Pub Date : 2024-11-05DOI: 10.1038/s44168-024-00182-6
Christopher R. H. Garneau, Heather Bedle, Rory Stanfield
Climate change remains a polarizing issue in the United States, with conservatives expressing greater skepticism regarding its risks. We investigate how fear shapes climate attitudes across political orientations. Utilizing data from a 2023 online survey, results support hypotheses that conservatives demonstrate lower climate concern and that fear of natural and environmental disasters increases climate concern. Interaction results show that fear of anthropogenic environmental disasters elicits greater climate concern amongst conservatives. At high levels of ecological fear, the political divisions diminish as all orientations converge on higher levels of acknowledging climate risks and causes. Practically, this relationship highlights messaging opportunities by focusing on relevant environmental threats that aid in influencing conservatives to build collective support across political divides. Theoretically, these findings challenge expectations of dominant paradigms related to threat perception and political orientation, contributing to the ongoing development of new models that more thoroughly represent the relationship between these multifaceted constructs.
{"title":"How natural disasters and environmental fears shape American climate attitudes across political orientation","authors":"Christopher R. H. Garneau, Heather Bedle, Rory Stanfield","doi":"10.1038/s44168-024-00182-6","DOIUrl":"10.1038/s44168-024-00182-6","url":null,"abstract":"Climate change remains a polarizing issue in the United States, with conservatives expressing greater skepticism regarding its risks. We investigate how fear shapes climate attitudes across political orientations. Utilizing data from a 2023 online survey, results support hypotheses that conservatives demonstrate lower climate concern and that fear of natural and environmental disasters increases climate concern. Interaction results show that fear of anthropogenic environmental disasters elicits greater climate concern amongst conservatives. At high levels of ecological fear, the political divisions diminish as all orientations converge on higher levels of acknowledging climate risks and causes. Practically, this relationship highlights messaging opportunities by focusing on relevant environmental threats that aid in influencing conservatives to build collective support across political divides. Theoretically, these findings challenge expectations of dominant paradigms related to threat perception and political orientation, contributing to the ongoing development of new models that more thoroughly represent the relationship between these multifaceted constructs.","PeriodicalId":186004,"journal":{"name":"npj Climate Action","volume":" ","pages":"1-10"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-11-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://www.nature.com/articles/s44168-024-00182-6.pdf","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"142595752","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-11-02DOI: 10.1038/s44168-024-00178-2
Julian Rose, Jörg Ankel-Peters, Hanna Hodel, Medoune Sall, Gunther Bensch
Fossil fuel subsidy removal may hinder access to clean fuels like LPG. Our analysis of urban Senegal shows that LPG use fell sharply after subsidies ended in 2009, despite later price drops. Households switched to charcoal, and the new availability of energy-efficient charcoal stoves made a return to LPG less appealing. This highlights how energy transitions among the poor are price sensitive, with implications for subsidy and carbon-tax policies.
{"title":"The interrupted modern energy transition to LPG and the charcoal renaissance in urban Senegal","authors":"Julian Rose, Jörg Ankel-Peters, Hanna Hodel, Medoune Sall, Gunther Bensch","doi":"10.1038/s44168-024-00178-2","DOIUrl":"10.1038/s44168-024-00178-2","url":null,"abstract":"Fossil fuel subsidy removal may hinder access to clean fuels like LPG. Our analysis of urban Senegal shows that LPG use fell sharply after subsidies ended in 2009, despite later price drops. Households switched to charcoal, and the new availability of energy-efficient charcoal stoves made a return to LPG less appealing. This highlights how energy transitions among the poor are price sensitive, with implications for subsidy and carbon-tax policies.","PeriodicalId":186004,"journal":{"name":"npj Climate Action","volume":" ","pages":"1-4"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-11-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://www.nature.com/articles/s44168-024-00178-2.pdf","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"142579799","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-11-02DOI: 10.1038/s44168-024-00184-4
David A. Richards, Filip Bellon, Blanca Goñi-Fuste, Joseph Grech, Lorna Hollowood, Elisabetta Mezzalira, Ralph Möhler, David Perez de Gracia, Muzeyyen Seckin, Venetia S. Velonaki, Luísa M. Teixeira-Santos, Mieke Deschodt
We estimated the environmental impact and financial cost of two exemplar in-person academic events organised by the European academic society, the European Academy of Nursing Science, identified the main sources of these emissions, and then mapped them against the COM-B behaviour change framework of capability, opportunity, motivation to identify strategies that could be applied by organisers and participants to reduce this impact. These events contributed 41 tonnes and 99 tonnes of CO2e emissions per event, a per-participant mean of either 0.324 (SD 0.173) or 0.724, (SD 0.263) tonnes, representing 2 to 5.5 times the daily per-person European average. Distance from home was the largest contributor to emissions. Costs were similar for both events. Our multi-component behavioural change programme includes environmental change, enablement, education, incentivisation and persuasion, by which organisers provide participants with the opportunity for less-polluting behaviour, and enhance participants capabilities and motivation to act on the opportunities provided.
{"title":"A behaviour change strategy to reduce greenhouse gas emissions from international scientific conferences and meetings","authors":"David A. Richards, Filip Bellon, Blanca Goñi-Fuste, Joseph Grech, Lorna Hollowood, Elisabetta Mezzalira, Ralph Möhler, David Perez de Gracia, Muzeyyen Seckin, Venetia S. Velonaki, Luísa M. Teixeira-Santos, Mieke Deschodt","doi":"10.1038/s44168-024-00184-4","DOIUrl":"10.1038/s44168-024-00184-4","url":null,"abstract":"We estimated the environmental impact and financial cost of two exemplar in-person academic events organised by the European academic society, the European Academy of Nursing Science, identified the main sources of these emissions, and then mapped them against the COM-B behaviour change framework of capability, opportunity, motivation to identify strategies that could be applied by organisers and participants to reduce this impact. These events contributed 41 tonnes and 99 tonnes of CO2e emissions per event, a per-participant mean of either 0.324 (SD 0.173) or 0.724, (SD 0.263) tonnes, representing 2 to 5.5 times the daily per-person European average. Distance from home was the largest contributor to emissions. Costs were similar for both events. Our multi-component behavioural change programme includes environmental change, enablement, education, incentivisation and persuasion, by which organisers provide participants with the opportunity for less-polluting behaviour, and enhance participants capabilities and motivation to act on the opportunities provided.","PeriodicalId":186004,"journal":{"name":"npj Climate Action","volume":" ","pages":"1-10"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-11-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://www.nature.com/articles/s44168-024-00184-4.pdf","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"142579816","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-11-02DOI: 10.1038/s44168-024-00165-7
Aditi Bunker, Karin Lundgren Kownacki, Sudipa Sarker, Rahmatul Bari, Malabika Sarker, Jonathan J. Buonocore, Pascal Geldsetzer, Johan Revstedt, Till Bärnighausen
Constructed with used plastic bottles, the eco-cooler has been widely adopted in resource-poor communities in Bangladesh and other countries. We tested the eco-cooler under controlled conditions using a scientific wind tunnel in a climatic chamber. In our tests, we used seven eco-cooler designs in 27 climate conditions typical of Bangladesh (temperatures of 40 °C, 35 °C, and 30 °C; humidity levels of 70%, 60%, and 40%; and wind speeds of 4.0 m s−1, 2.0 m s−1, and 0.2 m s−1) in 92 experiments (N = 7686 measurements in 87 short experiments and N = 23,428 measurements in five long experiments). We found no significant temperature reductions with eco-cooler use, except at low wind speeds, where temperature reduced by up to 0.2 °C. In theoretical calculations extending our empirical findings, the greatest temperature drop was 0.85 °C at 4.0 m s−1 with a 40 °C static air inflow temperature. However, this temperature drop did not extend beyond the nozzles of the bottles in the eco-cooler. The eco-cooler did not work effectively as an indoor air cooler.
生态冷却器由废旧塑料瓶制成，已被孟加拉国和其他国家资源匮乏的社区广泛采用。我们利用气候室中的科学风洞，在受控条件下对生态冷却器进行了测试。在测试中，我们在孟加拉国的 27 种典型气候条件下（温度分别为 40 °C、35 °C 和 30 °C；湿度分别为 70%、60% 和 40%；风速分别为 4.0 m s-1、2.0 m s-1 和 0.2 m s-1）使用了七种生态冷却器设计，共进行了 92 次实验（87 次短实验中的测量次数为 7686 次，5 次长实验中的测量次数为 23428 次）。我们发现，使用生态冷却器并不会明显降低温度，只有在低风速条件下，温度会降低 0.2 °C。在理论计算中，根据我们的经验发现，在静态空气流入温度为 40 °C、风速为 4.0 m s-1 时，温度下降幅度最大，为 0.85 °C。然而，这一温度下降并没有超出生态冷却器中瓶子的喷嘴。生态冷却器不能有效地作为室内空气冷却器使用。
{"title":"Evaluating the effectiveness of the ‘eco-cooler’ for passive home cooling","authors":"Aditi Bunker, Karin Lundgren Kownacki, Sudipa Sarker, Rahmatul Bari, Malabika Sarker, Jonathan J. Buonocore, Pascal Geldsetzer, Johan Revstedt, Till Bärnighausen","doi":"10.1038/s44168-024-00165-7","DOIUrl":"10.1038/s44168-024-00165-7","url":null,"abstract":"Constructed with used plastic bottles, the eco-cooler has been widely adopted in resource-poor communities in Bangladesh and other countries. We tested the eco-cooler under controlled conditions using a scientific wind tunnel in a climatic chamber. In our tests, we used seven eco-cooler designs in 27 climate conditions typical of Bangladesh (temperatures of 40 °C, 35 °C, and 30 °C; humidity levels of 70%, 60%, and 40%; and wind speeds of 4.0 m s−1, 2.0 m s−1, and 0.2 m s−1) in 92 experiments (N = 7686 measurements in 87 short experiments and N = 23,428 measurements in five long experiments). We found no significant temperature reductions with eco-cooler use, except at low wind speeds, where temperature reduced by up to 0.2 °C. In theoretical calculations extending our empirical findings, the greatest temperature drop was 0.85 °C at 4.0 m s−1 with a 40 °C static air inflow temperature. However, this temperature drop did not extend beyond the nozzles of the bottles in the eco-cooler. The eco-cooler did not work effectively as an indoor air cooler.","PeriodicalId":186004,"journal":{"name":"npj Climate Action","volume":" ","pages":"1-9"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-11-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC11531403/pdf/","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"142577432","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-11-02DOI: 10.1038/s44168-024-00181-7
Vahid Aryanpur, Olexandr Balyk, James Glynn, Ankita Gaur, Jason McGuire, Hannah Daly
Limiting global warming requires the effective implementation of energy mitigation measures by individual countries. However, the consequences of the timing of these efforts on the technical feasibility of adhering to cumulative carbon budgets—which determines future global warming—are underexplored. Moreover, existing national studies on carbon budgets either overlook integrated sectoral interactions, path dependencies, or comprehensive demand-side strategies. To address this, we analyse Ireland’s mitigation pathways under equal per-capita carbon budgets using an energy systems optimisation model. Our findings reveal that delayed mitigation brings forward the need for a net-zero target by five years, risks carbon lock-in and stranded assets, increase reliance on carbon dioxide removal technologies and leads to higher long-term mitigation costs. To keep the Paris Agreement targets, countries must set and meet accelerated mid-term mitigation goals and address energy demand.
{"title":"Implications of accelerated and delayed climate action for Ireland’s energy transition under carbon budgets","authors":"Vahid Aryanpur, Olexandr Balyk, James Glynn, Ankita Gaur, Jason McGuire, Hannah Daly","doi":"10.1038/s44168-024-00181-7","DOIUrl":"10.1038/s44168-024-00181-7","url":null,"abstract":"Limiting global warming requires the effective implementation of energy mitigation measures by individual countries. However, the consequences of the timing of these efforts on the technical feasibility of adhering to cumulative carbon budgets—which determines future global warming—are underexplored. Moreover, existing national studies on carbon budgets either overlook integrated sectoral interactions, path dependencies, or comprehensive demand-side strategies. To address this, we analyse Ireland’s mitigation pathways under equal per-capita carbon budgets using an energy systems optimisation model. Our findings reveal that delayed mitigation brings forward the need for a net-zero target by five years, risks carbon lock-in and stranded assets, increase reliance on carbon dioxide removal technologies and leads to higher long-term mitigation costs. To keep the Paris Agreement targets, countries must set and meet accelerated mid-term mitigation goals and address energy demand.","PeriodicalId":186004,"journal":{"name":"npj Climate Action","volume":" ","pages":"1-12"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-11-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC11531406/pdf/","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"142577433","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-11-02DOI: 10.1038/s44168-024-00176-4
Edward T. Walker, Andrew Malmuth
Societal decarbonization likely requires changes to building standards encouraging electrification, partly through restricting connections to legacy utilities such as natural gas. Yet while some municipalities have taken action, an important parallel shift undermines it: more than half of U.S. states (covering 47% of the population) have, since 2020, passed state-level laws preempting municipalities from restricting utilities. We investigate the timing, content, and partisan support of these bills, examining similarity in text use across them using a plagiarism-detection tool. States passing preemption were not only more Republican but more ideologically conservative, typically featuring less professionalized state legislatures. We also examine qualitative evidence of the natural gas industry’s lobbying, showing that industry groups claimed influence over key bills (supported largely by Republican legislators). We consider the broader implications of these findings for supply-side decarbonization in a context of climate federalism under significant influence by fossil fuel industries and allied policymakers.
{"title":"The natural gas industry, the Republican Party, and state preemption of local building decarbonization","authors":"Edward T. Walker, Andrew Malmuth","doi":"10.1038/s44168-024-00176-4","DOIUrl":"10.1038/s44168-024-00176-4","url":null,"abstract":"Societal decarbonization likely requires changes to building standards encouraging electrification, partly through restricting connections to legacy utilities such as natural gas. Yet while some municipalities have taken action, an important parallel shift undermines it: more than half of U.S. states (covering 47% of the population) have, since 2020, passed state-level laws preempting municipalities from restricting utilities. We investigate the timing, content, and partisan support of these bills, examining similarity in text use across them using a plagiarism-detection tool. States passing preemption were not only more Republican but more ideologically conservative, typically featuring less professionalized state legislatures. We also examine qualitative evidence of the natural gas industry’s lobbying, showing that industry groups claimed influence over key bills (supported largely by Republican legislators). We consider the broader implications of these findings for supply-side decarbonization in a context of climate federalism under significant influence by fossil fuel industries and allied policymakers.","PeriodicalId":186004,"journal":{"name":"npj Climate Action","volume":" ","pages":"1-11"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-11-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://www.nature.com/articles/s44168-024-00176-4.pdf","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"142579810","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-10-31DOI: 10.1038/s44168-024-00183-5
Joan Enguer
The growing influence of regional governments in shaping climate policy and driving the renewable energy transition in multilevel democracies like Spain provides incentives for parties in favor of decentralization to emphasize these issues. Recent research has shown that such parties act as climate pioneers at the regional tier of government, driven by their desire to assert stronger subnational authority. To investigate these dynamics at the national level, this article examines the manifestos of the parties that won seats in the 2016, 2019, and 2023 Spanish national elections. The empirical findings suggest that parties are more likely to prioritize climate change and the renewable energy transition if they are pro-decentralization. By emphasizing how multilevel governance strengthens these priorities through party competition and the quest for regional autonomy, this article fills an important gap spanning decentralization and policy preferences related to climate and renewable energy.
{"title":"Party preferences for climate policy and the renewable energy transition in Spain’s multilevel democracy","authors":"Joan Enguer","doi":"10.1038/s44168-024-00183-5","DOIUrl":"10.1038/s44168-024-00183-5","url":null,"abstract":"The growing influence of regional governments in shaping climate policy and driving the renewable energy transition in multilevel democracies like Spain provides incentives for parties in favor of decentralization to emphasize these issues. Recent research has shown that such parties act as climate pioneers at the regional tier of government, driven by their desire to assert stronger subnational authority. To investigate these dynamics at the national level, this article examines the manifestos of the parties that won seats in the 2016, 2019, and 2023 Spanish national elections. The empirical findings suggest that parties are more likely to prioritize climate change and the renewable energy transition if they are pro-decentralization. By emphasizing how multilevel governance strengthens these priorities through party competition and the quest for regional autonomy, this article fills an important gap spanning decentralization and policy preferences related to climate and renewable energy.","PeriodicalId":186004,"journal":{"name":"npj Climate Action","volume":" ","pages":"1-10"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-10-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC11525191/pdf/","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"142570906","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-10-30DOI: 10.1038/s44168-024-00177-3
Robert Kastelein
This article provides a better understanding of the opportunities and challenges that local governments have in achieving climate objectives, both within EU member states’ national climate policy and national climate law, and how this relates to the literature on multi-level governance. More specifically, the differences and similarities between the national climate plans and national climate legislation of four selected member states (Germany, Ireland, Netherlands and Spain) have been examined. The findings from this can be related to the literature on multi-level governance when it comes to opportunities and challenges regarding the role that local governments fulfill. On the one hand, local governments are often seen as potential key drivers that can successfully work together and whose involvement can lead to more effective climate governance. On the other hand, local governments are legally and financially dependent on higher levels of government in the implementation of their assigned climate-related tasks and responsibilities.
{"title":"Role of local governments in EU member states’ climate policy and legislation","authors":"Robert Kastelein","doi":"10.1038/s44168-024-00177-3","DOIUrl":"10.1038/s44168-024-00177-3","url":null,"abstract":"This article provides a better understanding of the opportunities and challenges that local governments have in achieving climate objectives, both within EU member states’ national climate policy and national climate law, and how this relates to the literature on multi-level governance. More specifically, the differences and similarities between the national climate plans and national climate legislation of four selected member states (Germany, Ireland, Netherlands and Spain) have been examined. The findings from this can be related to the literature on multi-level governance when it comes to opportunities and challenges regarding the role that local governments fulfill. On the one hand, local governments are often seen as potential key drivers that can successfully work together and whose involvement can lead to more effective climate governance. On the other hand, local governments are legally and financially dependent on higher levels of government in the implementation of their assigned climate-related tasks and responsibilities.","PeriodicalId":186004,"journal":{"name":"npj Climate Action","volume":" ","pages":"1-10"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-10-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://www.nature.com/articles/s44168-024-00177-3.pdf","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"142579822","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-10-25DOI: 10.1038/s44168-024-00174-6
Jana Viktoria Nysten
With the EU ETS 2 a new EU-wide emissions trading system is introduced that covers the greenhouse gas emission of the buildings and road transport sectors, i.e. sectors the decarbonization of which has so far been the responsibility of the Member States under the Effort Sharing Regulation. Since they will remain responsible for the achievement of their national greenhouse gas emission reduction targets under that regime, the question arises whether the Member States can maintain or introduce additional carbon pricing instruments alongside the new EU ETS 2. Hence, this paper examines the legality of such an approach, by assessing relevant provisions of EU secondary and primary law. Without going deep into the economic and political considerations, it concludes that from a legal perspective, the coexistence of national carbon pricing instruments and the EU ETS 2 is not prohibited. With the latest reform of the EU Emissions Trading System Directive (ETS Directive), the European Union (EU) has introduced a new EU emissions trading system for buildings and road transport (EU ETS 2)1. The decarbonization of those sectors traditionally falls within the responsibility of the EU Member States under the regime of the Effort Sharing Regulation (ESR). The ESR introduces legally binding national greenhouse gas (GHG) emission reduction targets. Hence, over the last few years, the Member States have introduced different measures in order to reach their targets. Those include carbon pricing instruments, understood as measures that put a price on the emission of GHG and thus create an incentive to reduce those emissions. Carbon pricing instruments include carbon taxes, as well as emissions trading systems2. With the introduction of the new ETS 2, the question arises whether the Member States can maintain (or introduce) such national carbon pricing instruments in parallel to the new EU ETS 2.
{"title":"On the legality of national carbon pricing instruments alongside the new EU ETS 2","authors":"Jana Viktoria Nysten","doi":"10.1038/s44168-024-00174-6","DOIUrl":"10.1038/s44168-024-00174-6","url":null,"abstract":"With the EU ETS 2 a new EU-wide emissions trading system is introduced that covers the greenhouse gas emission of the buildings and road transport sectors, i.e. sectors the decarbonization of which has so far been the responsibility of the Member States under the Effort Sharing Regulation. Since they will remain responsible for the achievement of their national greenhouse gas emission reduction targets under that regime, the question arises whether the Member States can maintain or introduce additional carbon pricing instruments alongside the new EU ETS 2. Hence, this paper examines the legality of such an approach, by assessing relevant provisions of EU secondary and primary law. Without going deep into the economic and political considerations, it concludes that from a legal perspective, the coexistence of national carbon pricing instruments and the EU ETS 2 is not prohibited. With the latest reform of the EU Emissions Trading System Directive (ETS Directive), the European Union (EU) has introduced a new EU emissions trading system for buildings and road transport (EU ETS 2)1. The decarbonization of those sectors traditionally falls within the responsibility of the EU Member States under the regime of the Effort Sharing Regulation (ESR). The ESR introduces legally binding national greenhouse gas (GHG) emission reduction targets. Hence, over the last few years, the Member States have introduced different measures in order to reach their targets. Those include carbon pricing instruments, understood as measures that put a price on the emission of GHG and thus create an incentive to reduce those emissions. Carbon pricing instruments include carbon taxes, as well as emissions trading systems2. With the introduction of the new ETS 2, the question arises whether the Member States can maintain (or introduce) such national carbon pricing instruments in parallel to the new EU ETS 2.","PeriodicalId":186004,"journal":{"name":"npj Climate Action","volume":" ","pages":"1-10"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-10-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://www.nature.com/articles/s44168-024-00174-6.pdf","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"142579809","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-10-23DOI: 10.1038/s44168-024-00175-5
Detlef Jahn
In this paper, I offer a way to measure the stringency of climate change legislation for macro-comparative studies using publicly available data. The paper is innovative in that it examines the complex interrelationship between national, subnational, and supranational legislation using data from the FaoLex database on environmental laws and policies. It is also novel in that it conducts a contextualized comparison that takes into account different national conditions for climate change policies. The resulting index is the Gross Potential Impact (GPI), which is a measure of the stimulus of legislation before taking into account implementation issues. To demonstrate the validity of the index, findings from case study research on the European Union’s 2020 and 2030 climate and energy frameworks are used. The rest of the paper presents the GPI for 21 OECD countries for the period between 1990 and 2020.
{"title":"The stringency and potential impact of climate laws and policies in the European Union and the 21OECD countries","authors":"Detlef Jahn","doi":"10.1038/s44168-024-00175-5","DOIUrl":"10.1038/s44168-024-00175-5","url":null,"abstract":"In this paper, I offer a way to measure the stringency of climate change legislation for macro-comparative studies using publicly available data. The paper is innovative in that it examines the complex interrelationship between national, subnational, and supranational legislation using data from the FaoLex database on environmental laws and policies. It is also novel in that it conducts a contextualized comparison that takes into account different national conditions for climate change policies. The resulting index is the Gross Potential Impact (GPI), which is a measure of the stimulus of legislation before taking into account implementation issues. To demonstrate the validity of the index, findings from case study research on the European Union’s 2020 and 2030 climate and energy frameworks are used. The rest of the paper presents the GPI for 21 OECD countries for the period between 1990 and 2020.","PeriodicalId":186004,"journal":{"name":"npj Climate Action","volume":" ","pages":"1-12"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-10-23","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://www.nature.com/articles/s44168-024-00175-5.pdf","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"142579802","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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