Pub Date : 2020-09-01DOI: 10.1177/2631684620940431
Alaka Shree Prasad
{"title":"Dibyendu Maiti, Fulvio Castellacci and Arne Melchior (Eds), Digitalisation and Development: Issues for India and Beyond","authors":"Alaka Shree Prasad","doi":"10.1177/2631684620940431","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/2631684620940431","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":188097,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Asian Economic Integration","volume":"600 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"116175850","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-08-27DOI: 10.1177/2631684620940446
Samrat Roy
Borders without Barriers presents an analysis of the state of trade facilitation in member countries of the South Asia Subregional Economic Cooperation (SASEC) program. The book identifies trade facilitation priorities in SASEC countries: implementation of trade facilitation agreements and other conventions; logistics and infrastructure development and regulatory reforms; coordinated border management; and capacity development.
{"title":"Marwa Abdou, Ronald Butiong, Utsav Kumar and Ben Shepherd (Eds), Borders Without Barriers: Facilitating Trade in SASEC Countries","authors":"Samrat Roy","doi":"10.1177/2631684620940446","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/2631684620940446","url":null,"abstract":"Borders without Barriers presents an analysis of the state of trade facilitation in member countries of the South Asia Subregional Economic Cooperation (SASEC) program. The book identifies trade facilitation priorities in SASEC countries: implementation of trade facilitation agreements and other conventions; logistics and infrastructure development and regulatory reforms; coordinated border management; and capacity development.","PeriodicalId":188097,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Asian Economic Integration","volume":"11 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-08-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"129306389","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-08-27DOI: 10.1177/2631684620940443
K. Fujiwara
{"title":"Noritsugu Nakanishi. The Essence of International Trade Theory","authors":"K. Fujiwara","doi":"10.1177/2631684620940443","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/2631684620940443","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":188097,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Asian Economic Integration","volume":"70 6","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-08-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"121016072","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-08-18DOI: 10.1177/2631684620945190
T. Krishnan
The Indo-Pacific (IP), the region covering the Indian Ocean and the Pacific Region, is concurrently shaping the posture of international affairs. As a littoral state and critical partner in the IP construct, Malaysia’s responses to this stance are inevitable due to its geostrategic location in the construct. This article argues that Malaysia’s posture vis-à-vis the IP as that of a ‘neutralist’. The discussion is divided into two sections. The first section describes weaknesses in the quadrilateral security dialogues (Quad) centrality using the features of regional security complex theory (RSCT). The second section discusses Malaysia’s neutrality vis-à-vis the IP construct. The article argues that, while opportunities can be seen in terms of strengthening the existing relations and tapping into new areas of partnership, Malaysia may face challenges in the form of marginalisation and entrapment. Apprehension is still prominent; therefore, the concept is in a ‘wait and see’ mode. The article concludes that the catalyst is found by drawing a more effective vision of the concept and is the key, particularly if the IP aspires to attract and appeal to Southeast Asian countries such as Malaysia.
{"title":"Malaysia’s Posture in the Indo-Pacific Construct","authors":"T. Krishnan","doi":"10.1177/2631684620945190","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/2631684620945190","url":null,"abstract":"The Indo-Pacific (IP), the region covering the Indian Ocean and the Pacific Region, is concurrently shaping the posture of international affairs. As a littoral state and critical partner in the IP construct, Malaysia’s responses to this stance are inevitable due to its geostrategic location in the construct. This article argues that Malaysia’s posture vis-à-vis the IP as that of a ‘neutralist’. The discussion is divided into two sections. The first section describes weaknesses in the quadrilateral security dialogues (Quad) centrality using the features of regional security complex theory (RSCT). The second section discusses Malaysia’s neutrality vis-à-vis the IP construct. The article argues that, while opportunities can be seen in terms of strengthening the existing relations and tapping into new areas of partnership, Malaysia may face challenges in the form of marginalisation and entrapment. Apprehension is still prominent; therefore, the concept is in a ‘wait and see’ mode. The article concludes that the catalyst is found by drawing a more effective vision of the concept and is the key, particularly if the IP aspires to attract and appeal to Southeast Asian countries such as Malaysia.","PeriodicalId":188097,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Asian Economic Integration","volume":"1 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-08-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"128431377","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-08-18DOI: 10.1177/2631684620940477
Jade Lindley
Maritime security in the Indo-Pacific region is strategically important to not only the surrounding states, but also those with an interest in its good governance, to support safe passage and natural resources extraction. Criminal threats, such as maritime piracy and illegal fishing, enabled by corruption and the potential for terrorism, undermine regional maritime security and therefore, there is incentive for states to respond cooperatively to secure the region. Drawing on broken windows crime theory, implicitly supporting the continuation of criminal threats within the region may enables exiting crimes to proliferate. With varying legal and political frameworks and interests across the Indo-Pacific region, achieving cooperation and harmonisation in response to regional maritime-based criminal threats can be challenging. As such, to respond to criminal threats that undermine maritime security, this article argues that from a criminological perspective, aligning states through existing international law enables cooperative regional responses. Indeed, given the prevalence of corruption within the region enabling serious criminal threats, harmonising through existing counter-corruption architecture may be a suitable platform to build from.
{"title":"Criminal Threats Undermining Indo-Pacific Maritime Security: Can International Law Build Resilience?","authors":"Jade Lindley","doi":"10.1177/2631684620940477","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/2631684620940477","url":null,"abstract":"Maritime security in the Indo-Pacific region is strategically important to not only the surrounding states, but also those with an interest in its good governance, to support safe passage and natural resources extraction. Criminal threats, such as maritime piracy and illegal fishing, enabled by corruption and the potential for terrorism, undermine regional maritime security and therefore, there is incentive for states to respond cooperatively to secure the region. Drawing on broken windows crime theory, implicitly supporting the continuation of criminal threats within the region may enables exiting crimes to proliferate. With varying legal and political frameworks and interests across the Indo-Pacific region, achieving cooperation and harmonisation in response to regional maritime-based criminal threats can be challenging. As such, to respond to criminal threats that undermine maritime security, this article argues that from a criminological perspective, aligning states through existing international law enables cooperative regional responses. Indeed, given the prevalence of corruption within the region enabling serious criminal threats, harmonising through existing counter-corruption architecture may be a suitable platform to build from.","PeriodicalId":188097,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Asian Economic Integration","volume":"41 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-08-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"128263869","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-08-18DOI: 10.1177/2631684620945192
Piti Srisangnam, Chayodom Sabhasri, Surat Horachaikul, Jirayudh Sinthuphan4and, Jittichai Rudjanakanoknad
To develop a policy for creation of economic value and utilise the development of Bay of Bengal Initiative for Multi-Sectoral Technical and Economic Cooperation (BIMSTEC) free trade area for Thailand, two research tools are adopted in this article. The first one is based on the Global Trade Analysis Project (GTAP) model, adopted as a tool to explore quantitative impacts from the implementation of free trade area. Due to the limitations of the model, however, we have adopted a complementing qualitative analytical framework to ensure that the research must be as comprehensive as possible in every aspect. The qualitative analytical framework chosen in this article is called PEST analysis. Having completed field research, in-depth interviews, focus group meetings and model studies, this article concludes that BIMSTEC is a large-scale market with high purchasing power and growth rate as well as a great source of vast natural and human resources. It is situated not far from Thailand, and at the same time, its social and cultural conditions are very close to those of Thailand’s. It concludes that a stronger BIMSTEC is an essential foundation of Indo-Pacific. JEL Codes: F13, F 15
{"title":"Development of BIMSTEC Free Trade Area for Thailand in Indo-Pacific","authors":"Piti Srisangnam, Chayodom Sabhasri, Surat Horachaikul, Jirayudh Sinthuphan4and, Jittichai Rudjanakanoknad","doi":"10.1177/2631684620945192","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/2631684620945192","url":null,"abstract":"To develop a policy for creation of economic value and utilise the development of Bay of Bengal Initiative for Multi-Sectoral Technical and Economic Cooperation (BIMSTEC) free trade area for Thailand, two research tools are adopted in this article. The first one is based on the Global Trade Analysis Project (GTAP) model, adopted as a tool to explore quantitative impacts from the implementation of free trade area. Due to the limitations of the model, however, we have adopted a complementing qualitative analytical framework to ensure that the research must be as comprehensive as possible in every aspect. The qualitative analytical framework chosen in this article is called PEST analysis. Having completed field research, in-depth interviews, focus group meetings and model studies, this article concludes that BIMSTEC is a large-scale market with high purchasing power and growth rate as well as a great source of vast natural and human resources. It is situated not far from Thailand, and at the same time, its social and cultural conditions are very close to those of Thailand’s. It concludes that a stronger BIMSTEC is an essential foundation of Indo-Pacific. JEL Codes: F13, F 15","PeriodicalId":188097,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Asian Economic Integration","volume":"117 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-08-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"124154593","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-08-13DOI: 10.1177/2631684620940448
Titli Basu
Great powers have invested in order-building projects with competing vision of political values and ideologies. How the Coronavirus (COVID-19) pandemic shapes the balance of power and order are debated. The pandemic arrived in the midst of Sino-US strategic contestation, a crumbling European project, de-globalisation and contested economic governance architecture. While the pandemic exacerbated Washington abdicating leadership role, Beijing also has alienated itself from the followers of rules based order. It has sharpened the clash of rhetoric, narratives, and perceptions. The pandemic will reorganise the international system and power structures. Situating the Indo-Pacific project in this backdrop, this article critically analyses the debates, discourses and nuanced divergences that are shaping the Indo-Pacific puzzle in the power corridors of Washington, Tokyo and Delhi, in addition to mapping Beijing’s approach to Indo-Pacific. The article evaluates the contrast in their respective visions of order, China strategy, ASEAN centrality and multilateral free-trade regimes. But these subtle departures have not restricted major Indo-Pacific powers to weave a strategic web of democracies and pursue a win-win issue-based multi-alignment on matters of mutual strategic interests. With new realities in play, the India-US-Japan triangle will feature as one of the key building blocks of Indo-Pacific to deliver on the shared responsibility of providing global public goods. JEL Codes: F5, K3
{"title":"Sino-US Disorder: Pandemic, Power and Policy Perspectives in Indo-Pacific","authors":"Titli Basu","doi":"10.1177/2631684620940448","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/2631684620940448","url":null,"abstract":"Great powers have invested in order-building projects with competing vision of political values and ideologies. How the Coronavirus (COVID-19) pandemic shapes the balance of power and order are debated. The pandemic arrived in the midst of Sino-US strategic contestation, a crumbling European project, de-globalisation and contested economic governance architecture. While the pandemic exacerbated Washington abdicating leadership role, Beijing also has alienated itself from the followers of rules based order. It has sharpened the clash of rhetoric, narratives, and perceptions. The pandemic will reorganise the international system and power structures. Situating the Indo-Pacific project in this backdrop, this article critically analyses the debates, discourses and nuanced divergences that are shaping the Indo-Pacific puzzle in the power corridors of Washington, Tokyo and Delhi, in addition to mapping Beijing’s approach to Indo-Pacific. The article evaluates the contrast in their respective visions of order, China strategy, ASEAN centrality and multilateral free-trade regimes. But these subtle departures have not restricted major Indo-Pacific powers to weave a strategic web of democracies and pursue a win-win issue-based multi-alignment on matters of mutual strategic interests. With new realities in play, the India-US-Japan triangle will feature as one of the key building blocks of Indo-Pacific to deliver on the shared responsibility of providing global public goods. JEL Codes: F5, K3","PeriodicalId":188097,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Asian Economic Integration","volume":"2 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-08-13","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"129560681","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-08-06DOI: 10.1177/2631684620940478
Somen Banerjee
The Indo-Pacific blends a multitude of regions and melds a panoply of security architectures. Some regions are peaceful, with occasional spurts in environmental disasters and non-traditional security challenges, while others are typified by instability and security-dilemma. The Gulf region is a unique arena of the Indo-Pacific, that has stirred a virulent concoction of the oil economy, regional rivalry and US hegemony. Over a century ago, oil discovery has not just made the region wealthy but has also transformed it into a veritable Western Lake. But lately, two significant developments have begun to unravel this homeostatic condition—a tumble in oil prices and US retrenchment from the region. This is likely to have a profound influence on the regional security order. This article examines the role of oil in defining the security architecture of the region. It establishes the effect of demand-supply imbalance and the oil-price-futures on the economy of Gulf countries. Finally, it evaluates the impact of US retrenchment, and the 2020 oil price tumble, on the long-term stability of the region.
{"title":"Impact of Oil Price Tumble in 2020 and US Retrenchment on the Stability of the Gulf Region","authors":"Somen Banerjee","doi":"10.1177/2631684620940478","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/2631684620940478","url":null,"abstract":"The Indo-Pacific blends a multitude of regions and melds a panoply of security architectures. Some regions are peaceful, with occasional spurts in environmental disasters and non-traditional security challenges, while others are typified by instability and security-dilemma. The Gulf region is a unique arena of the Indo-Pacific, that has stirred a virulent concoction of the oil economy, regional rivalry and US hegemony. Over a century ago, oil discovery has not just made the region wealthy but has also transformed it into a veritable Western Lake. But lately, two significant developments have begun to unravel this homeostatic condition—a tumble in oil prices and US retrenchment from the region. This is likely to have a profound influence on the regional security order. This article examines the role of oil in defining the security architecture of the region. It establishes the effect of demand-supply imbalance and the oil-price-futures on the economy of Gulf countries. Finally, it evaluates the impact of US retrenchment, and the 2020 oil price tumble, on the long-term stability of the region.","PeriodicalId":188097,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Asian Economic Integration","volume":"424 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-08-06","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"117353521","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-07-21DOI: 10.1177/2631684620940476
Takenori Horimoto
Because of the USA’s relative decline of national power and the rapid emergence of China, the Indo-Pacific lacks a regional order as existed during the latter half of the twentieth century. The USA and China have had strained relations since the 2010s as economic and hegemonic rivals. Furthermore, at the cusp of the 2020s, a blame game is unfolding over COVID-19. Neither nation can be expected to serve a role as an order manager of peace and stability in the Indo-Pacific. Under such international situations, Japan and India should cooperate to initiate consideration of the regional order now. To establish such an order for the future, ends and means carry an importance. The ends should be the creation of a free, open, inclusive and democratic Indo-Pacific. The means should be some mechanisms based on principles of multilateralism, for example, Quad-Plus, not only involving the four countries: like-minded countries should also be included. In this way, we can find a silver lining beyond COVID-19. JEL Codes: F5, I19
{"title":"Indo-Pacific Order and Japan–India Relations in the Midst of COVID-19","authors":"Takenori Horimoto","doi":"10.1177/2631684620940476","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/2631684620940476","url":null,"abstract":"Because of the USA’s relative decline of national power and the rapid emergence of China, the Indo-Pacific lacks a regional order as existed during the latter half of the twentieth century. The USA and China have had strained relations since the 2010s as economic and hegemonic rivals. Furthermore, at the cusp of the 2020s, a blame game is unfolding over COVID-19. Neither nation can be expected to serve a role as an order manager of peace and stability in the Indo-Pacific. Under such international situations, Japan and India should cooperate to initiate consideration of the regional order now. To establish such an order for the future, ends and means carry an importance. The ends should be the creation of a free, open, inclusive and democratic Indo-Pacific. The means should be some mechanisms based on principles of multilateralism, for example, Quad-Plus, not only involving the four countries: like-minded countries should also be included. In this way, we can find a silver lining beyond COVID-19. JEL Codes: F5, I19","PeriodicalId":188097,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Asian Economic Integration","volume":"45 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-07-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"122428675","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-04-01DOI: 10.1177/2631684620910520
Prayoga Permana, H. Hoen, R. Holzhacker
Abstract Despite significant growth of the domestic airline industry, Indonesia was hesitant to ratify the ASEAN Open Skies Policy (OSP) until 2016. One of the recent findings exposed the increasing concern over foreign–domestic airline competition with too little attention in exploring airline aspirations and the potential interplay between the airline preferences and the state interest. This study empirically investigates the dynamics of domestic resistance to the implementation of OSP, and to what extent the interplay of Indonesian airlines’ business preferences, ASEAN contexts and state interests have contributed to the OSP ratification postponement. Taking some lessons from the OSP ratification, we argue that the efforts towards advancing ASEAN economic integration through the open skies are contested domestically when business preferences showed mixed reactions. There has been little agreement on how the OSP could benefit the domestic airlines following their own business strategy. In the meantime, state principles indicated certain priorities for domestic interests, while ASEAN contexts allowed a member state to practice a negotiated move. The study was conducted using a qualitative method, with semi-structured interviews involving three Indonesian airlines (state and privately owned, full service and budget airlines), government officials, a civil society element and the Indonesian national air carriers association. JEL Classification: F0, F5
{"title":"Political Economy of ASEAN Open Skies Policy: Business Preferences, Competition and Commitment to Economic Integration","authors":"Prayoga Permana, H. Hoen, R. Holzhacker","doi":"10.1177/2631684620910520","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/2631684620910520","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Despite significant growth of the domestic airline industry, Indonesia was hesitant to ratify the ASEAN Open Skies Policy (OSP) until 2016. One of the recent findings exposed the increasing concern over foreign–domestic airline competition with too little attention in exploring airline aspirations and the potential interplay between the airline preferences and the state interest. This study empirically investigates the dynamics of domestic resistance to the implementation of OSP, and to what extent the interplay of Indonesian airlines’ business preferences, ASEAN contexts and state interests have contributed to the OSP ratification postponement. Taking some lessons from the OSP ratification, we argue that the efforts towards advancing ASEAN economic integration through the open skies are contested domestically when business preferences showed mixed reactions. There has been little agreement on how the OSP could benefit the domestic airlines following their own business strategy. In the meantime, state principles indicated certain priorities for domestic interests, while ASEAN contexts allowed a member state to practice a negotiated move. The study was conducted using a qualitative method, with semi-structured interviews involving three Indonesian airlines (state and privately owned, full service and budget airlines), government officials, a civil society element and the Indonesian national air carriers association. JEL Classification: F0, F5","PeriodicalId":188097,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Asian Economic Integration","volume":"67 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-04-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"129125745","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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