Pub Date : 2017-12-04DOI: 10.5406/WOMGENFAMCOL.5.2.0129
María Isabel Ayala
This study assesses whether Latinas’ ethnic and racial self-identification can predict their number of “children ever born” (CEB) after controlling for cultural, socioeconomic, and demographic factors. Analyzed together, these factors measure the role that existing racial/ethnic structures have on the experiences of Latino subgroups. I pool data from the Fertility Supplement of the Integrated Public Use Micro-data Series (IPUMS) Current Population Survey. Following a series of zero-inflated Poisson regressions and controlling for cultural, socioeconomic, and demographic factors, women who ethnically self-identify as Mexican, Puerto Rican, or Central American have more CEB than women who self-identify as Cuban. Simultaneously, Latinas who racially self-identify as white have fewer CEB than nonwhite Latinas. I propose that the different racialized experiences of these groups can help explain these patterns. Moreover, I argue that the results provide empirical evidence of the multicausal explanations for intra-Latina fertility behavior.
{"title":"Intra-Latina Fertility Differentials in the United States","authors":"María Isabel Ayala","doi":"10.5406/WOMGENFAMCOL.5.2.0129","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5406/WOMGENFAMCOL.5.2.0129","url":null,"abstract":"This study assesses whether Latinas’ ethnic and racial self-identification can predict their number of “children ever born” (CEB) after controlling for cultural, socioeconomic, and demographic factors. Analyzed together, these factors measure the role that existing racial/ethnic structures have on the experiences of Latino subgroups. I pool data from the Fertility Supplement of the Integrated Public Use Micro-data Series (IPUMS) Current Population Survey. Following a series of zero-inflated Poisson regressions and controlling for cultural, socioeconomic, and demographic factors, women who ethnically self-identify as Mexican, Puerto Rican, or Central American have more CEB than women who self-identify as Cuban. Simultaneously, Latinas who racially self-identify as white have fewer CEB than nonwhite Latinas. I propose that the different racialized experiences of these groups can help explain these patterns. Moreover, I argue that the results provide empirical evidence of the multicausal explanations for intra-Latina fertility behavior.","PeriodicalId":223911,"journal":{"name":"Women, Gender, and Families of Color","volume":"3 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2017-12-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"131047945","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2017-12-04DOI: 10.5406/WOMGENFAMCOL.5.2.0153
Sandra L. Barnes, Angela Cowser
Abstract: The Shack Dwellers Federation of Namibia (SDFN) was established in 1992 as a women-lead membership-based organization (MBOP) of the poor to secure affordable housing and infrastructure services through savings and sweat-equity groups across thirteen Namibian regions. Yet, to our knowledge, a study on this organization that focuses on the voices of members to assess how they understand and prioritize Federasi involvement has not been performed. Theoretically informed by black feminism, this multidisciplinary, mixed-methodological project considers the benefits of participation for 281 members. Although anecdotal information suggests that the vast majority of women participate to secure stable housing, content and bivariate analyses illustrate the primacy of psychological benefits and collective mobilization.
{"title":"Building Homes and Building Lives: Benefits of Involvement in the Shack Dwellers Federation of Namibia","authors":"Sandra L. Barnes, Angela Cowser","doi":"10.5406/WOMGENFAMCOL.5.2.0153","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5406/WOMGENFAMCOL.5.2.0153","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract: The Shack Dwellers Federation of Namibia (SDFN) was established in 1992 as a women-lead membership-based organization (MBOP) of the poor to secure affordable housing and infrastructure services through savings and sweat-equity groups across thirteen Namibian regions. Yet, to our knowledge, a study on this organization that focuses on the voices of members to assess how they understand and prioritize Federasi involvement has not been performed. Theoretically informed by black feminism, this multidisciplinary, mixed-methodological project considers the benefits of participation for 281 members. Although anecdotal information suggests that the vast majority of women participate to secure stable housing, content and bivariate analyses illustrate the primacy of psychological benefits and collective mobilization.","PeriodicalId":223911,"journal":{"name":"Women, Gender, and Families of Color","volume":"24 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2017-12-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"133217855","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2017-05-04DOI: 10.5406/WOMGENFAMCOL.5.1.0073
Sabrina Alimahomed-Wilson
Abstract: Drawing on forty semistructured interviews with young Muslim American women, FBI hate crimes data, and civil rights policy reports, this research explores the rise of institutionalized private violence directed at Muslim women. While saving Muslim women from Muslim men through U.S. military invasion remains a dominant cultural ideology and justification for the global War on Terror, I argue that “saving Muslim women” from violence garners significant attention only when foreign Muslim men are positioned as the assailants of such violence. One central form of violence that remains unexamined for Muslim women’s lives is the increased exposure to violence in the public sphere following the rapid securitization of the United States after the bombing of the World Trade Center on September 11, 2001. Of the women interviewed for this study, 85 percent reported experiencing verbal assaults or threats within public spaces, and 25 percent reported experiencing physical violence. This research finds that, although white American men are disproportionately responsible for public forms of Islamophobic violence, the race and gender of these assailants often remain invisible within media accounts.
{"title":"Invisible Violence: Gender, Islamophobia, and the Hidden Assault on U.S. Muslim Women","authors":"Sabrina Alimahomed-Wilson","doi":"10.5406/WOMGENFAMCOL.5.1.0073","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5406/WOMGENFAMCOL.5.1.0073","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract: Drawing on forty semistructured interviews with young Muslim American women, FBI hate crimes data, and civil rights policy reports, this research explores the rise of institutionalized private violence directed at Muslim women. While saving Muslim women from Muslim men through U.S. military invasion remains a dominant cultural ideology and justification for the global War on Terror, I argue that “saving Muslim women” from violence garners significant attention only when foreign Muslim men are positioned as the assailants of such violence. One central form of violence that remains unexamined for Muslim women’s lives is the increased exposure to violence in the public sphere following the rapid securitization of the United States after the bombing of the World Trade Center on September 11, 2001. Of the women interviewed for this study, 85 percent reported experiencing verbal assaults or threats within public spaces, and 25 percent reported experiencing physical violence. This research finds that, although white American men are disproportionately responsible for public forms of Islamophobic violence, the race and gender of these assailants often remain invisible within media accounts.","PeriodicalId":223911,"journal":{"name":"Women, Gender, and Families of Color","volume":"24 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2017-05-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"121423426","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2017-05-04DOI: 10.5406/WOMGENFAMCOL.5.1.0003
Sarah L. Trembanis
Abstract: This article examines the intersecting issues of race, identity, and colorism in African American adoptions and state adoption policies during the 1950s and early 1960s through the case study of the contested adoption of David Alexander Rowe in Richmond, Virginia, in 1959. Rowe was born to a fourteen-year-old African American mother, who, while working as a prostitute, became pregnant by a twenty-seven-year-old married white father of two. Confined to a home for wayward girls until her eighteenth birthday, the mother requested that her son be adopted by her aunt. Instead of authorizing this seemingly noncontroversial adoption, the Virginia Department of Welfare officially opposed it on the grounds that the baby was “too fair” to be adopted by a dark-skinned family member. Outraged, the aunt brought her story and her case to the black press and to the state courts. Within the complicated, legislative racial policies of 1950s Virginia, the liminal status of mixed-race children (who under antimiscegenation laws should not exist) threatened the strict racial binarism through which the state operated its segregationist policies. By placing David’s story within a larger discussion of adoption drives for foreign-born “brown babies” and the Baby-Boom commodification of white babies, this article interrogates the competing narratives about racial identities offered by state policies, adoption workers, and individual families.
摘要:本文以1959年弗吉尼亚州里士满发生的大卫·亚历山大·罗(David Alexander Rowe)被争议收养案为案例，探讨了20世纪50年代至60年代初非裔美国人收养和国家收养政策中种族、身份和肤色主义的交叉问题。罗的母亲是一名14岁的非裔美国人，当时她是一名妓女，27岁时，她怀上了一个有两个孩子的已婚白人父亲。在十八岁生日之前，她一直被关在一个任性的女孩之家，母亲请求她的姑姑收养她的儿子。弗吉尼亚州福利部门非但没有批准这个看似没有争议的收养，反而正式反对，理由是这个婴儿“太白了”，不适合被深色皮肤的家庭成员收养。这位阿姨义愤填膺，把她的故事和她的案子告上了黑人媒体和州法院。在20世纪50年代弗吉尼亚州复杂的立法种族政策中，混血儿童(在反种族歧视法下不应该存在)的限制地位威胁着该州实行种族隔离政策的严格的种族二元主义。通过将大卫的故事置于对外国出生的“棕色婴儿”的收养动机和婴儿潮时期对白人婴儿的商品化的更大讨论中，本文对国家政策、收养工作者和个体家庭提供的关于种族身份的相互竞争的叙述进行了质疑。
{"title":"“A Darker Hue”: Race and Adoption in Richmond, Virginia, 1959","authors":"Sarah L. Trembanis","doi":"10.5406/WOMGENFAMCOL.5.1.0003","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5406/WOMGENFAMCOL.5.1.0003","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract: This article examines the intersecting issues of race, identity, and colorism in African American adoptions and state adoption policies during the 1950s and early 1960s through the case study of the contested adoption of David Alexander Rowe in Richmond, Virginia, in 1959. Rowe was born to a fourteen-year-old African American mother, who, while working as a prostitute, became pregnant by a twenty-seven-year-old married white father of two. Confined to a home for wayward girls until her eighteenth birthday, the mother requested that her son be adopted by her aunt. Instead of authorizing this seemingly noncontroversial adoption, the Virginia Department of Welfare officially opposed it on the grounds that the baby was “too fair” to be adopted by a dark-skinned family member. Outraged, the aunt brought her story and her case to the black press and to the state courts. Within the complicated, legislative racial policies of 1950s Virginia, the liminal status of mixed-race children (who under antimiscegenation laws should not exist) threatened the strict racial binarism through which the state operated its segregationist policies. By placing David’s story within a larger discussion of adoption drives for foreign-born “brown babies” and the Baby-Boom commodification of white babies, this article interrogates the competing narratives about racial identities offered by state policies, adoption workers, and individual families.","PeriodicalId":223911,"journal":{"name":"Women, Gender, and Families of Color","volume":"177 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2017-05-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"115219672","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2017-05-04DOI: 10.5406/WOMGENFAMCOL.5.1.0050
C. H. Foster
Abstract: The phrases anchor baby and welfare queen are examples of gendered racist political rhetoric publicly used by lawmakers to marginalize vulnerable populations. In the 1980s and 1990s, the phrase welfare queen was used by lawmakers to describe poor single women who had multiple children, allegedly for the purpose of financial gain at the expense of U.S. taxpayers. The term anchor baby has been used more recently to describe the children of unauthorized immigrant women who, some lawmakers assert, come to the United States to have babies for personal gain at the expense of U.S. taxpayers. This essay explores public statements of U.S. lawmakers engaging in anchor baby discourse. By analyzing the ways that these two different but functionally similar phrases have been used by U.S. lawmakers, we gain an understanding of the use of political rhetoric in marginalizing women and families of color.
{"title":"Anchor Babies and Welfare Queens: An Essay on Political Rhetoric, Gendered Racism, and Marginalization","authors":"C. H. Foster","doi":"10.5406/WOMGENFAMCOL.5.1.0050","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5406/WOMGENFAMCOL.5.1.0050","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract: The phrases anchor baby and welfare queen are examples of gendered racist political rhetoric publicly used by lawmakers to marginalize vulnerable populations. In the 1980s and 1990s, the phrase welfare queen was used by lawmakers to describe poor single women who had multiple children, allegedly for the purpose of financial gain at the expense of U.S. taxpayers. The term anchor baby has been used more recently to describe the children of unauthorized immigrant women who, some lawmakers assert, come to the United States to have babies for personal gain at the expense of U.S. taxpayers. This essay explores public statements of U.S. lawmakers engaging in anchor baby discourse. By analyzing the ways that these two different but functionally similar phrases have been used by U.S. lawmakers, we gain an understanding of the use of political rhetoric in marginalizing women and families of color.","PeriodicalId":223911,"journal":{"name":"Women, Gender, and Families of Color","volume":"81 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2017-05-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"124102673","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2017-05-04DOI: 10.5406/womgenfamcol.7.2.0105
J. Hamer
{"title":"From the Editor","authors":"J. Hamer","doi":"10.5406/womgenfamcol.7.2.0105","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5406/womgenfamcol.7.2.0105","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":223911,"journal":{"name":"Women, Gender, and Families of Color","volume":"34 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2017-05-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"127353726","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2017-05-04DOI: 10.5406/WOMGENFAMCOL.5.1.0027
Dorothy Hines-Datiri
Abstract: There is limited research that explores the dropout and re-enrollment experiences of girls of color in urban schools despite these students having higher rates of early school withdrawal than their racial counterparts. Girls of color that dropout often have to navigate racial and gender stereotypes within a larger heteronormative system of oppression that challenges their identity as young women. Drawing from Role-Identity and Social Stress Theory, this qualitative study examined the intersection of race, gender, and space in structuring how female students of color negotiated their status as former “dropouts” to returners. Their narratives illustrate how dropout stigmas of girls of color are mediated by the context in which they experienced racial microstressors, and how they negotiated parent relationships in their pursuit of a high school diploma.
{"title":"Cloaked in Invisibility: Dropout-Recovery Narratives of Girls of Color after Re-enrollment","authors":"Dorothy Hines-Datiri","doi":"10.5406/WOMGENFAMCOL.5.1.0027","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5406/WOMGENFAMCOL.5.1.0027","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract: There is limited research that explores the dropout and re-enrollment experiences of girls of color in urban schools despite these students having higher rates of early school withdrawal than their racial counterparts. Girls of color that dropout often have to navigate racial and gender stereotypes within a larger heteronormative system of oppression that challenges their identity as young women. Drawing from Role-Identity and Social Stress Theory, this qualitative study examined the intersection of race, gender, and space in structuring how female students of color negotiated their status as former “dropouts” to returners. Their narratives illustrate how dropout stigmas of girls of color are mediated by the context in which they experienced racial microstressors, and how they negotiated parent relationships in their pursuit of a high school diploma.","PeriodicalId":223911,"journal":{"name":"Women, Gender, and Families of Color","volume":"9 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2017-05-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"132068830","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2016-09-14DOI: 10.5406/WOMGENFAMCOL.4.2.0250
Minkah Makalani
Abstract:This article examines the activities and ideas of black women Communists Grace Campbell and Williana Burroughs as Pan-African intellectuals. Campbell established key Harlem-based formations, which facilitated black radicals’ thinking about racial oppression in terms of housing, health, and childcare. Burroughs drew on her experiences in these formations when she became the first black woman to participate in an international Communist gathering in Moscow in 1928. While neither theorized an intersectional approach to race, gender, and class, their activism informed important Communist organizations. Rather than make a claim of intellectual or political origins, this article argues that Campbell, Burroughs, and other black women Communists created the conditions of possibility for black women such as Claudia Jones, who would go on to theorize her notions of super-exploitation and triple oppression, and emerge as one of the most important radical Pan-Africanist intellectuals in Harlem and London.
{"title":"An Apparatus for Negro Women: Black Women’s Organizing, Communism, and the Institutional Spaces of Radical Pan-African Thought","authors":"Minkah Makalani","doi":"10.5406/WOMGENFAMCOL.4.2.0250","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5406/WOMGENFAMCOL.4.2.0250","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract:This article examines the activities and ideas of black women Communists Grace Campbell and Williana Burroughs as Pan-African intellectuals. Campbell established key Harlem-based formations, which facilitated black radicals’ thinking about racial oppression in terms of housing, health, and childcare. Burroughs drew on her experiences in these formations when she became the first black woman to participate in an international Communist gathering in Moscow in 1928. While neither theorized an intersectional approach to race, gender, and class, their activism informed important Communist organizations. Rather than make a claim of intellectual or political origins, this article argues that Campbell, Burroughs, and other black women Communists created the conditions of possibility for black women such as Claudia Jones, who would go on to theorize her notions of super-exploitation and triple oppression, and emerge as one of the most important radical Pan-Africanist intellectuals in Harlem and London.","PeriodicalId":223911,"journal":{"name":"Women, Gender, and Families of Color","volume":"39 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2016-09-14","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"114306020","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2016-09-14DOI: 10.5406/WOMGENFAMCOL.4.2.0146
Erik S. McDuffie
Abstract:This article demonstrates the importance of women in leading Marcus Garvey’s Universal Negro Improvement Association (UNIA) at the grassroots level, the ways Garveyite women forged “community feminism,” and the understudied importance of the U.S. Midwest and Canada as key sites of diasporic protest through the life, activism, and legacy of Malcolm X’s mother, Louise Langdon Norton Little. Born in Grenada in 1900, Little stands as a major figure in twentieth-century black nationalism, Pan-Africanism, and the African Diaspora. Passionately committed to black self-determination and fiercely proud of African-descended people, she emerged as an important grassroots leader in the UNIA, which claimed six million members in the United States, Canada, the Caribbean, Central America, Africa, and Europe during the 1920s. She joined the UNIA in Montreal, Canada, after she emigrated there after World War I in search of a better life. In the coming years, Little served as an officer in the UNIA division in Omaha, Nebraska, and avidly discussed politics with Garvey when he visited the Littles’ home in Milwaukee, Wisconsin, in 1922. However, The Autobiography of Malcolm X portrays Louise Little one-dimensionally as a wretched figure, while historian Manning Marable’s biography on Malcolm X minimizes her active role in developing his political consciousness and in leading broader black freedom struggles. These prevailing narratives affirm literary scholar Carole Boyce Davies’s observation about the ways black women have been erased from scholarly analysis of the black radical tradition. Tracing the history of Louise Little provides a lens for appreciating the importance of women in leading Pan-Africanist movements, the making of community feminism at the grassroots level, and the importance of the U.S. Midwest and Canada as sites of diasporic protest.
{"title":"The Diasporic Journeys of Louise Little: Grassroots Garveyism, the Midwest, and Community Feminism","authors":"Erik S. McDuffie","doi":"10.5406/WOMGENFAMCOL.4.2.0146","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5406/WOMGENFAMCOL.4.2.0146","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract:This article demonstrates the importance of women in leading Marcus Garvey’s Universal Negro Improvement Association (UNIA) at the grassroots level, the ways Garveyite women forged “community feminism,” and the understudied importance of the U.S. Midwest and Canada as key sites of diasporic protest through the life, activism, and legacy of Malcolm X’s mother, Louise Langdon Norton Little. Born in Grenada in 1900, Little stands as a major figure in twentieth-century black nationalism, Pan-Africanism, and the African Diaspora. Passionately committed to black self-determination and fiercely proud of African-descended people, she emerged as an important grassroots leader in the UNIA, which claimed six million members in the United States, Canada, the Caribbean, Central America, Africa, and Europe during the 1920s. She joined the UNIA in Montreal, Canada, after she emigrated there after World War I in search of a better life. In the coming years, Little served as an officer in the UNIA division in Omaha, Nebraska, and avidly discussed politics with Garvey when he visited the Littles’ home in Milwaukee, Wisconsin, in 1922. However, The Autobiography of Malcolm X portrays Louise Little one-dimensionally as a wretched figure, while historian Manning Marable’s biography on Malcolm X minimizes her active role in developing his political consciousness and in leading broader black freedom struggles. These prevailing narratives affirm literary scholar Carole Boyce Davies’s observation about the ways black women have been erased from scholarly analysis of the black radical tradition. Tracing the history of Louise Little provides a lens for appreciating the importance of women in leading Pan-Africanist movements, the making of community feminism at the grassroots level, and the importance of the U.S. Midwest and Canada as sites of diasporic protest.","PeriodicalId":223911,"journal":{"name":"Women, Gender, and Families of Color","volume":"119 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2016-09-14","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"134555462","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2016-09-14DOI: 10.5406/WOMGENFAMCOL.4.2.0274
Ashley D. Farmer
Abstract:Audley Moore and Dara Abubakari were lifelong theorists and activists who were committed to Pan-African organizing and black nation-building initiatives. Both born in Louisiana, Moore and Abubakari developed their political critique and honed their activism amid organizations like the Universal Negro Improvement Association, the Communist Party, and the Universal Association of Ethiopian Women during the first half of the twentieth century. In the 1960s and 1970s, Moore and Abubakari became leaders and mentors in organizations like the Republic of New Africa and the Revolutionary Action Movement, ensuring that their activism and Pan-African political vision influenced the next generation of activists. This article examines their activist lives and argues that they were key figures in sustaining and propelling Pan-African formulations and communities at the grassroots level. In excavating the histories and activism of these two understudied women, this article reshapes the political and intellectual trajectory of Pan-African organizing and specifies the ways in which African American women forged diasporic relationships and communities.
{"title":"Mothers of Pan-Africanism: Audley Moore and Dara Abubakari","authors":"Ashley D. Farmer","doi":"10.5406/WOMGENFAMCOL.4.2.0274","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5406/WOMGENFAMCOL.4.2.0274","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract:Audley Moore and Dara Abubakari were lifelong theorists and activists who were committed to Pan-African organizing and black nation-building initiatives. Both born in Louisiana, Moore and Abubakari developed their political critique and honed their activism amid organizations like the Universal Negro Improvement Association, the Communist Party, and the Universal Association of Ethiopian Women during the first half of the twentieth century. In the 1960s and 1970s, Moore and Abubakari became leaders and mentors in organizations like the Republic of New Africa and the Revolutionary Action Movement, ensuring that their activism and Pan-African political vision influenced the next generation of activists. This article examines their activist lives and argues that they were key figures in sustaining and propelling Pan-African formulations and communities at the grassroots level. In excavating the histories and activism of these two understudied women, this article reshapes the political and intellectual trajectory of Pan-African organizing and specifies the ways in which African American women forged diasporic relationships and communities.","PeriodicalId":223911,"journal":{"name":"Women, Gender, and Families of Color","volume":"12 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2016-09-14","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"117020375","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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