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YOUNG PEOPLE’s ECOLOGICAL PRACTICES: REPERTOIRE, MOTIVATION, BARRIERS 青年生态实践:曲目、动机、障碍
N. Antonova, P. Ilyaeva
The article, based on the materials of empirical research, considers the ecological practices of the young generation of Yekaterinburg. Poly-methodic strategy was used: questionnaire survey of students and working youth (n=200), as well as semi-formalized interviews (n=10) with representatives of the youth community for in-depth understanding of the motivation of eco-activism and barriers to involvement in environmental activities. The study materials indicate the development of household environmental consciousness: the repertoire of environmental practices (recycling of produced waste, resource conservation and use of alternative resources, conscious consumer behavior, online support of environmental organizations) is carried out at the individual level. Young people are anxious about the ecological situation: in the structure of the motives of eco-activity there is a sense of responsibility and the need to live in cleanliness and comfort. The article argues for the agency of young people as a conductor of environmentally responsible behavior for the parent generation.
本文在实证研究的基础上,对叶卡捷琳堡年轻一代的生态实践进行了思考。采用了多方法策略:对学生和工作青年进行问卷调查(n=200),以及与青年社区代表进行半正式访谈(n=10),以深入了解生态行动主义的动机和参与环境活动的障碍。研究材料表明家庭环境意识的发展:在个人层面上进行了一系列环境实践(生产废物的回收、资源保护和替代资源的使用、有意识的消费者行为、环境组织的在线支持)。年轻人对生态状况感到焦虑:在生态活动动机的结构中,有一种责任感和生活在清洁和舒适中的需要。这篇文章主张年轻人作为父母一代环境责任行为的引导者。
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引用次数: 0
GLOBAL GOVERNANCE TOOLS: DIGITAL DIPLOMACY AND CYBER-DIPLOMACY 全球治理工具:数字外交和网络外交
Menglong Li, Zhilun Li
Digital diplomacy and Cyber-diplomacy has becoming two important aspects on the global governance structure which brings the convenient to the world connections. Sometimes this two words were easily to be misused. But that does not change the fact that they were the new trending during the international society construction. The digital tools has making today’s world becoming more connection than ever and the cyberspace has making the similar achievement as well. With the greatest opportunity, the risk will always follow. The cyberspace security has becoming a major challenge to the world, and a challenge to the global governance. In this article, will including the various of example of the digital diplomacy and cyber-diplomacy use, and shows how does they affecting the international society.
数字外交和网络外交已经成为全球治理结构的两个重要方面,为世界联系带来了便利。有时这两个词很容易被误用。但这并不能改变它们是国际社会建设新趋势的事实。数字工具使当今世界的联系比以往任何时候都更加紧密,网络空间也取得了类似的成就。机会再大,风险也跟着来。网络空间安全已成为世界面临的重大挑战,也是全球治理面临的重大挑战。在本文中,将包括数字外交和网络外交使用的各种例子,并展示它们如何影响国际社会。
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引用次数: 0
SPECIFICS OF THE RUSSIAN COGNITARIATE OF GENERATION Z 俄罗斯人对z世代认知的具体情况
M. Bresler
The research is aimed at studying the first generation born and raised in developing digital society – the generation Z. This age cohort is considered according to the class factor of the generation, with the social group of cognitariate highlighted. Cognitariate is a specific group of information product creators from the middle class. It determines their leading role in the development of the digital society. The purpose of the research is to identify characteristic features of cognitarian centennials. The subject is the specificity of the Russian cognitariate among generation Z representatives. Using communicational approaches, the author has identified traits of centennials based on the analysis of quantitative and qualitative studies. Among them are pragmatism, aspiration to creative work, high incomes and entrepreneurial activity. Generation Z representatives from the cognitariate have a tendency towards personal responsibility, self-actualization. Despite being pragmatic, they show deep understanding of complicated ethical topics. There are also negative qualities associated with the digital environment and natural to the generation Z in general. It is noted that the aspirations of the Russian cognitariate are constructive. One of their main goals is the development of society. This study has an applied value in educational field, in adaptation of educational programs to improve the students’ efficiency, in adaptation of young specialists in enterprises and in strengthening of intergenerational bonds.
本研究旨在研究在发展中的数字社会中出生和成长的第一代——z世代。这个年龄群是根据世代的阶级因素来考虑的,突出了认知的社会群体。Cognitariate是来自中产阶级的特定信息产品创造者群体。这决定了他们在数字社会发展中的主导地位。本研究的目的是确定认知主义百岁老人的特征。主题是Z代代表中俄罗斯认知的特殊性。作者运用传播学的方法,在定量研究和定性研究的基础上,对百岁青年的特征进行了分析。其中包括实用主义、对创造性工作的渴望、高收入和创业活动。来自认知的Z世代代表有个人责任、自我实现的倾向。尽管他们很务实,但他们对复杂的伦理话题有着深刻的理解。数字环境也有一些负面的品质,对Z世代来说很自然。应当指出,俄罗斯认知者的愿望是建设性的。他们的主要目标之一是社会的发展。本研究在教育领域、教育项目的适应以提高学生的效率、企业青年专家的适应以及加强代际关系方面具有应用价值。
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引用次数: 0
MODERN LAW ENFORCEMENT PRACTICE OF FIGHTING CORRUPTION IN THE REPUBLIC OF KAZAKHSTAN 哈萨克斯坦共和国现代反腐败执法实践
A. Pass
The article discusses the legal aspects of combating corruption, regulating its detection, investigation and suppression. The thesis is argued that anti-corruption norms, institutions and procedures should take into account, on the one hand, the positive world experience, and on the other hand, be based on the national mentality and traditions. In connection with the stated problem, the concepts of “corruption complex” and “democratic anti-corruption policy” are updated. An interpretation is given of the place and role of a number of legal novels, such as an investigating judge, a procedural agreement on cooperation, covert investigative actions, etc., which together allow raising countermeasures against fraudsters and bribe-takers to a higher level. Attention is focused on the importance of crime prevention in the public service and in business. Specific examples show the advantages of using these practices to achieve fair trial and reduce its costs, as well as to minimize infringement of the rights and legitimate interests of participants in the criminal process. The forms of cooperation with the general public of the Anti-Corruption Agency of the Republic of Kazakhstan are analyzed, methods are shown by which it is possible to increase the motivation of voluntary assistants - employees of departments, large public and private companies that have data that are of interest to the special service. It is emphasized that among its powers is the right to make submissions on the elimination of the circumstances that contributed to the commission of offenses. Also, public procurement procedures have been placed under special control in order to prevent unreasonable overpricing of purchased goods and services, compliance with the official ethics of civil servants, whose behavior is regulated by the Code of Ethics. The identified violations are interpreted as a sign of professional insolvency with all the ensuing consequences up to and including dismissal from the civil service. This position contributes to the active formation of anti-corruption consciousness. The conclusions contain a number of initiatives. In particular, the article substantiates the need to establish an institution of procedural prosecutors in corruption cases and a society of voluntary assistants in the fight against corruption, membership in which must be promoted in every possible way, and participants should be supported morally and materially. In addition, a specific indicator is proposed - the national coefficient of effectiveness of procedural novels (NCEPN) in the suppression of especially dangerous crimes committed based on abuse of official position and official powers for personal gain.
本文讨论了反腐败的法律问题,规范了腐败的侦查、侦查和惩治。本文认为,反腐败的规范、制度和程序一方面要考虑到积极的世界经验,另一方面要立足于国家的心态和传统。针对上述问题,“腐败综合体”和“民主反腐败政策”的概念得到更新。对调查法官、程序性合作协议、秘密调查行动等法律小说的地位和作用进行了解释,使对诈骗犯和受贿者的对策提高到更高的水平。人们的注意力集中在预防犯罪在公共服务和商业中的重要性上。具体实例表明,使用这些做法可以实现公平审判和降低审判成本,并尽量减少对刑事诉讼参与人的权利和合法利益的侵犯。对哈萨克斯坦共和国反腐败机构与公众的合作形式进行了分析,并提出了可以提高自愿助理的积极性的方法,这些自愿助理是拥有特别服务部门感兴趣的数据的部门、大型公共和私营公司的雇员。有人强调,委员会的权力之一是有权提出关于消除促成犯罪的情况的意见。此外,公共采购程序已置于特别管制之下,以防止购买的商品和服务价格不合理过高,遵守公务员的公务道德,其行为受《道德守则》的管制。所查明的违法行为被解释为专业资不抵债的迹象,随之而来的一切后果直至并包括从公务员制度中解雇。这一立场有利于反腐败意识的积极形成。结论中包含若干倡议。该条特别指出,有必要设立一个处理腐败案件的程序检察官机构和一个自愿协助打击腐败的社会,必须以各种可能的方式促进其成员的加入,并应在道义上和物质上支持参与者。此外,本文还提出了一个具体的指标——程序小说在打击滥用职权谋取私利的特别危险犯罪方面的国家有效系数(NCEPN)。
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引用次数: 0
FEATURES OF LATIN AMERICAN SOCIALISM ON THE EXAMPLE OF CHILE, BOLIVIA, VENEZUELA AND NICARAGUA 拉美社会主义特征——以智利、玻利维亚、委内瑞拉和尼加拉瓜为例
E.N. Fichtner, O.V. Shkrebtiy, A. Kislitsina
The article discusses the theoretical issues of the development of socialist ideology in Latin America, from the 60s of the twentieth century to the present. At the height of the Cold War, most of the states of this region belonged to the countries of the “third world” and found themselves in the sphere of strategic interests of the world superpowers. The example of Cuba and the support of the Soviet Union played an important role in the attempts to build a socialist society in Chile, Bolivia, Venezuela and Nicaragua. The article explores aspects similar for all these countries in the implementation of approaches to building an ideal model of socialism: the growth of social programs for the population, reliance on the poorest segments of the population and promotion among them of the idea of equality and struggle against external and internal enemies. Differences in approaches to the distribution of wealth among the population are also considered, starting from the nationalization of enterprises and latifundia in Chile, indigenism in Bolivia, Chavism in Venezuela and the redistribution of the wealth of the Somoza family in favor of the Sandinista Ortega in Nicaragua. Also, the Bolivarian Union plays a certain position in maintaining socialist sentiments. Radical left and moderate left governments currently operate in thirteen states of South America. Common to the countries considered in the article is the fact that even in the face of an attempt to build socialism in the 21st century, all left-wing radical governments leave behind the cult of “caudillos” and even greater poverty.
本文论述了20世纪60年代至今拉美社会主义意识形态发展的理论问题。在冷战最激烈的时候,该地区的大多数国家属于“第三世界”国家,处于世界超级大国的战略利益范围内。古巴的榜样和苏联的支持在智利、玻利维亚、委内瑞拉和尼加拉瓜建立社会主义社会的努力中发挥了重要作用。本文探讨了所有这些国家在实施建设理想社会主义模式的方法时的相似之处:为人口增加社会项目,依靠人口中最贫穷的部分,在他们中间促进平等的思想,并与外部和内部敌人作斗争。从智利的企业和大庄园国有化、玻利维亚的土著主义、委内瑞拉的查韦斯主义以及尼加拉瓜的索摩扎家族的财富再分配有利于桑地诺·奥尔特加(Sandinista Ortega)开始,本文还考虑了人口财富分配方法的差异。此外,玻利瓦尔联盟在维护社会主义情绪方面也起着一定的作用。激进左派和温和左派政府目前在南美洲的13个州运作。文章中所讨论的国家的共同点是,即使面对21世纪建立社会主义的尝试,所有左翼激进政府都留下了对“考迪洛”的崇拜和更大的贫困。
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引用次数: 0
"MYSTERIOUS ALBION": NEGOTIATION BEHAVIOR PATTERN OF THE BRITISH “神秘的英国人”:英国人的谈判行为模式
M. Bulakhtin
The article examines the main features that exist in the diplomatic and business culture of the British. First of all, it is restraint and self-control that are manifested as in words and expressed feelings as in non-verbal communication. The British demonstrate respect for an interlocutor and adhere to high standards of politeness. Their practical mindset allows them to be flexible in finding negotiated solutions. They are ready to take risks, they work out various ways to reach agreements, and they can abandon their initial approach if the situation requires it, and find a completely new solution. Foreigners may perceive the self–confidence and self-esteem of the British as arrogance, and they also may perceive the evasiveness, indirect communication style, and desire to observe the proprieties and to demonstrate emphasized friendliness that are distinctive to the British negotiation culture as insincerity and hypocrisy. A high degree of idiomaticity in the modern English language may create additional difficulties in understanding the British people. As in other cultures, the behavior of the British is influenced by the social environment where personality formation goes together with the features and the level of education. It is important to take into account that the culture of individualism which is inherent in the British society encourages freedom of self-expression. Therefore, along with taking into account the "cultural standards" of the behavior of the British, it is necessary to know the personal style of communication of a particular interlocutor.
本文考察了英国外交和商业文化中存在的主要特征。首先,克制和自我控制表现在语言和表达情感上,就像在非语言交流中一样。英国人对谈话者表现出尊重,并坚持高标准的礼貌。他们务实的心态使他们能够灵活地寻找协商解决方案。他们愿意承担风险,他们想出各种方法来达成协议,如果情况需要,他们可以放弃最初的方法,找到一个全新的解决方案。外国人可能会认为英国人的自信和自尊是傲慢,他们也可能会认为英国谈判文化特有的闪烁其词、间接的沟通方式、希望遵守礼节和表现出强调友好的愿望是不真诚和虚伪。现代英语中高度的习语化可能会给理解英国人带来额外的困难。和其他文化一样,英国人的行为也受到社会环境的影响,在这种社会环境中,性格的形成与受教育的特点和水平是密不可分的。重要的是要考虑到英国社会固有的个人主义文化鼓励自我表达的自由。因此,在考虑英国人行为的“文化标准”的同时,有必要了解特定对话者的个人沟通风格。
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引用次数: 0
THE HISTORY OF ISLAM IN THE POLITICS OF MEMORY IN INDONESIA (mid-2010s to early 2020s) 印度尼西亚记忆政治中的伊斯兰教历史(2010年代中期至2020年代初)
M. Kirchanov
The purpose of the article is to analyze the features of the politics of memory in contexts of the history of Islam in modern Indonesia. It is assumed that the difficulties in localization of the history of Islam in modern historical memory are aggravated by repressions against Muslim activists and the violence of radical Muslims against their political and ideological opponents. The novelty of the study lies in the analysis of the attempts of the Indonesian society to form a compromise canon of historical memory, integrating the history of the Ummah and political Islam into officially sanctioned versions of history. The article analyzes 1) the features of the imagination of Islamic images in the politics of memory, 2) the prospects and contradictions of the integration of Ummah figures into the historical imagination, 3) attempts to revise the history of Islam in the context of the development of the memorial culture of the Indonesian society. The results of the study suggest that modern Indonesian society use the mechanisms of historical politics actively in its attempts to form a new image of the history of Islam, integrated into predominantly secular narratives that determine the development of Indonesian identity.
本文的目的是分析现代印尼伊斯兰教历史背景下的记忆政治特征。人们认为,对穆斯林积极分子的镇压和激进穆斯林对其政治和意识形态对手的暴力加剧了伊斯兰教历史在现代历史记忆中本土化的困难。这项研究的新颖之处在于,它分析了印尼社会试图形成一种折衷的历史记忆经典,将乌玛和政治伊斯兰教的历史整合到官方认可的历史版本中。文章分析了1)记忆政治中伊斯兰形象想象的特点,2)乌玛人物融入历史想象的前景与矛盾,3)试图在印尼社会纪念文化发展的背景下修正伊斯兰历史。研究结果表明,现代印度尼西亚社会积极利用历史政治机制,试图形成伊斯兰教历史的新形象,并将其融入决定印度尼西亚身份发展的主要世俗叙事中。
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引用次数: 0
THEMATIC DIGEST OF SPEECHES BY STUDENTS OF THE INSTITUTE OF HISTORY AND SOCIOLOGY – PARTICIPANTS OF "LI ALL-RUSSIAN SUMMARY STUDENT SCIENTIFIC CONFERENCE OF UdSU" 历史与社会学院学生演讲专题摘要-“乌苏大学全俄学生科学会议总结”与会者
N. Muzlova, M. Polishchuk, V. Pushkareva
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引用次数: 0
SCIENTIFIC VOLUNTEERING IN RUSSIA: IDEAS OF POPULARIZERS AND ORGANIZERS 俄罗斯的科学志愿者:普及者和组织者的想法
V. V. Kashpur, A. S. Andryushchenko, Zh.A. Kuleeva, A. G. Sipkina
The article deals with the problems of ideas of popularizers and project organizers regarding scientific volunteering. The object of the research is scientific volunteering as a social movement. The subject is the ideas of popularizers and organizers about scientific volunteering. As part of the study, 6 semi-structured interviews were conducted with project organizers and promoters of scientific volunteering. Among the organizers, people from three areas of science were interviewed: exact, natural and human sciences. The main activity of project organizers is directly related to work in the scientific field. As a result of the study, the main associations regarding scientific volunteering were identified, associated primarily with the community and interactions within it. Also, the definition of scientific volunteering was formed as a special interaction of people who are not professionally associated with scientific activities, and research scientists. The hierarchical structure and image of participants in scientific volunteering, the importance of scientific volunteering for science and society due to attracting funding for science and reducing research costs, the real and ideal image of scientific volunteering with its advantages in the form of saving resources for scientists and drawing attention to relevant areas of science and the shortcomings associated with a small number of Russian projects within the framework of scientific volunteering, the lack of a common understanding of scientific volunteering among volunteers and organizers, and the lack of massivization of civil science in the country were identified. In addition, changes in ideas about scientific volunteering among organizers and popularizers at the beginning of their activity and during the period of further activity were studied. Based on the results of the study, various recommendations were proposed for the development of scientific volunteering in Russia, namely, the search for cooperation between stakeholders with various media and NGOs for the wide dissemination of information, the creation and distribution of platforms for the dissemination of civil science, the formation of an expert community and the support of scientific volunteers by non-financial means, and also through deeper interaction between volunteers and organizers.
本文论述了科普工作者和项目组织者在科学志愿服务方面的观念问题。研究的对象是作为一种社会运动的科学志愿服务。主题是科普工作者和组织者对科学志愿服务的看法。作为研究的一部分,我们对科学志愿活动的项目组织者和推动者进行了6次半结构化访谈。在组织者中,来自三个科学领域的人接受了采访:精确科学、自然科学和人文科学。项目组织者的主要活动与科学领域的工作直接相关。研究的结果是,确定了与科学志愿服务有关的主要联系,这些联系主要与社区及其内部的互动有关。此外,科学志愿服务的定义被形成为与科学活动无关的专业人员和研究科学家之间的特殊互动。科学志愿活动参与者的等级结构和形象,科学志愿活动对科学和社会的重要性,因为它可以吸引科学资金和降低研究成本,确定了科学志愿服务的真实和理想形象,其优点是为科学家节省资源并引起对相关科学领域的关注,以及俄罗斯在科学志愿服务框架内的少数项目所存在的缺点,志愿者和组织者之间缺乏对科学志愿服务的共同理解,以及该国缺乏大规模的民间科学。此外,还研究了组织者和科普工作者在活动开始时和在进一步活动期间对科学志愿服务观念的变化。根据研究结果,对俄罗斯科学志愿服务的发展提出了各种建议,即寻求利益相关者与各种媒体和非政府组织之间的合作,以广泛传播信息,创建和分发民间科学传播平台,形成专家社区,并通过非经济手段支持科学志愿者。也通过志愿者和组织者之间更深入的互动。
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引用次数: 0
REFORMING ELECTORAL SYSTEMS IN RUSSIA AND ABROAD: FROM MOTIVATION TO LEGAL INNOVATION 俄罗斯与国外选举制度改革:从动机到法律创新
V.A. Zhelvakova
The article is devoted to the practices of reforming electoral systems in the Russian Federation and abroad. Despite the fact that the influence of electoral systems on party systems has been revealed by M.Duverger at the beginning of the XX century, the influence of party systems on electoral systems remains a topical research field. The fact is that electoral systems do not represent a prescribed static construct, but are a reflection of political will motivated by various factors. The purpose of the article is to identify the motives of various political actors to change the electoral legislation. Within the framework of a small-scale comparative study, based on the study of empirical data on the reform of electoral systems in Russia and abroad, these motives were identified and classified. The main determinants of changes in electoral systems are highlighted, among which the basic one is the political will of actors to preserve the status quo. The hypothesis is confirmed that the fundamental motivation for the reform (or lack thereof) of electoral systems is the intention of political elites to preserve power. Other factors also include the sociological and institutional features of the state. It is also important that the motivation and factors of electoral reform are the same in both majoritarian and proportional and other electoral systems. What is distinctive here is only a set of specific parameters that can be reformed in the context of a particular electoral system. Based on empirical analysis, it has been established that under the threat of monopolization of the tools for reforming the electoral system, it is necessary to create such a system of reforming the electoral system, which would be based on the institutional consolidation of the system of checks and balances in order to prevent the influence of only one of the political actors on it.
这篇文章专门讨论俄罗斯联邦和国外改革选举制度的做法。尽管选举制度对政党制度的影响在20世纪初就被M.Duverger所揭示,但政党制度对选举制度的影响仍然是一个热门的研究领域。事实是,选举制度并不代表一种规定的静态结构,而是反映了由各种因素推动的政治意愿。本文的目的是确定各种政治行为者改变选举法的动机。在一项小规模比较研究的框架内,基于对俄罗斯和国外选举制度改革经验数据的研究,对这些动机进行了识别和分类。报告强调了选举制度变化的主要决定因素,其中最基本的因素是行动者维持现状的政治意愿。这一假设证实了选举制度改革(或缺乏改革)的根本动机是政治精英维护权力的意图。其他因素还包括国家的社会和制度特征。同样重要的是,在多数主义和比例以及其他选举制度中,选举改革的动机和因素是相同的。这里的独特之处在于,只有一组可以在特定选举制度的背景下进行改革的具体参数。根据经验分析,已经确定,在改革选举制度的工具被垄断的威胁下,有必要建立这样一种改革选举制度的制度,这种制度将以体制上巩固制衡制度为基础,以防止只有一个政治行为者对其产生影响。
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引用次数: 0
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