the UN, which brought to the attention of diplomats from different countries the facts about the struggle of the Congress for an independent Ukraine, information about Ukrainian political prisoners, the russification process in Ukraine and Holodomor of 1932–1933. Owing to this effective influence, Canada, with its powerful and numerous Ukrainian community, was the first in the Western world to recognize the independence of Ukraine. In 1991, the WCFU organized a mass demonstration in front of the White House in Washington for the recognition of the young Ukrainian state.\u0000In December of the same year, the Congress, together with the Ukrainian World Foundation, announced the creation of the Ukrainian Reconstruction Fund. Since then, this organization has gradually become one of the consistent lobbyists of Ukraine’s national interests in the world. Having changed its name to the Ukrainian World Congress (UWC), it is constantly engaged in the establishment of a positive international image of Ukraine, promotion of its rich historical heritage as well as compelling changes in its society. At the same time, in the circles of this international association there is a certain disappointment with the social and economic situation in Ukraine and lack of real results in the fight against corruption. However, the UWC seeks to contribute to the further development of the historical homeland. Today UWC has an extensive network of constituent organizations and maintains relations with Ukrainian communities in 61 countries.\u0000Keywords: WCFU, Ukrainian World Congress, New York, Canada, historical homeland.","PeriodicalId":175721,"journal":{"name":"Diplomatic Ukraine","volume":"134 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"133948291","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 1900-01-01DOI: 10.37837/2707-7683-2019-18
Georgios Poukamissas
In the interview, Georgios Poukamissas, Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary of the Hellenic Republic to Ukraine, provides answers to topical questions in relations between Ukraine and Greece. Mention is made of the linkages of Greece with Ukrainian lands tracing back many centuries, from antiquity to nowadays. Tangible evidence of that are the cities constructed by Greeks in the territory of modern Ukraine. Thus, the Embassy of Greece in Ukraine keeps a vigilant eye on the life of the Greek expatriate community, the majority of which lives on the outskirts of Mariupol. It is specified that the Greeks of Mariupol are rather natives than part of the diaspora, since they are the direct descendants of Crimea (Tavryda) residents from the Middle Ages. Another important fact is that Greece has opened two Consulates-General in Ukraine. It is stressed that Ukraine has to stay committed to its historical and cultural heritage, which will contribute to the development of the tourist sphere of Ukraine. Meanwhile, it is mentioned that the Embassy of Greece made major efforts to rejuvenate Byzantine studies in Ukraine. The interview states that economic cooperation between Ukraine and Greece is in need of more initiatives. The volume of bilateral trade of €500 million per year is a far cry from the desirable result; thus, the states have to do their best to improve it. It is said that Mr Ambassador is proud of the achievements Ukraine has achieved in democracy. The developments of 2019 have confirmed that the democratic spirit of Europe is growing ever stronger. Mr Ambassador goes back to Athens but he will miss Kyiv, the true gem of history and architecture. He will also miss the beauty of many other Ukrainian cities and kindness of Ukrainian people, but his heart will bear sweet memories about Ukrainian valleys, boundless plains, and huge heaps of snow in winter. Key words: Greece, tourism, Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary, Greek diaspora, interstate relations.
{"title":"Ukraine–Greece Cooperation: Imbued with Common History and Vision","authors":"Georgios Poukamissas","doi":"10.37837/2707-7683-2019-18","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.37837/2707-7683-2019-18","url":null,"abstract":"In the interview, Georgios Poukamissas, Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary of the Hellenic Republic to Ukraine, provides answers to topical questions in relations between Ukraine and Greece.\u0000Mention is made of the linkages of Greece with Ukrainian lands tracing back many centuries, from antiquity to nowadays. Tangible evidence of that are the cities constructed by Greeks in the territory of modern Ukraine. Thus, the Embassy of Greece in Ukraine keeps a vigilant eye on the life of the Greek expatriate community, the majority of which lives on the outskirts of Mariupol. It is specified that the Greeks of Mariupol are rather natives than part of the diaspora, since they are the direct descendants of Crimea (Tavryda) residents from the Middle Ages. Another important fact is that Greece has opened two Consulates-General in Ukraine.\u0000It is stressed that Ukraine has to stay committed to its historical and cultural heritage, which will contribute to the development of the tourist sphere of Ukraine. Meanwhile, it is mentioned that the Embassy of Greece made major efforts to rejuvenate Byzantine studies in Ukraine. The interview states that economic cooperation between Ukraine and Greece is in need of more initiatives. The volume of bilateral trade of €500 million per year is a far cry from the desirable result; thus, the states have to do their best to improve it.\u0000It is said that Mr Ambassador is proud of the achievements Ukraine has achieved in democracy. The developments of 2019 have confirmed that the democratic spirit of Europe is growing ever stronger. Mr Ambassador goes back to Athens but he will miss Kyiv, the true gem of history and architecture. He will also miss the beauty of many other Ukrainian cities and kindness of Ukrainian people, but his heart will bear sweet memories about Ukrainian valleys, boundless plains, and huge heaps of snow in winter.\u0000Key words: Greece, tourism, Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary, Greek diaspora, interstate relations.","PeriodicalId":175721,"journal":{"name":"Diplomatic Ukraine","volume":"23 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"125605943","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 1900-01-01DOI: 10.37837/2707-7683-2020-19
Elena Leticia Mikusinski
{"title":"Alliance through the Milestones of History","authors":"Elena Leticia Mikusinski","doi":"10.37837/2707-7683-2020-19","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.37837/2707-7683-2020-19","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":175721,"journal":{"name":"Diplomatic Ukraine","volume":"22 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"131381022","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 1900-01-01DOI: 10.37837/2707-7683-2021-16
Inna Ohnivets
{"title":"The development of Ukraine-Portugal Relations in Conditions of Countering Russian Hybrid War","authors":"Inna Ohnivets","doi":"10.37837/2707-7683-2021-16","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.37837/2707-7683-2021-16","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":175721,"journal":{"name":"Diplomatic Ukraine","volume":"1 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"131015989","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 1900-01-01DOI: 10.37837/2707-7683-2019-3
I. Matiash
The article construes diplomatic presence of foreign states in the period of the Ukrainian People’s Republic and the Ukrainian State in Kyiv as the entry of independent Ukraine to the international arena. It is emphasized that the activity of every foreign mission at that time merits separate study. It is highlighted that with the advent of the Directorate to power in December 2018, all diplomatic missions found themselves in similar circumstances as the unrelenting approach of the Bolsheviks to the capital of Ukraine threatened their presence in Kyiv. The article covers the issues of organizing cooperation with the new government, faced by both the representatives of the ‘old’ consular corps and envoys of the Hetman government, who did not cease their activity after the transition of power to the Directorate. The meeting of Volodymyr Vynnychenko, Symon Petliura, Fedir Shvets and Panas Andriievskyi at the railway station was mentioned. The meeting was also attended by thousands of Kyiv residents, as well as foreign representatives, such as Turkish envoy Mukhtar Bey, Finnish envoy Herman Gummerus, Bulgarian envoy Ivan Shishmanov, Ataman of the winter stanitsa of the All-Great Army of the Don General O. V. Cheriachukin, Consul of Switzerland, Duian of Consular Corps Gabriel Annie, Consul of Spain and Portugal Stelio Vasiliadi, not yet officially recognized Consul of Holland Timothy Fokker, representatives of Georgia, Armenia and Azerbaijan. The article examines the hopes and tactics of various diplomatic parties with regard to decisions made at the 1919 Paris Conference. It is argued that the Directorate not only demonstrated its loyalty to most of the foreign missions but also provided financial loans upon their duly substantiated requests. The article sheds light on the events of 22 January 1919 and the involvement therein of all foreign representatives, the departure of diplomatic missions and further activities of those who remained in Kyiv. Keywords: the Directorate, diplomatic missions, government, foreign representatives and figures.
该条将外国在乌克兰人民共和国和基辅的乌克兰国时期的外交存在解释为独立的乌克兰进入国际舞台。有人强调，当时每一个外国使团的活动都值得单独研究。值得强调的是，随着2018年12月权力理事会的成立，所有外交使团都发现自己处于类似的境地，因为布尔什维克对乌克兰首都的无情逼近威胁到他们在基辅的存在。这篇文章讨论了组织与新政府合作的问题，“旧”领事使团的代表和Hetman政府的使节都面临这些问题，他们在权力移交给理事会后并没有停止他们的活动。提到了弗拉基米尔·维尼琴科、西蒙·佩特利乌拉、费迪尔·什韦茨和帕纳斯·安德里耶夫斯基在火车站的会面。出席会议的还有数千名基辅居民和外国代表，如土耳其特使Mukhtar Bey、芬兰特使Herman Gummerus、保加利亚特使Ivan Shishmanov、顿河总指挥O. V. Cheriachukin、瑞士领事、总领事Gabriel Annie、西班牙和葡萄牙领事Stelio Vasiliadi、尚未得到官方承认的荷兰领事Timothy Fokker、格鲁吉亚代表、亚美尼亚和阿塞拜疆。本文考察了各外交党派对1919年巴黎会议所作决定的希望和策略。有人认为，理事会不仅表明了它对大多数外国代表团的忠诚，而且还根据它们提出的适当证明提供财政贷款。这篇文章阐明了1919年1月22日的事件以及所有外国代表的参与、外交使团的离开和留在基辅的人的进一步活动。关键词:理事会，外交使团，政府，外国代表和人物。
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