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La construcción social de la pobreza y la desvalorización de los pobres en México en quince años del diario El Universal 《世界报》15年来墨西哥贫困的社会建构与穷人的贬值
Pub Date : 2019-08-13 DOI: 10.32870/EEES.V26I76.7080
Carlos Barba Solano, Enrique Valencia Lomelí
espanolEste articulo se inscribe en una perspectiva sociologica constructivista, y enfatiza las dimensiones simbolicas de la pobreza y el ejercicio de la violencia simbolica contra los pobres, por lo que busca ayudar a revelar los mecanismos sociales que contribuyen a estigmatizar y desvalorizar a dicha poblacion. Para ello, analiza publicaciones realizadas entre 2000 y 2014 a proposito de la pobreza en el diario El Universal (Mexico). Se aplica el analisis critico del discurso a un corpus de trescientos setenta y nueve articulos, que permite detectar un enfasis en la perspectiva gubernamental, aunque ocasionalmente se incluyen algunas visiones criticas; que el tema de la pobreza se circunscribe al ambito rural –campesinos e indigenas, con poca agencia, salvo criminal –, y con poca presencia de la pobreza urbana; y que se estigmatiza y caracteriza a los pobres como amenazas para la seguridad publica y la sociedad EnglishThis article is inscribed in a constructivist sociological perspective, and emphasizes the symbolic dimensions of poverty and the exercise of symbolic violence against the poor, so it seeks to reveal the social mechanisms that contribute to stigmatizing and devaluing that population. To do this, it analyzes publications made between 2000 and 2014 regarding poverty in El Universal newspaper (Mexico). Critical discourse analysis is applied to a corpus of three hundred and seventy-nine articles, which allows to detect an emphasis on the governmental perspective, although occasionally some critical views are included; that the issue of poverty is limited to rural areas –farmers and indigenous, with little agency, except criminal, and with little presence of urban poverty; and that the poor are stigmatized and characterized as threats to public safety and society
本文采用建构主义社会学的视角,强调贫困的象征维度和对穷人的象征暴力,试图揭示导致这一群体污名化和贬值的社会机制。本文分析了墨西哥《世界报》(el Universal)在2000年至2014年间发表的有关贫困的出版物。本研究的目的是分析西班牙语篇的批判性话语分析,并将其应用于一个由39篇文章组成的语料库,以发现对政府观点的强调,尽管偶尔也包括一些批判性观点;贫穷问题局限于农村地区- -农民和土著人民,除了犯罪以外几乎没有机构- -城市贫困现象很少;穷人的谴责和特征,并对公共安全的威胁以及社会EnglishThis条is数值in a constructivist sociological perspective, and注重的是the symbolic维度of poverty and the symbolic行使暴力against the poor, so it seeks to弄清社会机制,有助于更好地展开stigmatizing devaluing人口。为此,它分析了2000年至2014年《环球报》(墨西哥)关于贫困的出版物。《批评性话语分析》适用于369篇文章的文集,这些文章可以看出政府观点的重点,但偶尔也会包括一些批评性观点;贫穷问题仅限于农村地区——农民和土著人,除犯罪外,机构很少,城市贫困现象也很少;穷人被污名化,并被描述为对公共安全和社会的威胁
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引用次数: 3
El concepto Realpolitik en la ciencia política 政治科学中的现实政治概念
Pub Date : 2019-08-13 DOI: 10.32870/EEES.V26I76.7023
Ignacio Medina-Núñez
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引用次数: 1
La demanda moral hacia los políticos 对政客的道德需求
Pub Date : 2019-08-13 DOI: 10.32870/EEES.V26I76.7097
Héctor Gutiérrez Sánchez
espanolEste articulo explora la reciente hipotesis de la existencia de una demanda moral hacia los politicos en Mexico. Se parte de estudios y estadisticas en torno al descontento social al respecto, y se anticipa como la moral es valiosa pero vulnerable, y que su trasgresion genera animadversion. Metodologicamente, el trabajo se apoya en la teoria durkhemiana, entrevistas y una encuesta. Se concluye que como los gobernantes son figuras publicas y electas, se constituyen en objeto de intenso escrutinio moral, mas alla de sus funciones oficiales dictadas por ley EnglishThis article explores the recent hypothesis of a moral demand on Mexican politicians. Studies and statistics are used as a basis to show social political disenchantment, and we anticipate how morality is valuable but vulnerable, and how any transgression generates animosity. Durkheim’s theory, interviews and a survey integrate methodology. We concluded that as political figures are public and elected, they are subjects of intense moral scrutiny beyond their official and legal functions
本文探讨了墨西哥政客存在道德需求的新假设。它从关于社会不满的研究和统计开始,预测道德是多么有价值,但又多么脆弱,它的越界会导致仇恨。在方法论上,这项工作基于durkhemian理论、访谈和调查。本文探讨了墨西哥政治家道德需求的最新假设,并探讨了墨西哥政治家道德需求的最新假设。本文的结论是,由于统治者是公众和选举产生的人物,他们构成了严格的道德审查的对象,超出了法律规定的官方职能。研究和统计数据被用作显示社会政治幻灭的基础,我们预期道德是有价值的但脆弱的,以及任何违反行为如何产生敌意。= =地理= =根据美国人口普查,这个县的总面积为,其中土地和(2.641平方公里)水。我们认为,由于政治人物是公开选举产生的,他们受到严格的道德审查,超出了他们的官方和法律职能。
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引用次数: 1
Los años juveniles de Juan Carlos Portantiero (1952-1963) Juan Carlos Portantiero的青年时代(1952-1963)
Pub Date : 2019-08-12 DOI: 10.32870/EEES.V26I76.7094
J. Casco
espanolEl presente articulo analiza los anos de formacion del pensador argentino Juan Carlos Portantiero como intelectual publico. El objetivo es reconstruir su trayectoria para mostrar como la figura del intelectual esta indisolublemente ligada a redes, espacios de socializacion y a un ejercicio de la practica de escritura, lo que pone en cuestionamiento la idea de que los intelectuales son genios naturales. Se reconstruyen sus anos de militancia en el Partido Comunista argentino y sus polemicas, se identifica a sus maestros y pares generacionales y, por ultimo, se analizan las causas de su salida del partido EnglishThis article analises the formation years of the Argentinian thinker Juan Carlos Portantiero as a public intellectual. The aim is to reconstruct his career path to show how the intellectual figure is indissolubly linked to networks, spaces for socialization and to an exercise in the practice of writing, which puts into question the idea that intellectuals are natural geniuses. His years of militancy in the Argentinian Partido Comunista (Communist Party) and its controversies are reconstructed, his teachers and generational peers are identified and, finally, the causes of this departures from the party are analyzed
本文分析了阿根廷思想家胡安·卡洛斯·波特提罗作为公共知识分子的形成年代。本文的目的是重建知识分子的轨迹,展示知识分子的形象是如何与网络、社交空间和写作实践密不可分的,这挑战了知识分子是天生天才的观点。重建了他们的言行在阿根廷共产党及其polemicas,找出自己的教师和停止生育,最后分析了党的出路的起因EnglishThis条换来analises the formation of the Argentinian思想家作为公益事业的胡安·卡洛斯Portantiero intellectual。他的目标是重建他的职业道路,以展示知识分子如何与网络、社交空间和写作实践密不可分,从而质疑知识分子是天生天才的想法。重建了他在阿根廷共产党(共产党)任职的岁月及其争议,查明了他的教师和同辈,最后分析了他离开该党的原因。
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引用次数: 0
Participación ciudadana y acción gubernamental: una curva de indiferencia para la seguridad pública en México 公民参与与政府行动:墨西哥公共安全的冷漠曲线
Pub Date : 2019-08-12 DOI: 10.32870/eees.v26i76.6791
Joaquín Ordóñez
espanolEste trabajo explora teoricamente la relacion existente en Mexico entre seguridad publica, como variable dependiente, y los instrumentos por los cuales se obtiene: participacion ciudadana y accion gubernamental, como variables independientes. Se consideran tambien los conceptos democraticos de coto vedado y ambito de negociacion. Se analizan dos escenarios hipoteticos: uno en que el Estado no cumple con el objetivo de proporcionar seguridad publica, y otro en que si lo cumple. Se muestra que la relacion de las variables es distinta en cada caso, ya que existe una curva de indiferencia en la que a veces el ciudadano obtiene la misma satisfaccion y pierde interes por uno u otro instrumento, pues la utilidad que esto podria representarle es la misma en cualquiera de los casos EnglishThis work explores theoretically the relationship in Mexico between public security – as a dependent variable, and the instruments by which it is obtained: citizen participation and governmental action –as independent variables. Democratic concepts coto vedado (forbidden limits) and ambito de negociacion (negotiating area) are also considered. Two hypothetical scenarios are analyzed: one in which the state does not meet the objective of providing public safety, and a second one in which it does. Conclusion shows that the relationship between variables is different, since there is a curve of indifference in which the citizen sometimes gets the same satisfaction and loses interest in one instrument or another, because the utility that this could represent to him is the same in any case
本文从理论上探讨了墨西哥作为因变量的公共安全与作为自变量的公民参与和政府行动之间的关系。它还考虑了限制和谈判范围的民主概念。本文分析了两种假设情景:一种是国家未能实现提供公共安全的目标,另一种是国家实现了这一目标。显示变量的关系是不同的在每一个个案中,因为有差异曲线有时同样获得满足感和公民失去兴趣的一个或另一个工具,因为这可能representarle相同的效用在任何情况下EnglishThis work explores墨西哥theoretically the relationship between公安—as a dependent variable, and the instruments by which it is获得:公民参与和政府行动——作为独立变量。还考虑了禁止限制和谈判区域的民主概念。分析了两种假设情景:一种是国家没有达到提供公共安全的目标,另一种是国家达到了目标。结论表明,变量之间的关系是不同的,因为存在一种无差异曲线,在这种曲线中,公民有时在一种或另一种工具中获得相同的满足而失去兴趣,因为在任何情况下,它所代表的效用都是相同的
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引用次数: 3
Características, satisfacción vital y valores entre voluntarios en México. Evidencias de un proyecto educativo 墨西哥志愿者的特点、生活满意度和价值观。教育项目的证据
Pub Date : 2019-08-12 DOI: 10.32870/EEES.V26I76.7093
Felipe J. Hevia, Samana Vergara-Lope
espanolAnte un creciente interes en promover la participacion social en educacion a traves del trabajo voluntario, el presente articulo busca analizar las principales caracteristicas, la satisfaccion vital y los valores de ochocientos sesenta y ocho voluntarios que participaron en el proyecto Medicion Independiente de Aprendizajes (MIA). El objetivo de dicha caracterizacion es pensar en estrategias para promover el trabajo voluntario como una via para mejorar la educacion y generar beneficios en las personas. Para analizar los resultados, se utilizaron metodos cualitativos y cuantitativos. Se concluye que los voluntarios de MIA son de tipo infrecuente, orientados a campanas, instrumentales y tienen altos niveles de satisfaccion vital y valores personales EnglishSe discute la necesidad de fomentar el trabajo voluntario y se destaca que la tematica educativa tiene una fuerte capacidad de movilizacion Given a growing interest in promoting social participation in education through voluntary work, the aim of this article is to analyze the main characteristics, life satisfaction and values of eight hundred sixty eight volunteers who participated in the Independent Measurement of Learning project (MIA, by its initials in Spanish). The objective is to think about strategies to promote volunteer work as a way to improve education and raise personal benefits. To analyze the results, qualitative and quantitative methods were used. The results indicate that MIA volunteers are infrequent, oriented to campaigns, instrumental and have high levels of life satisfaction and personal values. The need to promote volunteer work is discussed and it is emphasized that the educational theme has a strong capacity for mobilization
这项研究的目的是评估志愿者对社会参与教育的贡献,以及他们对社会参与教育的贡献。这项研究的目的是评估志愿者对社会参与教育的贡献,以及他们对社会参与教育的贡献,以及他们对社会参与教育的贡献。这一描述的目的是思考促进志愿工作的策略,作为改善教育和为人们创造利益的一种方式。为了分析结果,采用了定性和定量的方法。志愿者就完成了铃铛,MIA罕见型是面向的并具有高水平满足个人生活和价值观EnglishSe讨论必须促进志愿工作和教育强调tematica设有movilizacion给予强烈的能力成长》《interest in促进社会参与教育通过志愿工作、the aim of this is to analyze the main条特征》,参加独立学习测量项目(MIA)的8168名志愿者的生活满意度和价值观。其目的是考虑促进志愿工作的战略,以改善教育和提高个人福利。为了分析结果,采用了定性和定量的方法。结果表明,MIA志愿者不频繁,以活动为导向,具有较高的生活满意度和个人价值。讨论了促进志愿工作的必要性,强调教育主题具有很强的动员能力
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引用次数: 4
Procesos de rechazo al sistema político partidista y apego al apartidismo en el México postalternancia 对墨西哥政党政治制度的拒绝和对无党派主义的依恋
Pub Date : 2019-08-12 DOI: 10.32870/EEES.V26I76.7061
Guillem Compte Nunes
espanolEl presente articulo presenta los resultados de una investigacion que busca complementar la literatura sobre la construccion social de la crisis de representacion que atraviesa la democracia en Mexico a traves de un analisis comparativo de las trayectorias politicas de los participantes de un grupo contestatario, el Congreso Nacional Ciudadano (Conaci), en la Ciudad de Mexico. El trabajo muestra como la crisis se construye en las biografias personales, y como estas se articulan con la accion colectiva y el sistema politico mexicano. Asimismo, explora el posicionamiento del grupo analizado, conceptualizado como de utopia pospartidista. Finalmente, el articulo verifica tentativamente la hipotesis de que el sistema politico mexicano transita irreversiblemente del descredito del partidismo al apego a un apartidismo utopico EnglishThis article presents the results of a research, which looks for complement the literatures about the social construction of the representation crisis that Mexican democracy goes through. For this purpose, a comparative analysis of political trajectories of participants in a contentious group, Congreso Nacional Ciudadano (Conaci), in Mexico City, is made. The article shows how this crisis is constructed biographically, and how biography connects to collective action and the Mexican political system. In addition, it explores the position of the analyzed group, conceptualized as post-partisanship utopia. Finally, it tentatively verifies the hypothesis of an irreversible biographical transition from the discredited partisan political system to an attachment to an utopian nonpartisanship
espanolEl本文章介绍了调查结果,旨在补充关于肯尼亚的危机社会文献第八条作为越野民主在墨西哥是通过比较分析参与者的政策轨迹某些群体,国民议会(Conaci公民),在墨西哥城。在这篇文章中,我们展示了危机是如何在个人传记中建立起来的,以及这些传记是如何与集体行动和墨西哥政治制度相联系的。本研究的目的是探讨这些群体在政治、社会和经济方面的地位。最后,跟进检查初步hipotesis墨西哥政治制度transita descredito不可逆转的党派之争不坚持一个党派划线utopico EnglishThis条代表the results of a research, which looks for complement the literatures about the social construction of the representation危机Mexican democracy goes through。为此目的,对墨西哥城国民大会(Conaci)一个有争议的团体参与者的政治轨迹进行了比较分析。这篇文章展示了这场危机是如何以传记的方式构建的,以及传记是如何与集体行动和墨西哥政治体系联系在一起的。它还探讨了被分析群体的地位,概念上是后党派乌托邦。最后,it tentatively verifies the hypothesis of an逆转取得成就transition from the discredited partisan political system to an attachment to an utopian nonpartisanship
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引用次数: 0
El presupuesto participativo en la Ciudad de México: modalidades y resultados 墨西哥城的参与式预算:模式和结果
Pub Date : 2019-01-01 DOI: 10.32870/espiral.v26i74.7027
Alberto Escamilla Cadena
han
手柄
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引用次数: 3
El declive estructural de lo público y la dialéctica desarrollo/subdesarrollo: génesis y manifestaciones de la crisis de Estado en México 公共的结构性衰退与发展/欠发达的辩证法:墨西哥国家危机的起源和表现
Pub Date : 2019-01-01 DOI: 10.32870/ESPIRAL.V26I74.7037
Isaac Enríquez Pérez
espanolEl presente articulo analiza las dimensiones simbolico-institucionales de la genesis y perpetuacion del subdesarrollo, con enfasis en el declive de la vida publica y la crisis de Estado en Mexico. Para ello, son explorados las distintas fuerzas, factores y poderes facticos que –desde afuera y desde adentro, desde arriba y desde abajo– gravitan, trastocan y reconfiguran los entramados institucionales, las funciones del Estado y las decisiones publicas ante la transformacion de la soberania nacional. El objetivo es comprender la manera en que se entrelazan el declive de lo publico, las transformaciones del Estado y la proliferacion de actores y fuerzas que desafian su poder, le disputan la hegemonia e inciden en el diseno de la agenda publica, al extremo de que las elites politicas pierden capacidad para la articulacion, cohesion y regulacion de la sociedad EnglishThis article analyzes the symbolic-institutional dimensions of the genesis and perpetuation of underdevelopment, with emphasis on the decline of public life and the state crisis in Mexico. For that, the different forces, factors and factual powers that –from the outside and from within, from above and from below– gravitate, upset and reconfigure the institutional frameworks, the functions of the state and public decisions facing the transformation of national sovereignty are explored. The objective is to understand how there is a relation between the decline of the public, the transformations of the state and the proliferation of actors and forces that challenge its power, dispute the hegemony, and affect the design of the public agenda, to the extreme that political elites lose capacity for the articulation, cohesion and regulation of society
这篇文章分析了不发达的起源和延续的象征制度维度,重点是公共生活的衰落和墨西哥的国家危机。本文的目的是探讨在国家主权转变之前,从外部和内部、从上到下吸引、颠覆和重新配置制度结构、国家职能和公共决策的不同力量、因素和权力。目标是了解如何相互缠绕的衰退,转换政府和演员的专业力量desafian他的权力,他正在争夺hegemonia议程并对设计发布、政策精英失去终端能力与其他机构、社会融合和regulacion EnglishThis条analyzes the symbolic-institutional of the genesis and perpetuation of underdevelopment维度,他的父亲是一名律师,母亲是一名律师。为此,本文探讨了不同的力量、因素和实权,这些力量、因素和实权——从外部和内部、从上面和下面——影响、扰乱和重塑体制框架,以及国家和公共决策在国家主权转型中的作用。The目标is to明白how there is a关于between The下降of The public, The transformations of The state and The应付非国家行为体和力量挑战its power、纠纷The hegemony and The design of The public agenda)的影响最大,to The extreme that政治精英我知道capacity for The articulation,社会融合和管理
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引用次数: 1
Los conceptos en la política latinoamericana comparada 拉丁美洲比较政治中的概念
Pub Date : 2019-01-01 DOI: 10.32870/ESPIRAL.V26I74.7055
J. Lucca
This article aims four objectives about methodological aspects trough the main issues in Latin American Comparative Politics agenda: first, to rethink the usefulness that comparative method can acquire; second, to explain the main strategies for discover how to describe through concepts; third, to analyze how to operationalize these concepts; an fourth, to analyze to what extent do the concepts serve to decode empirical situations, and vice versa. The article looks for contribute to the politic science epistemology at Latin America, specifically about methodologies construction.
本文通过拉丁美洲比较政治议程中的主要问题,在方法论方面达到四个目的:第一,重新思考比较方法可以获得的有用性;其次,解释发现如何通过概念进行描述的主要策略;第三,分析如何将这些概念付诸实施;第四,分析这些概念在多大程度上有助于解码经验情况,反之亦然。本文寻求对拉丁美洲政治科学认识论的贡献,特别是方法论的建构。
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引用次数: 0
期刊
Espiral Estudios sobre Estado y Sociedad
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