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TURKEY AS AN EU MEMBER STATE CANDIDATE IN A HYPERCITIZEN EUROPEAN UNION PERSPECTIVE 在一个超级公民的欧盟视角下,土耳其作为欧盟成员国候选国
A. Pitasi, S. Petroccia, Camila Giovana Portolese, G. Csepeli
This is a legal and political sociology essay with the objective of a strategic geopolitical, legal and economic analysis of the pros and cons of Turkey's potential entry as a member state of the European Union. The essay is placed on the side of the policies, more in detail on the side of politics making, it starts with the analysis of the state of art, to move towards the need for structural coupling between Turkey and the European Union and then - lastly - there are some authors' thoughts on a potential eastward enlargement of the European Union with its pros and its cons.This is a legal and political sociology essay with the objective of a strategic geopolitical, legal and economic analysis of the pros and cons of Turkey's potential entry as a member state of the European Union. The essay is placed on the side of the policies, more in detail on the side of politics making, it starts with the analysis of the state of art, to move towards the need for structural coupling between Turkey and the European Union and then - lastly - there are some authors' thoughts on a potential eastward enlargement of the European Union with its pros and its cons.
这是一篇法律和政治社会学文章,目的是对土耳其可能成为欧盟成员国的利弊进行战略地缘政治、法律和经济分析。这篇文章放在一边的政策,更详细的政治,它首先分析艺术的国家,走向需要结构性的土耳其和欧盟之间的耦合,然后——最后有一些作者的思想在一个潜在的欧盟东扩的优点及其cons.This是一个法律和政治社会学论文战略地缘政治的目的,对土耳其可能加入欧盟成员国的利弊进行法律和经济分析。这篇文章是放在政策方面的,更详细地说,在政治制定方面,它从分析现状开始,转向土耳其和欧盟之间结构耦合的必要性,然后-最后-有一些作者对欧盟潜在的东扩及其利弊的想法。
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引用次数: 0
INTERACTION OF STATE AGENCIES AND BUSINESS IN THE REPUBLIC OF KAZAKHSTAN DURING THE FINAL STAGE OF THE PRESIDENCY OF N.A. NAZARBAEV 纳扎尔巴耶夫总统任期最后阶段哈萨克斯坦共和国国家机构与企业的互动
A. Pass
The article examines the relationship between government officials and entrepreneurs with the emphasis on reducing administrative barriers, strengthening the rule of law in the economy, and increasing the activity of the business community. The article describes multi-circuit system of central and regional republican bodies responsible for regulating economic processes. Special attention is paid to the role of the non-state sector in establishing constructive cooperation between private firms and state-funded organizations. This work provides comprehensive analysis of strengths and weaknesses of the fight against corruption offenses and manifestations of unfair competition. The article describes measures to overcome discretionary decisions, streamline the implementation and control of tax audits. It also provides examples of the abuse of power by government officials when working with businessmen. The article evaluates the effectiveness of electronic portals that helped to resist such attempts. In addition, this work analyzes state’s efforts to streamline and simplify customs procedures. It talks about measures to simplify access of enterprises of various forms of ownership to participate in tenders for public procurement. This article provides comprehensive recommendations on the reduction of criminal activity among entrepreneurs and government officials.
本文考察了政府官员与企业家之间的关系,重点是减少行政障碍,加强经济法治,增加企业界的活动。本文描述了中央和地方共和机构负责调节经济过程的多回路体制。特别注意非国家部门在私营公司和国家资助的组织之间建立建设性合作方面的作用。这项工作全面分析了打击腐败犯罪和不正当竞争表现形式的优缺点。本文描述了克服自由裁量决定,简化税务审计的执行和控制的措施。它还提供了政府官员在与商人合作时滥用权力的例子。本文评估了有助于抵制此类企图的电子门户的有效性。此外,本工作还分析了国家为简化海关手续所做的努力。讨论了简化各种所有制企业参与公共采购招标的措施。本文就减少企业家和政府官员之间的犯罪活动提供了全面的建议。
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引用次数: 0
RIGHT-WING EXTREMISM AND OFFICIAL POLITICS: THE CONFIGURATIONS OF RELATIONSHIP UNDER THE CONDITIONS OF POST-IDEOLOGY AND THE INTERNET 右翼极端主义与官场政治:后意识形态与网络条件下的关系配置
A. Baryshev, V. V. Kashpur
The article examines population, discursive and network approaches in political sociology to build more realistic models for describing the political field, which includes a complex of new relations between extremists and legitimate political actors in the context of the observed right turn in the functioning of political systems in many countries. The case study method was used to study the relationship between right-wing extremist communities and legal participants in the political field under the aforementioned conditions. To formulate the cases, we selected real situations associated with heterogeneous drivers of the right turn: a) right-wing populist parties, b) a bloc of right-centrist parties, c) the ruling conservative state-party alliance. Based on the materials of the generated cases, the social-constructionist, discursive nature of the concepts of (right-wing) extremism is shown, manifested in the desire of the dominant political forces to fix the categorizations of opponents that are beneficial to them and in the practices of resistance to imposed nominations as practices of liberation from stigmatization. The role of mutual transitions of political cultures and subcultures in the mechanism of functioning of liberal democracy is described. The typification of the configurations of the transmission of right-wing extremist opinions and sentiments into official political forms and into mass culture is carried out. According to sociological studies of the activity of Russian right-wing extremist online groups and their members, it has been established that under the conditions of the soft regime of state countering extremist propaganda, these opinions and sentiments are localized in online groups, and in the case of harsh prohibitive measures, they "creep" across politically neutral sites and groups. In practical terms, this creates a danger for the ruling alliance to remain on the extreme right flank of the political spectrum face to face with the growing radicalization of the mass of the population, and in aspect of the theory, it creates a problem of developing a model of political equilibrium in the era of post-ideology and the Internet.
本文考察了政治社会学中的人口、话语和网络方法,以建立更现实的模型来描述政治领域,其中包括在许多国家政治制度运作中观察到的右转背景下极端分子与合法政治行动者之间复杂的新关系。本文采用案例研究的方法,研究了上述条件下右翼极端主义社区与政治领域法律参与者之间的关系。为了形成案例,我们选择了与右转的异质性驱动因素相关的真实情况:a)右翼民粹主义政党,b)右翼中间派政党集团,c)执政的保守国家-政党联盟。基于所生成案例的材料,(右翼)极端主义概念的社会建构主义、话语本质得以展现,表现在主导政治力量希望确定对他们有利的对手分类,以及抵制强加的提名作为从污名化中解放出来的实践。描述了政治文化和亚文化在自由民主运作机制中的相互过渡的作用。对右翼极端主义观点和情绪向官方政治形式和大众文化传播的形态进行了类型化。根据对俄罗斯右翼极端主义网络团体及其成员活动的社会学研究,已经确定,在国家打击极端主义宣传的软政权条件下,这些观点和情绪局限于网络团体,在严厉的禁止措施下,它们“蔓延”到政治中立的网站和团体。在实践方面,这给执政联盟带来了在面对日益激进的民众时,继续站在政治光谱极右翼的危险;在理论方面,这给在后意识形态和互联网时代发展政治均衡模型带来了问题。
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引用次数: 0
RUSSIA'S PARTICIPATION IN THE IMPLEMENTATION OF THE CHINESE “ONE BELT, ONE ROAD” PROJECT: OPPORTUNITIES AND RISKS 俄罗斯参与实施中国“一带一路”项目:机遇与风险
V. R. Zolotykh, D. Akhmetzyanova
The "One Belt, One Road" project is beneficial to the Chinese side and will be implemented regardless of the opinion and position of Russia. Within the framework of the initiative, the economic and political interests of the two countries intersect. The article analyzes the ratio of risks and opportunities for Russia's participation in the “Belt and Road”. The characteristics of the project itself and the principles on which it will be built are given. Participation in the project promises economic benefits for Russia, and can also become an opportunity to solve long-standing foreign policy problems. At the same time, the Chinese initiative may become a threat to the advancement of Russia's interests in Central Asia and create competition with China for sales markets in Eastern Europe. China, as the creator of the initiative, is the leader of a project involving more than 150 countries and international organizations. This, in turn, contains the danger of Chinese expansion on the continent. The geopolitical aspect will also become a risk. Russia could find itself caught in a triangle between China, the European Union and the United States, with no room for maneuver.
“一带一路”项目对中方有利,无论俄罗斯的意见和立场如何,都将予以实施。在“一带一路”框架内,两国的经济和政治利益相互交织。文章分析了俄罗斯参与“一带一路”的风险与机遇之比。给出了项目本身的特点和它将建立的原则。参与该项目有望为俄罗斯带来经济利益,也可能成为解决长期外交政策问题的机会。与此同时,中国的倡议可能会对俄罗斯在中亚的利益构成威胁,并在东欧的销售市场上与中国竞争。中国是“一带一路”倡议的发起者,是150多个国家和国际组织参与的项目的领导者。这反过来又包含了中国在非洲大陆扩张的危险。地缘政治方面也将成为一种风险。俄罗斯可能会发现自己被夹在中国、欧盟和美国之间的三角关系中,没有回旋余地。
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引用次数: 1
THE CASPIAN REGION IN MODERN POLITICS: PROBLEMS OF REGIONAL COOPERATION 现代政治中的里海地区:区域合作问题
V. Pushkareva
The Caspian region appears in international political terms with the USSR collapse. It includes five littoral countries - Azerbaijan, Iran, Kazakhstan, Russia and Turkmenistan, which are building cooperation with each other and with non-regional actors in the new geopolitical conditions. The formation of relations is influenced both by the common and diverse national interests of the Caspian states, and by the constant direct and indirect impact of external players: the United States, the European Union, China and Turkey. Each of them regards the Caspian region as the most important strategic space for political and economic control over Eurasia in accordance with their own interests. The interest of the world powers in strengthening their influence in the Caspian Sea is connected, firstly, with oil and gas reserves, and secondly, with the fact that the region is the center of Eurasia, where a transport transit corridor connecting Europe with various regions of Asia passes. The domestic and foreign political conditions of the Caspian region are not easy. The main problems of regional cooperation are the disunity of the region, the potential for the implementation of "color revolutions" against the background of socio-economic difficulties. The "domino effect" in development of the situation is quite real. There is no reliable mechanism to protect regional interests. The first steps to form multilateral cooperation have been taken on the basis of The Convention on the legal status of the Caspian Sea.
里海地区在苏联解体后出现在国际政治舞台上。它包括五个沿海国家- -阿塞拜疆、伊朗、哈萨克斯坦、俄罗斯和土库曼斯坦,这些国家正在新的地缘政治条件下相互建立合作,并与非区域行动者建立合作。里海各国共同和多样的国家利益,以及外部参与者(美国、欧盟、中国和土耳其)不断的直接和间接影响,都影响着里海各国关系的形成。他们都根据自己的利益,将里海地区视为对欧亚大陆进行政治和经济控制的最重要的战略空间。世界大国加强其在里海影响力的利益首先与石油和天然气储备有关,其次与该地区是欧亚大陆的中心这一事实有关,这里是连接欧洲和亚洲各地区的运输过境走廊。里海地区的国内外政治环境并不容易。区域合作的主要问题是该区域的不统一,以及在社会经济困难的背景下实施“颜色革命”的可能性。事态发展中的“多米诺骨牌效应”是相当真实的。没有可靠的机制来保护地区利益。在《关于里海法律地位的公约》的基础上,已经采取了建立多边合作的第一步。
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引用次数: 0
LANDSCAPE OF SOCIAL INNOVATIONS: ORGANIZATIONAL AND MANAGEMENT ASPECT 社会创新的景观:组织和管理方面
Y. Kuznetsova
The paper reveals the features of the landscape of social innovations based on the use of a spatial approach. Using such characteristics of space as unevenness, homogeneity, connectivity, density, and self-organization, the landscape of social innovations in Russia and the West is characterized from the point of view of organizational and managerial aspects. The paper focuses on the study of domestic experience, since there is no unified institutional framework for the development of social innovations in our country. It is determined that at the end of the 1980s, domestic research on innovations in the social sphere began to appear, and in 2007, works aimed at trying to justify and propose forms of organization and management of social innovations began to appear. It is proved that 2012 is the starting point in the systematic development of social innovations in Russia, which is due to the activation of state activity in this direction. A comparative analysis of the characteristics of the landscape of social innovations in Russia and the West revealed that in the first case heterogeneity, low connectivity, high fragmentation, low density prevail, in the second case - homogeneity, uniformity, high connectivity, the highest level of self-organization, and yet low density prevail. It is established that at present the key point of interaction between Russia and the West can be the formation of a unified information system of social innovations.
本文运用空间方法揭示了社会创新景观的特征。利用空间的不均匀性、同质性、连通性、密度和自组织等特征,从组织和管理的角度对俄罗斯和西方的社会创新景观进行表征。由于我国社会创新的发展还没有统一的制度框架,因此本文着重于对国内经验的研究。确定在20世纪80年代末,国内对社会领域创新的研究开始出现,并在2007年开始出现旨在试图证明和提出社会创新的组织和管理形式的作品。事实证明,2012年是俄罗斯社会创新系统发展的起点,这是由于国家活动在这个方向上的激活。通过对俄罗斯与西方社会创新格局特征的比较分析,发现前者具有异质性、低连通性、高碎片化、低密度特征;后者具有同质性、统一性、高连通性、最高自组织水平、低密度特征。确立了当前俄罗斯与西方互动的关键点可以是形成统一的社会创新信息系统。
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引用次数: 0
ORGANIZATIONAL AND FUNCTIONAL FEATURES OF REGIONAL ELECTION CAMPAIGNS IN RUSSIA 俄罗斯地区选举运动的组织和功能特征
E. Efanova
The article presents a structural and functional analysis of election campaigns in Russia. It is obvious that electoral campaigns of candidates are unfolding during the election period, which, through interaction with citizens, enlist their support and sympathy, which contributes to their achievement of the main goal - victory in the elections and, therefore, the seizure and retention of power. The election campaign, being a structural element of the electoral process, is a set of events carried out by various subjects of this process in order to win the election by attracting the votes of the electorate. In general, the electoral company, on the one hand, is a set of measures for organizing elections, regulated by law and carried out by election commissions, and, on the other, a set of actions of political actors involved in the electoral process. It was established that election campaigns have a typical structure, organizational features, political, administrative and socio-cultural characteristics at the federal and regional levels of the electoral process. Among the regional organizational and functional features of domestic election campaigns are: a high degree of intensity of the election process, the dependence of the success of regional election campaigns on the electoral activity of citizens, the orientation of candidates to the needs of the residents of the region, and a prompt response to criticism from the electoral community. The study of the features of the implementation of regional election campaigns is important for Russian reality, especially in the conditions of the ongoing formation and intensive development of the democratic political process in the Russian Federation at the present stage.
本文对俄罗斯的选举活动进行了结构和功能分析。很明显,候选人的竞选活动在选举期间展开,通过与公民的互动,争取他们的支持和同情,这有助于他们实现主要目标- -在选举中获胜,从而夺取和保留权力。竞选活动是选举过程的一个结构性因素,是选举过程中各主体为赢得选举而进行的一系列活动,目的是吸引选民的选票。一般来说,选举公司一方面是一套组织选举的措施,由法律规定并由选举委员会执行,另一方面是参与选举过程的政治行动者的一套行动。经确定,在联邦和区域各级的选举过程中,选举运动具有典型的结构、组织特点、政治、行政和社会文化特点。国内选举活动的区域组织和功能特征包括:选举过程的高度密集,区域选举活动的成功依赖于公民的选举活动,候选人以地区居民的需求为导向,并迅速回应选举界的批评。研究区域选举运动的特点对俄罗斯的现实来说是很重要的,特别是在现阶段俄罗斯联邦民主政治进程正在形成和密集发展的情况下。
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引用次数: 1
COPING STRATEGIES OF THE CENTRAL-EASTERN EUROPEAN SMALL STATES IN THE INTERNATIONAL SCENE DOMINATED BY GREATER STATES IN THE WEST AND EAST 中东欧小国在东西方大国主导的国际舞台上的应对策略
G. Csepeli
Following World War I the empires ruling East-Central Europe were replaced by a conglomerate of small nation-states inexperienced in navigating themselves in the turbulent waters of foreign policy. The paper will deal with the different coping strategies of the individual small nation-states in the newly established international scene dominated by greater powers such as Germany, France, Great Britain and the Soviet Union. Four strategies will be discussed, such as national autism, parasitism, opportunism, and realism.
第一次世界大战后,统治东欧和中欧的帝国被一群没有在外交政策的湍流中驾驭自己的经验的小民族国家所取代。本文将探讨在德国、法国、英国和苏联等大国主导的新建立的国际舞台上,单个小民族国家的不同应对策略。将讨论国家自闭、寄生、机会主义、现实主义等4种策略。
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引用次数: 0
SOCIAL ASPECTS OF THE ANALYSIS OF AGGRESSIVE NETWORK BEHAVIOR 攻击性网络行为的社会方面分析
M. A. Ryabov, N.A. Bochenkova
The main characteristics of the structure of network communication are revealed. The features of network interaction, the behavioral strategies of its participants are indicated. The influence of various social factors on the manifestation of aggression in network interaction is considered. As a theoretical basis, the approaches developed both within the framework of the sociological paradigm and within the framework of an interdisciplinary approach are presented. Special emphasis is placed on the theory of social roles by D. Myers and the concept of cyber aggression by D. Chabrot. On the one hand, network communication is presented as the possibility of a more complete, more intense interaction of individuals than in the case of physical presence. On the other hand, as a factor in the emergence of destructive forms of communication, such as trolling, cyberbullying, etc. The features of network communication are the expansion of time boundaries due to slower communication, a more detailed study of the information provided by the interlocutor, selectivity in self-presentation, and the creation of one's own image on the network. The importance of an integrated approach to understanding aggressive behavior in network interaction is indicated. The results of an empirical study of social factors of manifestation of aggression in Internet communication are presented. Communication in the Internet space itself becomes aggressive, as users feel impunity for their aggression. The aggressor often hides behind various social roles that are not characteristic of him. The accumulating aggression, which cannot be expressed in real life, so as not to contradict the role attitudes, is poured out in the form of comments, messages, both written and voice. The insults themselves are one of the external factors in the manifestation of aggression. Users themselves reduce the amount of aggression on the network by ignoring provocateurs. The main social factors of the manifestation of aggression in network interaction include the features of the communication skills of the users themselves and the pressure from the society about the expected behavior corresponding to the social roles of the individual.
揭示了网络通信结构的主要特点。指出了网络互动的特点和参与者的行为策略。考虑了各种社会因素对网络互动中攻击性表现的影响。作为理论基础,提出了在社会学范式框架内和跨学科方法框架内发展起来的方法。特别强调了D. Myers的社会角色理论和D. Chabrot的网络攻击概念。一方面,网络交流表现为个体之间比实际存在的情况下更完整、更强烈的互动。另一方面,作为破坏性交流形式出现的一个因素,如网络喷子、网络欺凌等。网络传播的特点是由于传播速度较慢而导致时间边界的扩大,对对话者提供的信息进行更详细的研究,自我呈现的选择性,以及在网络上创造自己的形象。指出了综合理解网络互动中攻击行为的重要性。本文对网络交际中攻击性表现的社会因素进行了实证研究。互联网空间中的交流本身就变得咄咄逼人,因为用户觉得自己的咄咄逼人不会受到惩罚。攻击者经常隐藏在各种不属于他的社会角色背后。这种积累起来的攻击性,在现实生活中是无法表达出来的,以免与角色态度相矛盾,它以评论、信息的形式倾泻而出,有文字的,也有声音的。侮辱行为本身是攻击性表现的外在因素之一。用户自己通过忽略挑衅者来减少网络上的攻击量。网络交互中攻击性表现的主要社会因素包括用户自身的交际技能特征和社会对个体社会角色所对应的预期行为的压力。
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引用次数: 0
LANGUAGE POLICY AND PROBLEMS OF PRESERVING THE KOMI-PERMYAK LANGUAGE komi-permyak语的语言政策和保存问题
M.R. Dozmorova
The problem of the preservation and development of minority languages is very relevant for all peoples of the world. The current language situation in the Komi-Permyak District is characterized by the increasing influence of the Russian language and the decline in the prestige of the Komi-Permyak language. The purpose of the article is to identify the main factors of the variability of language policy in the Komi-Permyak District. The study was conducted as part of the study of language policy in the municipalities of the Komi-Permyak District, the main empirical material was obtained during an in-depth interview. The interviewees were heads of municipal districts or their deputies, leaders and activists of local public organizations, heads of local newspapers. The study generally confirmed most of the hypotheses that explain the variability of language policy in the Komi-Permyak District. As expected, structural and agency factors have the greatest impact on the preservation and support of the Komi-Permyak language.
保护和发展少数民族语言的问题与世界各国人民息息相关。科米-佩尔米亚克区目前的语言状况的特点是俄语的影响越来越大,科米-佩尔米亚克语的声望下降。本文的目的是找出导致科米-佩尔米亚克地区语言政策变化的主要因素。这项研究是作为科米-佩尔米亚克区各市语言政策研究的一部分进行的,主要的经验材料是在一次深入访谈中获得的。受访者包括市辖区的区长或其副手、地方公共组织的领导和积极分子、地方报纸的负责人。这项研究基本上证实了大多数解释科米-佩米亚克地区语言政策变化的假设。正如预期的那样,结构和机构因素对科米-佩米亚语的保存和支持影响最大。
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引用次数: 0
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