The American Review of Public Administration最新文献_第9页

Book Review: Private Crusades and Public Problems: The Sociological Heritage of Joseph Gusfield by S. Bernardin 书评:《私人十字军东征与公共问题:约瑟夫·古斯菲尔德的社会学遗产》，S.伯纳丁著

The American Review of Public Administration

Pub Date : 2022-09-09 DOI: 10.1177/02750740221125435

N. Zahariadis

Why do some problems become public problems while others do not? What are the mechanisms that link the web of thematic details to public attention? These are deceptively easy questions to ask but very hard to answer. Revisiting the work of noted sociologist Joseph Gusfield, Stève Bernardin and his colleagues offer some answers in this erudite collection of essays. The main argument is that public problems are intentionally designed constructions of social narratives, meaning that public problems are never just social problems but rather someone’s ideas of pointing to and framing of specific issues. Moreover, intentionality implies purposeful actor behavior, which necessitates, in the public policy arena, contests for meaning, social standing, and political power. The authors derive three mechanisms from Gusfield’s work that link social problems to public attention. They use them in a series of vignettes drawing on mainly French cases, but also European and American ones, to explore how campaigns for public attention unfold across a highly diverse tapestry of issues from drugs and the abolitionist movement to protection of animals and the use of pesticides. It is an impressive array of research, well organized thematically, that makes interesting theoretical arguments. But it should have perhaps embedded the findings more explicitly into the broader public policy literature to attract the attention of a wider scholarly audience. The book is divided into three parts which correspond to the three thematic mechanisms linking private campaigns and public problems. The first is dramaturgy, the idea that constructing public problems fosters what Gusfield calls symbolic crusades. Groups aiming to publicize their cause do so by creating narratives with heroes and villains and by linking what may often be private behavior, such as alcoholdrinking, to an adverse social outcome, drunk-driving. To do so, they rely less on rational conversations about causes and effects and more on affect-priming epithets. For example, they are not “drunk drivers,” they are “drunk driving killers.” Once the epithet sticks, it makes no difference whether it’s true or not. It’s a public issue that has to be addressed because society cannot allow killers on the loose. In this way, language and morality are two very important tools in the arsenal of successful crusading groups. True to Gusfield’s conceptualization, the authors reinforce the point that status politics rather than social class is the main source of success. For example, it is not enough to be a member of the elite to raise attention to the issue of slavery. One also has to have close links and impeccable credentials with the community of the predominant religion if slavery is to be addressed as a moral issue. The second mechanism is problem ownership. It is perhaps the most original contribution from a political science point of view, even if it is written by a sociologist!! Most policy groups struggle mightily to c

为什么有些问题会成为公共问题，而另一些则不会?将主题细节网络与公众关注联系起来的机制是什么?这些问题看似很容易问，但很难回答。通过重温著名社会学家约瑟夫·古斯菲尔德的著作，斯蒂芬斯·伯纳丁和他的同事们在这本博学多才的论文集中给出了一些答案。主要论点是，公共问题是有意设计的社会叙事结构，这意味着公共问题绝不仅仅是社会问题，而是某人对特定问题的指向和框架的想法。此外，意向性意味着有目的的行动者行为，在公共政策领域，这需要对意义、社会地位和政治权力进行竞争。作者从Gusfield的工作中得出了三个将社会问题与公众关注联系起来的机制。他们在一系列的小插曲中使用了这些故事，主要取材于法国的案例，但也有欧洲和美国的案例，以探索从毒品和废奴运动到保护动物和使用杀虫剂等高度多样化的问题上，公众关注的运动是如何展开的。这是一系列令人印象深刻的研究，主题组织良好，提出了有趣的理论论点。但它或许应该将这些发现更明确地嵌入到更广泛的公共政策文献中，以吸引更广泛的学术受众的注意。全书分为三个部分，分别对应民间运动与公共问题的三个主题机制。第一种是戏剧，即构建公共问题会促进古斯菲尔德所说的象征性十字军东征。旨在宣传其事业的团体通过创造英雄和恶棍的故事，并将通常是私人行为(如饮酒)与不利的社会后果(如酒后驾驶)联系起来，来宣传他们的事业。为了做到这一点，他们更少地依赖于关于因果关系的理性对话，而更多地依赖于情感启动词。例如，他们不是“醉驾司机”，而是“醉驾杀手”。一旦这个绰号被人记住，它是真是假就没有区别了。这是一个必须解决的公共问题，因为社会不能允许杀手逍遥法外。这样看来，语言和道德是成功的十字军组织武器库中的两个非常重要的工具。与Gusfield的概念一致，作者强调了地位政治而不是社会阶级是成功的主要来源。例如，仅仅成为精英阶层的一员是不足以引起人们对奴隶制问题的关注的。如果要把奴隶制作为一个道德问题来处理，一个人还必须与主流宗教群体有密切的联系和无可挑剔的凭据。第二种机制是问题所有权。从政治科学的角度来看，这可能是最具原创性的贡献，即使它是由社会学家写的!!大多数政策团体都极力主张对具体问题的所有权，比如动物的待遇、室内空间的空气质量、学校的毒品等等。这种挪用问题的政治利益是双重的。首先，“拥有”一个问题意味着一个人可以定义它的特征，构建它的限制和叙述，以推进一个群体的议程。其次，特定群体对问题的挪用意味着该群体也可以在一定程度上定义解决方案和涉及的参与者。换句话说，把问题交给一个私人的、非政府的团体，通过赋予一个非公共实体权力(如果不是道德权威的话)来塑造公共议程，使政策过程偏向于该团体。第三种机制是保持距离，这是一个关系概念。它概括了塑造对自己有利的主导话语的想法。它是关于分裂反对派，并在有利的光线下定位叙事。如果说戏剧是关于思想的本质，关于思想的归属问题，那么距离就是关于思想的斗争。在这个概念背后隐藏着一个简单的观点:赢得一场政策辩论，既取决于辩论的力度，也取决于反对派的弱点。当问题从一个领域转移到另一个领域时，例如，当农药的使用从一个农业问题转变为一个健康问题时，这种弱点可以在政治上形成。分裂反对派和重新定义问题空间使一些团体或机构，如大众媒体，能够阻止一些事件成为公共问题，或促进其他事件的出现。编辑保持了一个紧密的理论框架，围绕这个框架构建了案例研究。更吸引人的是结束语，它把所有的东西联系在一起。那些编辑过的书很少会回到《书评》上

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引用次数: 0

Representative Bureaucracy, Environmental Turbulence, and Organizational Performance 代议制官僚、环境动荡与组织绩效

The American Review of Public Administration

Pub Date : 2022-09-07 DOI: 10.1177/02750740221123106

Xiaoyang Xu, Carla Flink

The literature on representative bureaucracy posits that increased representation at the managerial level leads to improved outcomes for minority clients. These managers, however, must work within organizational constraints and during times of environmental turbulence to sustain organizational performance. We forward the theory that contextual factors, such as environmental turbulence, could moderate the effects of representation on organizational performance. Utilizing a Texas school-level dataset of K-12 education from 2011, we examine how the race of the school principal influences student standardized test performance in a time of widespread financial resource cuts. Our findings suggest that same-race school principal representation improves the academic performance of both African American and Latino students, but the positive effects diminish as budgetary cuts become more widespread in the school. This means that environmental turbulence can decrease the impact of representation.

关于代议制官僚主义的文献假设，在管理层面增加代表性会改善少数族裔客户的结果。然而，这些管理者必须在组织约束和环境动荡时期工作，以维持组织绩效。我们提出情境因素，如环境动荡，可以调节表征对组织绩效的影响。利用2011年德克萨斯州学校K-12教育的数据集，我们研究了在财政资源普遍削减的情况下，学校校长的种族如何影响学生的标准化考试成绩。我们的研究结果表明，同种族学校的校长代表提高了非裔美国人和拉丁裔学生的学习成绩，但随着预算削减在学校变得更加普遍，这种积极影响就会减弱。这意味着环境动荡会降低代表性的影响。

引用次数: 0

The Influence of Legal Mandates on Public Participation 法律授权对公众参与的影响

The American Review of Public Administration

Pub Date : 2022-09-05 DOI: 10.1177/02750740221123105

Jared Olsen, Mary K. Feeney

Legal mandates are a common mechanism to stimulate government agencies to engage the public. Research shows managerial efforts can also affect civic engagement. We first examine whether local government departments that are legally mandated to engage the public have more public participation than departments that are not mandated to do so. We then explore the relationship between manager perceptions of public participation and the frequency of public participation. Finally, we analyze the interactive effect of legal mandates and managerial perceptions. To investigate our research questions, we use regression models on data from a 2018 nationally representative survey of 527 local government managers in the United States. The results indicate legal mandates are not significantly related to public participation, but managerial perceptions are a key factor. These findings support pursuing a managerial approach to advance public participation in local government.

法律授权是激励政府机构与公众接触的常见机制。研究表明，管理层的努力也会影响公民参与。我们首先考察法律授权的地方政府部门是否比没有授权的部门有更多的公众参与。然后，我们探讨了管理者对公众参与的看法与公众参与频率之间的关系。最后，我们分析了法律授权和管理观念的互动效应。为了调查我们的研究问题，我们对2018年对美国527名地方政府管理人员进行的全国代表性调查的数据使用了回归模型。结果表明，法律授权与公众参与没有显著关系，但管理观念是一个关键因素。这些发现支持采取一种管理方法来促进公众参与地方政府。

引用次数: 0

Context Matters: Authoritarian Populism and Public Administration Practice, Teaching, and Research 情境关系:威权民粹主义与公共行政实践、教学与研究

The American Review of Public Administration

Pub Date : 2022-08-12 DOI: 10.1177/02750740221119254

Richard C. Box

The political context of public administration in the United States may change considerably in the near future, away from liberal democracy and toward an intensification of the authoritarian populism familiar from the Trump era. The people and practices of public administration experience the effects of the societal context in their daily work and the course of their careers, so that “context matters.” This essay uses the description of the current context of the public sector at the federal, state, and local levels, and in academia, to examine the potential impacts of a contextual shift to authoritarian populism in the next several years. The examination includes daily practice, the teaching of controversial concepts in public universities, and conducting research on salient topics in public administration.

在不久的将来，美国公共行政的政治背景可能会发生重大变化，远离自由民主，走向特朗普时代熟悉的威权民粹主义的加剧。公共行政人员和公共行政实践在日常工作和职业生涯中都会受到社会环境的影响，因此“环境很重要”。本文通过对联邦、州和地方各级以及学术界公共部门当前背景的描述，来研究未来几年向威权民粹主义转变的潜在影响。考试内容包括日常实践、在公立大学讲授有争议的概念，以及对公共管理领域的重要课题进行研究。

引用次数: 1

The American Presidency: An Impossible Job 美国总统:一项不可能完成的工作

The American Review of Public Administration

Pub Date : 2022-08-04 DOI: 10.1177/02750740221118835

Alasdair Roberts

Sixty years ago, John Kennedy said that the American president should be “the vital center of action in our whole scheme of government,” and expectations about the role have only increased since then (Schlesinger, 1965, p. 119). The result, John Dickerson argues in his new book, The Hardest Job in the World, is that the modern president carries an “almost impossible” burden (Dickerson, 2020, p. xiii). Stephen Hess and Pfiffner concur. The American president, they say, oversees “one of the most complex organizations in the world” (Hess & Pfiffner, 2021, p. 204). In Organizing the Presidency, Hess and Pfiffner consider how the White House bureaucracy can be organized to make the job somewhat less daunting. Hess and Pfiffner are impeccably qualified to give advice. Hess first served in the White House in the waning days of the Eisenhower administration and published the first edition of Organizing the Presidency in 1976. Pfiffner, one of the premier scholars of the American presidency, joined as co-author for the third edition in 2002. Every edition has taken a similar approach, providing a chapter about the organization of the presidency under each administration. The 1976 edition examined six presidencies, from Franklin Roosevelt to Nixon, while the current edition examines 14. There are opening and closing chapters that sketch some major themes and offer recommendations. Organizing the Presidency shows how the role of the White House has grown over the last 90 years. The White House has extended control over many facets of work within departments and agencies, such as goal setting, budgeting, rulemaking, financial and personnel administration, and procurement policy. It has also taken charge of political appointments that were once left to Cabinet secretaries. Above all, it has taken command of policy formulation. The influence of cabinet members and their advisors has declined concomitantly. Health and Human Services Secretary Kathleen Sebelius explained the order of things in 2010, when she testified before Congress about healthcare reform under President Obama: “I am not a principal in the negotiations, nor is my staff... [We] provide technical support” (Hess & Pfiffner, 2021, p. 184). The White House bureaucracy has evolved to support this expanded role. It is now much larger, employing almost 2,000 people. Assignments are demarcated more sharply, with offices exclusively dedicated to critical functions such as media and legislative relations. There are also a welter of councils, offices, and advisors charged with formulating policy and coordinating departments and agencies. Presidents have come to accept that the whole apparatus should be topped with a chief of staff who has the power to maintain order and regulate access to the president. And a distinctive ethic of presidential service has emerged over the decades. The good White House bureaucrat is an “honest broker” who assures that all interested players get a fair hearing and gives the

60年前，约翰·肯尼迪(John Kennedy)说，美国总统应该是“我们整个政府计划中至关重要的行动中心”，从那时起，人们对这一角色的期望只增不减(施莱辛格，1965，第119页)。结果，约翰·迪克森在他的新书《世界上最难的工作》中指出，现代总统背负着“几乎不可能”的负担(迪克森，2020年，第13页)。史蒂芬·赫斯和菲夫纳对此表示赞同。他们说，美国总统监管着“世界上最复杂的组织之一”(赫斯和菲夫纳，2021年，第204页)。在《组织总统》一书中，赫斯和菲夫纳探讨了如何组织白宫的官僚机构，使这项工作不那么令人生畏。赫斯和菲夫纳完全有资格提供建议。赫斯第一次在白宫任职是在艾森豪威尔政府即将结束的日子里，并于1976年出版了第一版《组织总统》。菲夫纳是研究美国总统的一流学者之一，2002年作为第三版的合著者加入。每一版都采用了类似的方法，用一章介绍每一届政府的总统组织。1976年的版本研究了6位总统，从富兰克林·罗斯福到尼克松，而现在的版本研究了14位总统。书中有开头和结尾两章，概述了一些主要主题并提出了建议。《总统的组织》展示了白宫在过去90年里的角色是如何发展的。白宫扩大了对各部门和机构工作的许多方面的控制，如目标设定、预算、规则制定、财务和人事管理以及采购政策。它还接管了曾经留给内阁秘书的政治任命。最重要的是，它已经掌握了政策制定的控制权。内阁成员及其顾问的影响力也随之下降。2010年，卫生与公众服务部部长凯瑟琳·西贝利厄斯在国会就奥巴马总统领导下的医疗改革作证时解释了事情的顺序:“我不是谈判的负责人，我的工作人员也不是……[我们]提供技术支持”(Hess & Pfiffner, 2021，第184页)。白宫的官僚机构已经演变为支持这一扩大的角色。现在它的规模要大得多，雇佣了近2000人。任务的划分更加明确，办公室专门负责诸如媒体和立法关系等关键职能。还有一大堆委员会、办公室和顾问负责制定政策和协调各部门和机构。总统们已经开始接受这样一种观点，即整个机构的顶端应该有一名参谋长，他有权维持秩序，并监管与总统的接触。几十年来，一种独特的总统服务伦理已经出现。优秀的白宫官僚是一个“诚实的经纪人”，他确保所有感兴趣的参与者都能得到公平的听证，并为总统提供一个平衡的选择。不好的人会粗暴对待同事，推行自己的议程(Hess & pffner, 2021, pp. 157-158和207)。赫斯和菲夫纳强调总统的个性——那些“性格和气质的内在品质”——如何影响白宫内部的运作(赫斯和菲夫纳，2021年，第209页)。这本书的设计倾向于支持这一理论。新总统的上任意味着一个新的篇章，说明在他的任期内，结构和惯例发生了怎样的变化。然而，我们可以质疑，在半个世纪前，当白宫官僚机构的基本架构仍在不断变化时，个性在今天是否像它一样重要。随着时间的推移，每一章所描述的变化都不那么引人注目了。即使是特朗普，这位最打破传统的现代总统，也没能彻底改变白宫的组织结构。另一种或许更有用的组织本书的方式是，直接关注总统们在过去几十年里面临的困境。最大的难题是总统幕僚的规模。正如赫斯和菲夫纳所观察到的，总统有很强的动机扩大白宫的官僚机构。更大的员工队伍似乎意味着对事件和行政机构的更好控制。但一个庞大的白宫官僚机构也会产生自己的问题:各部分难以协调，派系斗争难以驯服，员工更有可能进行书评

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引用次数: 0

The Role of Department Type in Public Managers’ Attitudes Toward Social Media Use 部门类型在公共管理者对社交媒体使用态度中的作用

The American Review of Public Administration

Pub Date : 2022-07-22 DOI: 10.1177/02750740221106158

Xiaoheng Wang, Allyson L. Holbrook, Mary K. Feeney

Social media technologies have been widely adopted by governments to increase civic engagement, promote openness, and extend services. Previous research finds that public managers’ attitudes are important predictors of social media adoption and successful implementation. Managers’ attitudes may vary due to different organizational structures, functions, and operations based on department type or because departments vary along with key dimensions. This research investigates the following questions: (1) Does department type significantly predict public managers’ attitudes toward social media, (2) does department type moderate the effect of predictors of managers’ attitudes toward social media found in previous research, and (3) do the predictors of managers’ attitudes toward social media found in previous research mediate attitude differences observed across different kinds of departments. Using data collected from a 2014 national web survey in the United States on technology in city government, we find department type is an important predictor of managers’ attitudes toward social media use. The effects of other predictors of attitudes toward social media use were not moderated by department type. Instead, those predictors had similar effects regardless of department type. Some of the variables related to organizational characteristics and culture (e.g., social media use, innovativeness, and use of e-services) helped to explain differences between the attitudes of managers from different departments. Our findings are important for developing strategies to target managers’ negative attitudes toward using social media, thus removing one of the barriers to successful technology implementation.

社会媒体技术已被政府广泛采用，以增加公民参与、促进开放和扩展服务。以往的研究发现，公共管理者的态度是社会媒体采用和成功实施的重要预测因素。管理者的态度可能因部门类型的组织结构、职能和运作的不同而有所不同，也可能因部门在关键维度上的不同而有所不同。本研究探讨了以下问题:(1)部门类型是否显著预测公共管理者对社交媒体的态度;(2)部门类型是否调节了以往研究中发现的管理者对社交媒体态度的预测因子的作用;(3)以往研究中发现的管理者对社交媒体态度的预测因子是否介导了不同类型部门之间的态度差异。利用2014年美国全国城市政府技术网络调查收集的数据，我们发现部门类型是管理者对社交媒体使用态度的重要预测因子。对社交媒体使用态度的其他预测因素的影响不受部门类型的影响。相反，无论部门类型如何，这些预测因素都具有相似的效果。与组织特征和文化相关的一些变量(例如，社交媒体的使用、创新性和电子服务的使用)有助于解释不同部门管理者态度之间的差异。我们的研究结果对于制定针对管理人员对使用社交媒体的消极态度的策略具有重要意义，从而消除了成功实施技术的障碍之一。

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引用次数: 0

Collaborative Governance at Scale: Examining the Regimes, Platforms, and System in the State of Oregon 规模上的协作治理:检查俄勒冈州的制度、平台和系统

The American Review of Public Administration

Pub Date : 2022-06-01 DOI: 10.1177/02750740221104521

Nara Yoon, Katie Fields, B. Cochran, Tina Nabatchi

This article takes a first step toward analyzing the characteristics of a cross-policy, state-wide collaborative system. Specifically, using data from the Atlas of Collaboration project, we offer a big-picture analysis of how over 200 externally directed collaborative governance regimes (CGRs) are operationalized in a state-level collaborative system consisting of 13 collaborative platforms operating across five policy areas (economic development, education, health, natural resources, public safety) in Oregon. We focus on three attributes—geographic scope, collaborative size, and collaborative characteristics—aggregated at the system level across CGRs, as well as across collaborative platforms and policy areas. The descriptive findings reveal that collaborative efforts are geographically dispersed across the state, involve thousands of participants representing organizations from the public, private, and nonprofit sectors, and vary across multiple characteristics, such as organizational form, lead organization, funding model, structural roles, staffing, and extent of face-to-face dialogue. These findings lay the groundwork for future theoretical development and empirical research.

本文迈出了分析跨政策、全州协作系统特征的第一步。具体地说，我们利用协作地图集项目的数据，对俄勒冈州一个由13个协作平台组成的国家级协作系统(涉及五个政策领域(经济发展、教育、卫生、自然资源、公共安全)中200多个外部指导的协作治理机制(cgr)是如何运作的进行了宏观分析。我们将重点放在三个属性上——地理范围、协作规模和协作特征——它们在系统层面上跨cgr、跨协作平台和政策领域聚集在一起。描述性研究结果表明，协作努力在地理上分散在全州各地，涉及数千名代表公共、私营和非营利部门组织的参与者，并且在组织形式、领导组织、资助模式、结构角色、人员配备和面对面对话程度等多种特征上有所不同。这些发现为今后的理论发展和实证研究奠定了基础。

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引用次数: 2

Top-Down Accountability, Social Unrest, and Anticorruption in China 中国自上而下的问责制、社会动荡与反腐败

The American Review of Public Administration

Pub Date : 2022-05-16 DOI: 10.1177/02750740221100522

L. Hou, Mingxing Liu, Dong Zhang

What motivates front-line officials to curtail corruption? We contend that performance management can reinforce top-down accountability in authoritarian governments and help contain corruption at the local level. Drawing on a nationally representative panel data of approximately 120 villages in China, we find that when anticorruption is prescribed as a salient policy goal in the township-to-village performance evaluation, village officials are incentivized to curb corruption. We further present evidence that the mandate for maintaining social stability propels township-level governments to prioritize the anticorruption work in the performance evaluation of village officials given that corruption constitutes a crucial trigger for social unrest. Our study sheds light on the understanding of performance management, bureaucratic accountability, and anticorruption policies in authoritarian countries.

是什么促使一线官员遏制腐败?我们认为，绩效管理可以加强威权政府自上而下的问责制，并有助于遏制地方层面的腐败。通过对中国约120个村的具有全国代表性的面板数据分析，我们发现，在乡镇绩效评估中将反腐败作为一个突出的政策目标时，村官会被激励去遏制腐败。我们进一步提供证据表明，鉴于腐败是引发社会动荡的关键因素，维护社会稳定的任务促使乡镇一级政府在村官绩效评估中优先考虑反腐败工作。我们的研究揭示了对专制国家绩效管理、官僚问责制和反腐败政策的理解。

引用次数: 3

Strengthening American Democracy Through Public Administration 通过公共管理加强美国民主

The American Review of Public Administration

Pub Date : 2022-05-09 DOI: 10.1177/02750740221098348

C. Goodsell

America's precious democratic form of government is under severe threat. An attempt to sabotage the fair election of a new president has been committed and could easily be reattempted. Meanwhile, a war is being fought that clarifies a global struggle between autocracy and democracy. Despite our field's reputation for political neutrality, its institutions can be used to strengthen our democracy against its opponents.

美国宝贵的民主政府形式正受到严重威胁。有人企图破坏新总统的公平选举，而且很容易再犯。与此同时，一场战争正在打响，这场战争澄清了专制与民主之间的全球斗争。尽管我们的领域以政治中立著称，但它的制度可以用来加强我们的民主，对抗对手。

引用次数: 2

Agency Heads’ Public Profiles and Bureaucratic Performance 机构负责人的公众形象和官僚绩效

The American Review of Public Administration

Pub Date : 2022-05-06 DOI: 10.1177/02750740221098035

Don S. Lee

Do agency heads’ public profiles enhance the performance of bureaucratic agencies? Existing studies of public administration emphasize the role of public information in managing government performance. However, whether public attention to agency heads affects the performance of their agencies is largely understudied. Using a unique dataset of agency heads’ public profiles in South Korea, we predict that such profiles have a positive impact on their agencies’ performance. Although agency heads are not held accountable directly to citizens, close public attention to agency heads’ activities may function as an indirect mechanism of accountability and of improving their organizations’ performance. Our analysis supports our prediction and further suggests that an agency head’s high public profile is a benefit, particularly in more salient policy areas where “going public” is more effective for their policy reforms. Our findings have clear implications: the importance of agency heads’ unconventional roles for effective agency management, responding to rapidly changing external environments.

机构负责人的公众形象是否能提高官僚机构的绩效?现有的公共行政研究强调公共信息在管理政府绩效方面的作用。然而，公众对机构负责人的关注是否会影响其机构的绩效，在很大程度上尚未得到充分研究。利用韩国机构负责人公开资料的独特数据集，我们预测这些资料对其机构的绩效有积极影响。虽然机构负责人不直接对公民负责，但是公众对机构负责人活动的密切关注可以作为一种间接的问责机制和改善其组织业绩的机制。我们的分析支持了我们的预测，并进一步表明，机构负责人的高公众形象是一种好处，特别是在更突出的政策领域，“公开”对他们的政策改革更有效。我们的研究结果有明确的含义:机构负责人的非常规角色对于有效的机构管理，应对快速变化的外部环境的重要性。

引用次数: 0