Pub Date : 2022-09-16DOI: 10.35634/2587-9030-2022-6-3-383-392
O. Timofeeva
The article attempts to trace the history of women's representation in the Polish parliament, its evolution and role in contemporary Polish politics. The author draws attention to the socio-demographic characteristics of women parliamentarians at the beginning of the 20th century and in modern times, to the role of gender quotas in achieving gender equality in the political sphere of the country. The author uses a database of women politicians created as part of a scientific project to analyze Polish women parliamentarians, and also compiles a summary table of the representation of women parliamentarians in the Sejm and the Senate of the country from the moment Poland gained independence to the present day. The author comes to the conclusion that for more than a hundred years of the presence of Polish women in parliament, their composition has become much more consistent with the real social structure of Polish society; the introduction of gender quotas has contributed to the expansion of women's representation, but has not destroyed all existing barriers to Polish women in politics.
{"title":"WOMEN's REPRESENTATION IN THE POLISH PARLIAMENT: HISTORY AND MODERNITY","authors":"O. Timofeeva","doi":"10.35634/2587-9030-2022-6-3-383-392","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.35634/2587-9030-2022-6-3-383-392","url":null,"abstract":"The article attempts to trace the history of women's representation in the Polish parliament, its evolution and role in contemporary Polish politics. The author draws attention to the socio-demographic characteristics of women parliamentarians at the beginning of the 20th century and in modern times, to the role of gender quotas in achieving gender equality in the political sphere of the country. The author uses a database of women politicians created as part of a scientific project to analyze Polish women parliamentarians, and also compiles a summary table of the representation of women parliamentarians in the Sejm and the Senate of the country from the moment Poland gained independence to the present day. The author comes to the conclusion that for more than a hundred years of the presence of Polish women in parliament, their composition has become much more consistent with the real social structure of Polish society; the introduction of gender quotas has contributed to the expansion of women's representation, but has not destroyed all existing barriers to Polish women in politics.","PeriodicalId":263017,"journal":{"name":"Вестник Удмуртского университета. Социология. Политология. Международные отношения","volume":"17 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-09-16","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"117162454","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-09-16DOI: 10.35634/2587-9030-2022-6-3-353-358
A. I. Loiko
The geopolitical dynamics of Greater Eurasia is described. The reasons for the concentration of attention of political elites to the eastern vector are shown. This interest reflected the growing role of new players in the global space, as well as the unwillingness of the old geopolitical leaders to recognize the new social and economic reality. In the dynamics of Greater Eurasia, there are different interests of states, as well as their ability to find common ground. This feature is significant distinguishes the new generation of states from the old generation of states in the Western world. New alliances are being formed. At the same time, the logistics of the international division of labor is being transformed.
{"title":"GEOPOLITICAL DYNAMICS OF GREATER EURASIA","authors":"A. I. Loiko","doi":"10.35634/2587-9030-2022-6-3-353-358","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.35634/2587-9030-2022-6-3-353-358","url":null,"abstract":"The geopolitical dynamics of Greater Eurasia is described. The reasons for the concentration of attention of political elites to the eastern vector are shown. This interest reflected the growing role of new players in the global space, as well as the unwillingness of the old geopolitical leaders to recognize the new social and economic reality. In the dynamics of Greater Eurasia, there are different interests of states, as well as their ability to find common ground. This feature is significant distinguishes the new generation of states from the old generation of states in the Western world. New alliances are being formed. At the same time, the logistics of the international division of labor is being transformed.","PeriodicalId":263017,"journal":{"name":"Вестник Удмуртского университета. Социология. Политология. Международные отношения","volume":"1 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-09-16","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"123619029","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-09-16DOI: 10.35634/2587-9030-2022-6-3-359-368
N. Shaveko
The article considers problems which are raised within the theory of just war in relation to the question of a just end to a war (jus post bellum). It is shown that in modern academic literature there is not even a clear understanding of the subject of jus post bellum, not to mention a broad consensus on specific moral issues. All this distinguishes this section of the theory of just war from other sections. There are three groups of questions that are raised by various authors under the heading of jus post bellum: 1) when should hostilities cease? 2) who should be held responsible for war crimes? 3) how to guarantee peace and security for the future after the end of the war? On each of these issues, the author of the article presents the points of view of the most famous authors who study the theory of just war, and also substantiates his own point of view. In particular, it is concluded that war must be stopped when the principles of jus ad bellum (right to war) cease to be satisfied. The principles of just cause, last resort and proportionality should be of particular importance. The scope of responsibility of political leaders, military commanders, ordinary combatants, as well as the civilian population in violation of the principles of just war is substantiated. Despite the fact that the responsibility of the civilian population for its political passivity is fundamentally permissible, the difficulty lies in the fact that the very criteria of legal capacity are largely guided by the typical characteristics of the civilian population. It is shown that a peace treaty or other act ending the war, in order to become a guarantee of peace and security in the future, must earn legitimacy from the population of all the warring states. Another such guarantee is the reform of the UN in order to increase its effectiveness. Finally, it is proved that post-war reconstruction (aimed at security, rule of law and development) is the task of all parties involved and the world community as a whole.
{"title":"JUS POST BELLUM AS A SECTION OF THE THEORY OF JUST WAR","authors":"N. Shaveko","doi":"10.35634/2587-9030-2022-6-3-359-368","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.35634/2587-9030-2022-6-3-359-368","url":null,"abstract":"The article considers problems which are raised within the theory of just war in relation to the question of a just end to a war (jus post bellum). It is shown that in modern academic literature there is not even a clear understanding of the subject of jus post bellum, not to mention a broad consensus on specific moral issues. All this distinguishes this section of the theory of just war from other sections. There are three groups of questions that are raised by various authors under the heading of jus post bellum: 1) when should hostilities cease? 2) who should be held responsible for war crimes? 3) how to guarantee peace and security for the future after the end of the war? On each of these issues, the author of the article presents the points of view of the most famous authors who study the theory of just war, and also substantiates his own point of view. In particular, it is concluded that war must be stopped when the principles of jus ad bellum (right to war) cease to be satisfied. The principles of just cause, last resort and proportionality should be of particular importance. The scope of responsibility of political leaders, military commanders, ordinary combatants, as well as the civilian population in violation of the principles of just war is substantiated. Despite the fact that the responsibility of the civilian population for its political passivity is fundamentally permissible, the difficulty lies in the fact that the very criteria of legal capacity are largely guided by the typical characteristics of the civilian population. It is shown that a peace treaty or other act ending the war, in order to become a guarantee of peace and security in the future, must earn legitimacy from the population of all the warring states. Another such guarantee is the reform of the UN in order to increase its effectiveness. Finally, it is proved that post-war reconstruction (aimed at security, rule of law and development) is the task of all parties involved and the world community as a whole.","PeriodicalId":263017,"journal":{"name":"Вестник Удмуртского университета. Социология. Политология. Международные отношения","volume":"81 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-09-16","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"116146154","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-09-16DOI: 10.35634/2587-9030-2022-6-3-335-341
N. Ladyzhets
The analysis of artificial intelligence (AI) in recent decades has acquired an obvious interdisciplinary character, with various industry projections in the fields of economics, manufacturing, medicine, culture, education, as well as in the development and application of military equipment. The main conceptualizations and theoretical models of AI belong to the Western analytical tradition, proving to be in demand both for substantiating the conditions for achieving sustainable development and the positions of political and economic leadership of the United States of America and Western European countries, and for drawing attention to the ever-increasing riskiness of society and the radicalization of modernity. One of the many industry projections of artificial intelligence analysis has become its application in business. Here, as well as in continuation of the "tradition" of analytics in other areas, the constancy of the confusion of terms is obvious, therefore one of the subsections of the article is devoted to terminological clarifications. The dynamics of changes in recent years related to the development of AI is also disclosed. The article considers the formation of modern business landscapes, which is taking place with the increasing rooting of the impact of AI in everyday practices. It is shown that decision-making using business intelligence tools controlled by artificial intelligence is becoming a relevant innovative trend for large corporations interested in achieving strategic leadership and interaction. The social aspects of the AI service model are revealed, as well as the strengthening of the relationship between artificial intelligence and big data, the formation of a competitive business environment that significantly increases management and consumer risks. The results of research on the use of AI in Russian business, confirmed by industry experts, are presented.
{"title":"ARTIFICIAL INTELLIGENCE IN BUSINESS: SOCIAL ASPECTS OF THEORETICAL MODELING, ANALYTICS AND PRACTICE","authors":"N. Ladyzhets","doi":"10.35634/2587-9030-2022-6-3-335-341","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.35634/2587-9030-2022-6-3-335-341","url":null,"abstract":"The analysis of artificial intelligence (AI) in recent decades has acquired an obvious interdisciplinary character, with various industry projections in the fields of economics, manufacturing, medicine, culture, education, as well as in the development and application of military equipment. The main conceptualizations and theoretical models of AI belong to the Western analytical tradition, proving to be in demand both for substantiating the conditions for achieving sustainable development and the positions of political and economic leadership of the United States of America and Western European countries, and for drawing attention to the ever-increasing riskiness of society and the radicalization of modernity. One of the many industry projections of artificial intelligence analysis has become its application in business. Here, as well as in continuation of the \"tradition\" of analytics in other areas, the constancy of the confusion of terms is obvious, therefore one of the subsections of the article is devoted to terminological clarifications. The dynamics of changes in recent years related to the development of AI is also disclosed. The article considers the formation of modern business landscapes, which is taking place with the increasing rooting of the impact of AI in everyday practices. It is shown that decision-making using business intelligence tools controlled by artificial intelligence is becoming a relevant innovative trend for large corporations interested in achieving strategic leadership and interaction. The social aspects of the AI service model are revealed, as well as the strengthening of the relationship between artificial intelligence and big data, the formation of a competitive business environment that significantly increases management and consumer risks. The results of research on the use of AI in Russian business, confirmed by industry experts, are presented.","PeriodicalId":263017,"journal":{"name":"Вестник Удмуртского университета. Социология. Политология. Международные отношения","volume":"49 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-09-16","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"127082546","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-09-16DOI: 10.35634/2587-9030-2022-6-3-295-304
V. Ledeneva
The article deals with the transformation of youth values in the digital reality. Digital reality forms different value systems among young people. The new environment of social self-determination and self-expression of young people is a special single space in which most of the young people exist simultaneously in virtual and real life. The relevance of the study is predetermined by the need to study this problem and conduct scientific research aimed at analyzing the value systems broadcast in the digital environment. The author tried to find out what values and attitudes are behind the statements that the very concept of education in the classical sense is outdated, that higher education is doubtful, and self-learning is coming to replace it, and what role online learning plays in this. The purpose of the study is to identify the modality of the influence of digitalization on the value orientations of Russian youth, their characteristic behavior patterns, to show trends towards an increase in the importance of the value of education as young people become more involved in a virtual society. The research methodology is based on the concept of a stage model of digitalization, the concept of social Internet networks, the theory of the information age, and quantitative and qualitative analysis. Secondary data of domestic and foreign sample studies devoted to the problem of changing the value orientations of student youth in the digital environment are used. A pilot survey of young users of social networks aged 18 to 27 was completed, the sample size was 228 people. The results of the study revealed the contradictions that arise from the serious transformation of basic values of society under the influence of the development of digital technologies and the improvement of digital innovations in the education system.
{"title":"TRANSFORMATION OF VALUE ORIENTATIONS OF STUDENT YOUTH IN THE CONTEXT OF DIGITAL REALITY","authors":"V. Ledeneva","doi":"10.35634/2587-9030-2022-6-3-295-304","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.35634/2587-9030-2022-6-3-295-304","url":null,"abstract":"The article deals with the transformation of youth values in the digital reality. Digital reality forms different value systems among young people. The new environment of social self-determination and self-expression of young people is a special single space in which most of the young people exist simultaneously in virtual and real life. The relevance of the study is predetermined by the need to study this problem and conduct scientific research aimed at analyzing the value systems broadcast in the digital environment. The author tried to find out what values and attitudes are behind the statements that the very concept of education in the classical sense is outdated, that higher education is doubtful, and self-learning is coming to replace it, and what role online learning plays in this. The purpose of the study is to identify the modality of the influence of digitalization on the value orientations of Russian youth, their characteristic behavior patterns, to show trends towards an increase in the importance of the value of education as young people become more involved in a virtual society. The research methodology is based on the concept of a stage model of digitalization, the concept of social Internet networks, the theory of the information age, and quantitative and qualitative analysis. Secondary data of domestic and foreign sample studies devoted to the problem of changing the value orientations of student youth in the digital environment are used. A pilot survey of young users of social networks aged 18 to 27 was completed, the sample size was 228 people. The results of the study revealed the contradictions that arise from the serious transformation of basic values of society under the influence of the development of digital technologies and the improvement of digital innovations in the education system.","PeriodicalId":263017,"journal":{"name":"Вестник Удмуртского университета. Социология. Политология. Международные отношения","volume":"34 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-09-16","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"128500169","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-09-16DOI: 10.35634/2587-9030-2022-6-3-369-374
Peter Schulze
Today we are nowadays confronted with a strange asymmetry: While the technology driven processes of globalization are interconnecting societies and creating networks of mutual interdependence in all sectors of live, the adaption of a political order to such revolutionary changes is behind time. This discrepancy creates the present unease, conflicts and uncertainties which haunt our societies. The classical question is thrown into the open: Are the fundamental forces unleashed by the technological revolution and its impact on changes in socio-economic relations strong enough to create a balanced world order based on peaceful cooperation among the various multipolar actors? The analysis carried out in the article allows us to state that Multipolarity and Multilateralism do not need to exclude each other. In a way they can coexist. Even more: Multilateralism could create the basis of a multipolar global order which accentuates more cooperative than conflicting issues. Despite the fact that both concepts are based on different modes and follow different objectives, their interplay mirrors much more the present complex social, economic and technological reality.
{"title":"MULTIPOLARITY AND MULTILATERALISM: COOPERATIVE OR RIVAL CORNERSTONES OF A NEW WORLD ORDER","authors":"Peter Schulze","doi":"10.35634/2587-9030-2022-6-3-369-374","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.35634/2587-9030-2022-6-3-369-374","url":null,"abstract":"Today we are nowadays confronted with a strange asymmetry: While the technology driven processes of globalization are interconnecting societies and creating networks of mutual interdependence in all sectors of live, the adaption of a political order to such revolutionary changes is behind time. This discrepancy creates the present unease, conflicts and uncertainties which haunt our societies. The classical question is thrown into the open: Are the fundamental forces unleashed by the technological revolution and its impact on changes in socio-economic relations strong enough to create a balanced world order based on peaceful cooperation among the various multipolar actors? The analysis carried out in the article allows us to state that Multipolarity and Multilateralism do not need to exclude each other. In a way they can coexist. Even more: Multilateralism could create the basis of a multipolar global order which accentuates more cooperative than conflicting issues. Despite the fact that both concepts are based on different modes and follow different objectives, their interplay mirrors much more the present complex social, economic and technological reality.","PeriodicalId":263017,"journal":{"name":"Вестник Удмуртского университета. Социология. Политология. Международные отношения","volume":"191 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-09-16","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"121560494","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-09-16DOI: 10.35634/2587-9030-2022-6-3-342-352
M. Kirchanov
The purpose of the study is to analyze the liberal version of the politics of memory in the modern Arab world. The author analyzes the features and main directions of constructing the past by Arab intellectuals. The novelty of the study lies in the analysis of liberal trends in the actual memorial culture of the Arab world. Methodologically, the article is based on the principles of interdisciplinary historiography of historical and cultural collective memories. The author distinguishes the concepts of "historical politics" and "politics of memory". It is assumed that “historical politics” is conducted by political elites for the reproduction of conservative stability and loyalty. The author analyzes the “politics of memory” as a number of practices and strategies of Arab liberal intellectuals using radical humanitarian epistemology for construction and promotion of new versions and forms of the past, forming alternative memorial cultures and canons. The article analyzes the activity of liberal Arab intellectuals in contexts of the heterogeneity of modern intellectual historical culture. The article also analyzes attempts to transplant a radical humanitarian epistemology as a form of revision of historical memory. It is assumed that the liberal form of the memorial politics is alternative and marginal simultaneously, but theoretically and methodologically, the ideas of Arab liberals are comparable with the main trends in the development of Western interdisciplinary historiography of memorial cultures.
{"title":"POLITICS OF MEMORY IN THE MIDDLE EAST: ASSIMILATION FEATURES OF THE WESTERN MEMORIAL PROJECT IN ARAB LIBERALISM","authors":"M. Kirchanov","doi":"10.35634/2587-9030-2022-6-3-342-352","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.35634/2587-9030-2022-6-3-342-352","url":null,"abstract":"The purpose of the study is to analyze the liberal version of the politics of memory in the modern Arab world. The author analyzes the features and main directions of constructing the past by Arab intellectuals. The novelty of the study lies in the analysis of liberal trends in the actual memorial culture of the Arab world. Methodologically, the article is based on the principles of interdisciplinary historiography of historical and cultural collective memories. The author distinguishes the concepts of \"historical politics\" and \"politics of memory\". It is assumed that “historical politics” is conducted by political elites for the reproduction of conservative stability and loyalty. The author analyzes the “politics of memory” as a number of practices and strategies of Arab liberal intellectuals using radical humanitarian epistemology for construction and promotion of new versions and forms of the past, forming alternative memorial cultures and canons. The article analyzes the activity of liberal Arab intellectuals in contexts of the heterogeneity of modern intellectual historical culture. The article also analyzes attempts to transplant a radical humanitarian epistemology as a form of revision of historical memory. It is assumed that the liberal form of the memorial politics is alternative and marginal simultaneously, but theoretically and methodologically, the ideas of Arab liberals are comparable with the main trends in the development of Western interdisciplinary historiography of memorial cultures.","PeriodicalId":263017,"journal":{"name":"Вестник Удмуртского университета. Социология. Политология. Международные отношения","volume":"37 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-09-16","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"134018187","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-09-16DOI: 10.35634/2587-9030-2022-6-3-375-382
E. Burmistrova, D. Vershinina
The article raises theoretical questions about the importance of women's representation in national parliaments in the context of a strategy to achieve gender parity in politics. Based on the theory of representation by H. Pitkin, the authors reflect on the role of women’s representation in legislative bodies in the promotion of women-oriented politics, and draw attention to the cross-national features of women's advancement in politics. The historical outline of the evolution of women's representation in parliaments focuses on such countries as Great Britain, the USSR, Ireland, the USA, the United Arab Emirates, etc. The authors draw attention to the concept of a "women-friendly state", formulated in the Scandinavian countries, and extrapolate it to theoretical reflections on the importance of women's representation in the parliaments of other countries. The authors demonstrate the difference between descriptive and substantive types of representation using the representation of women as an example and analyze the theory of "critical mass" that is traditionally used by researchers when talking about the representation of minority groups in politics.
{"title":"WOMEN's POLITICAL REPRESENTATION: THEORETICAL AND HISTORICAL ASPECTS","authors":"E. Burmistrova, D. Vershinina","doi":"10.35634/2587-9030-2022-6-3-375-382","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.35634/2587-9030-2022-6-3-375-382","url":null,"abstract":"The article raises theoretical questions about the importance of women's representation in national parliaments in the context of a strategy to achieve gender parity in politics. Based on the theory of representation by H. Pitkin, the authors reflect on the role of women’s representation in legislative bodies in the promotion of women-oriented politics, and draw attention to the cross-national features of women's advancement in politics. The historical outline of the evolution of women's representation in parliaments focuses on such countries as Great Britain, the USSR, Ireland, the USA, the United Arab Emirates, etc. The authors draw attention to the concept of a \"women-friendly state\", formulated in the Scandinavian countries, and extrapolate it to theoretical reflections on the importance of women's representation in the parliaments of other countries. The authors demonstrate the difference between descriptive and substantive types of representation using the representation of women as an example and analyze the theory of \"critical mass\" that is traditionally used by researchers when talking about the representation of minority groups in politics.","PeriodicalId":263017,"journal":{"name":"Вестник Удмуртского университета. Социология. Политология. Международные отношения","volume":"60 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-09-16","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"116654139","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-09-16DOI: 10.35634/2587-9030-2022-6-3-393-401
M. V. Isobchuk
To date, there is a considerable amount of research on ethnopolitical processes in Eastern Europe, but most of them are devoted to research on individual cases or ethnic groups within the region. Of course, group patterns of ethnicity are important, but R. Brubaker, based on several Eastern European cases, proposed a model of "ethnicity without groups", where the main focus of the study is not the ethnic group itself, but specific actors - organizations representing it. Ethnic organization - an organized structure, membership in which is determined by the ethnic principle, and which claims to represent the interests of one of the ethnic groups and advocates the acquisition of preferences by this ethnic group. The purpose of this study is to collect information about all politically relevant organizations in the region. Therefore, the LexisNexis resource, a worldwide news aggregator, was used for the database. In the course of the work, all ethnic organizations mentioned in the news in the period from 2000 to 2019 were selected. In total, 203 organizations and 2052 observation units were included in the database in the “organization-year” format. Based on these variables, a subsequent analysis of organized ethnicity in the region was carried out. Based on these data, it can be noted that parties are the most common politically relevant form of mobilization of ethnic groups. According to the database, the majority of organizations in conflict (amounting to about 30% only) use the most peaceful strategies (petitions, public contestation, etc.). It was also revealed that the vast majority of ethnic organizations in Eastern Europe are national, centralized, legal. It should be noted that only 20% of them have a pronounced regional localization. It was also found that more than a quarter of ethnic organizations are represented in national and regional legislatures. Thus, in the course of creating the database, unique information on organized ethnicity in Eastern Europe was obtained and characterized.
{"title":"ORGANIZED ETHNICITY IN EASTERN EUROPE: CHARACTERISTICS OF ETHNIC ORGANIZATIONS","authors":"M. V. Isobchuk","doi":"10.35634/2587-9030-2022-6-3-393-401","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.35634/2587-9030-2022-6-3-393-401","url":null,"abstract":"To date, there is a considerable amount of research on ethnopolitical processes in Eastern Europe, but most of them are devoted to research on individual cases or ethnic groups within the region. Of course, group patterns of ethnicity are important, but R. Brubaker, based on several Eastern European cases, proposed a model of \"ethnicity without groups\", where the main focus of the study is not the ethnic group itself, but specific actors - organizations representing it. Ethnic organization - an organized structure, membership in which is determined by the ethnic principle, and which claims to represent the interests of one of the ethnic groups and advocates the acquisition of preferences by this ethnic group. The purpose of this study is to collect information about all politically relevant organizations in the region. Therefore, the LexisNexis resource, a worldwide news aggregator, was used for the database. In the course of the work, all ethnic organizations mentioned in the news in the period from 2000 to 2019 were selected. In total, 203 organizations and 2052 observation units were included in the database in the “organization-year” format. Based on these variables, a subsequent analysis of organized ethnicity in the region was carried out. Based on these data, it can be noted that parties are the most common politically relevant form of mobilization of ethnic groups. According to the database, the majority of organizations in conflict (amounting to about 30% only) use the most peaceful strategies (petitions, public contestation, etc.). It was also revealed that the vast majority of ethnic organizations in Eastern Europe are national, centralized, legal. It should be noted that only 20% of them have a pronounced regional localization. It was also found that more than a quarter of ethnic organizations are represented in national and regional legislatures. Thus, in the course of creating the database, unique information on organized ethnicity in Eastern Europe was obtained and characterized.","PeriodicalId":263017,"journal":{"name":"Вестник Удмуртского университета. Социология. Политология. Международные отношения","volume":"50 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-09-16","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"122667967","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-09-16DOI: 10.35634/2587-9030-2022-6-3-305-316
A. Merenkov
The situation that arose after the start of the special military operation (SVO) conducted by Russia since February 24, 2022, is characterized by a significant change in the international situation. The old contradictions between countries implementing the concept of a unipolar world and states seeking to preserve their political, economic, and cultural independence have intensified. The article proposes to consider SVO as a forced measure of struggle with countries that implement the principles and rules of the culture of selfishness. It represents the conscious creation by man of constantly improving ways of realizing egoistic natural instincts. They are realized in the policy of egocentrism in international relations pursued by the United States against countries that refuse to obey their dictates. The economic and political sanctions against Russia, launched after the start of SVO, are a clear example of the implementation of a culture of selfishness. An association of states consisting of a self-exalted hegemon is being used, and without resistance they have taken the position of self-abased, jointly striving to weaken Russia in its struggle to preserve sovereignty and ensure security. The materials of speeches by politicians, publications by experts, journalists show the implementation by the contenders for world domination of the methods used by the culture of selfishness: deception, lies, slander, blackmail, psychological pressure, the use of armed force. It is shown that these ways of fighting for the preservation of the unipolar world lead to the destruction of the freedoms declared by the liberal ideology: entrepreneurship, inviolability of private property, non-interference of the state in business activities, freedom of speech, press, etc. The reasons are revealed that the actions of the leaders of countries that strengthen sanctions against Russia are characterized by an increasing manifestation of stupidity, inability to perceive reality, which leads to an increase in prices, a recession, and a deterioration in the situation of the population in these states. The role of the culture of cooperation in the fight against the carriers of the culture of selfishness in the conditions of a special military operation is revealed.
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