Pub Date : 2022-06-27DOI: 10.35634/2587-9030-2022-6-2-208-216
M. Kirchanov
The author analyses the development features of Europeanism as an invented political tradition and historiographic grand narrative in Russian intellectual history. It is assumed that modern Russian Europeanism is related to the cultural traditions of Russian Westernisation genetically, as well as the reforms of the 1990s, when the political elites of Russia had pro-Western sympathies. The author perceives Europeanism as a number of heterogeneous intellectual phenomena. The author believes that historical and literary academic studies became the main form of the history and functioning of Russian Europeanism in the 2000s and 2010s. It is assumed that the Russian intellectual communities of historians, philologists and literary critics exist in a state of institutionalised dependence on the Western European model of humanitarian knowledge. The article shows that Russian Europeanism has two forms: firstly, the desire of Russian intellectuals to write the history of Russia in the European system of coordinates, “imagining” and “inventing” it as a European one; secondly, the refusal of some of them to analyse Russian problems as ideologically and politically motivated a priori. The author analyses attempts to Europeanise the Russian historical process as invented traditions in contexts of alternative historiographic interpretations. It is assumed that the European perception of the historical process became one of the historiographic grand narratives. The author believes that Russian Europeanism had significant cultural and intellectual potential, but it was unable to actualize its adaptive potential in competition with alternative ideological trends, including various versions of the left (communist) and right (nationalist) ideologies. Therefore, contemporary Russian Europeanism is not institutionalised and does not have a formal organisational structure. The author believes that the national intellectual communities, unlike the Russian ones, have not lost interest in the European idea yet, which guarantee the further development of Europeanism in Russia, but in substantially different forms.
{"title":"CONTEMPORARY RUSSIAN EUROPEANISM AS A \"MARGINAL\" POLITICAL TRADITION AND A HISTORIOGRAPHIC GRAND NARRATIVE","authors":"M. Kirchanov","doi":"10.35634/2587-9030-2022-6-2-208-216","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.35634/2587-9030-2022-6-2-208-216","url":null,"abstract":"The author analyses the development features of Europeanism as an invented political tradition and historiographic grand narrative in Russian intellectual history. It is assumed that modern Russian Europeanism is related to the cultural traditions of Russian Westernisation genetically, as well as the reforms of the 1990s, when the political elites of Russia had pro-Western sympathies. The author perceives Europeanism as a number of heterogeneous intellectual phenomena. The author believes that historical and literary academic studies became the main form of the history and functioning of Russian Europeanism in the 2000s and 2010s. It is assumed that the Russian intellectual communities of historians, philologists and literary critics exist in a state of institutionalised dependence on the Western European model of humanitarian knowledge. The article shows that Russian Europeanism has two forms: firstly, the desire of Russian intellectuals to write the history of Russia in the European system of coordinates, “imagining” and “inventing” it as a European one; secondly, the refusal of some of them to analyse Russian problems as ideologically and politically motivated a priori. The author analyses attempts to Europeanise the Russian historical process as invented traditions in contexts of alternative historiographic interpretations. It is assumed that the European perception of the historical process became one of the historiographic grand narratives. The author believes that Russian Europeanism had significant cultural and intellectual potential, but it was unable to actualize its adaptive potential in competition with alternative ideological trends, including various versions of the left (communist) and right (nationalist) ideologies. Therefore, contemporary Russian Europeanism is not institutionalised and does not have a formal organisational structure. The author believes that the national intellectual communities, unlike the Russian ones, have not lost interest in the European idea yet, which guarantee the further development of Europeanism in Russia, but in substantially different forms.","PeriodicalId":263017,"journal":{"name":"Вестник Удмуртского университета. Социология. Политология. Международные отношения","volume":"29 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-06-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"134444202","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-06-27DOI: 10.35634/2587-9030-2022-6-2-188-198
K. Obukhov
This article deals with uneven development of NPO sector in the regions of Russia. Basic ways of understanding the essential activities and the main reasons for the development of non-profit organizations are specified. Different alterations of the regional differentiation of the Russian non-profit sector are also presented, based on the types of organizations monitored by Federal State Statistics Service. The main institutionalized forms of NPO support by regions and the Russian Federation are discussed. Primary effective measures of support of non-profit sector are determined according to the series of semi-structured interviews with the heads of regional non-profit organizations, N=15. The comparison of support measures with NPO effectiveness in the solution of socially significant regional problems is made. Possible characteristics for describing the internal organizational structure of non-profit organizations are indicated. The main types of observable methods of organizing activities in the non-profit sector of Russian regions are identified. Possible ways of combining basic organizational structures with each other are presented. As hypotheses, the main options for combining organizational structures with the institutional environment of the region of activity, as well as the basic orientation of organizations of various sizes to different levels of support, are formulated. The results demonstrate the substantial differentiation in realization of NPO support programs among the regions and the impossibility to select the more effective support measures.
{"title":"THE ROLE OF REGIONAL INFRASTRUCTURE IN THE DEVELOPMENT OF NON-PROFIT SECTOR","authors":"K. Obukhov","doi":"10.35634/2587-9030-2022-6-2-188-198","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.35634/2587-9030-2022-6-2-188-198","url":null,"abstract":"This article deals with uneven development of NPO sector in the regions of Russia. Basic ways of understanding the essential activities and the main reasons for the development of non-profit organizations are specified. Different alterations of the regional differentiation of the Russian non-profit sector are also presented, based on the types of organizations monitored by Federal State Statistics Service. The main institutionalized forms of NPO support by regions and the Russian Federation are discussed. Primary effective measures of support of non-profit sector are determined according to the series of semi-structured interviews with the heads of regional non-profit organizations, N=15. The comparison of support measures with NPO effectiveness in the solution of socially significant regional problems is made. Possible characteristics for describing the internal organizational structure of non-profit organizations are indicated. The main types of observable methods of organizing activities in the non-profit sector of Russian regions are identified. Possible ways of combining basic organizational structures with each other are presented. As hypotheses, the main options for combining organizational structures with the institutional environment of the region of activity, as well as the basic orientation of organizations of various sizes to different levels of support, are formulated. The results demonstrate the substantial differentiation in realization of NPO support programs among the regions and the impossibility to select the more effective support measures.","PeriodicalId":263017,"journal":{"name":"Вестник Удмуртского университета. Социология. Политология. Международные отношения","volume":"40 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-06-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"123362761","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-03-21DOI: 10.35634/2587-9030-2022-6-1-42-52
A. R. Mukhametdinova, M. A. Polischuk
This article attempts to identify the place of the family in the rating of values of young citizens living in Izhevsk, as well as the socio-demographic characteristics of this group that can influence the construction of this rating. According to a number of researchers, in the modern world there is a "global disintegration" of the traditional system of division of social labor, power relations between men and women, which inevitably leads to the transformation of family relations. The attitude of modern youth towards the institution of the family is formed under the influence of certain factors, such as: recognition of the family in society, the relationship of one's own parents in the family, the individual characteristics of a person, gender, etc. There is a need to study each factor that affects the position of the family in the system of value orientations of young people, which will make it possible to understand the general picture of the ways in which the value orientations of young people are formed. And, therefore, it is necessary to study this aspect of sociology in order to rid society of the existing prejudices and stereotypes associated with the behavioral patterns of men and women. The views on the priorities of society have been changed. Over time, the family ceases to play a dominant role in the life of modern youth. This leads to the problems of frequent divorces, the emergence of negative ideas about family formation, a change in ethical and moral standards. It was important for researchers to find out the reason for the change in the value orientations of modern youth in relation to the family in order to identify the specifics of the worldview of the younger generation, which determines the foundations of family relations. In particular, in the studies conducted in 2021, it was supposed to reveal the conditions for the formation of the family value among today's youth. The results obtained can be useful for specialists working with families, working with youth, and can also help improve the culture of serving representatives of different socio-demographic groups and more thorough planning of their professional activities.
{"title":"THE PLACE OF THE FAMILY IN THE VALUE SYSTEM OF MODERN URBAN YOUTH","authors":"A. R. Mukhametdinova, M. A. Polischuk","doi":"10.35634/2587-9030-2022-6-1-42-52","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.35634/2587-9030-2022-6-1-42-52","url":null,"abstract":"This article attempts to identify the place of the family in the rating of values of young citizens living in Izhevsk, as well as the socio-demographic characteristics of this group that can influence the construction of this rating. According to a number of researchers, in the modern world there is a \"global disintegration\" of the traditional system of division of social labor, power relations between men and women, which inevitably leads to the transformation of family relations. The attitude of modern youth towards the institution of the family is formed under the influence of certain factors, such as: recognition of the family in society, the relationship of one's own parents in the family, the individual characteristics of a person, gender, etc. There is a need to study each factor that affects the position of the family in the system of value orientations of young people, which will make it possible to understand the general picture of the ways in which the value orientations of young people are formed. And, therefore, it is necessary to study this aspect of sociology in order to rid society of the existing prejudices and stereotypes associated with the behavioral patterns of men and women. The views on the priorities of society have been changed. Over time, the family ceases to play a dominant role in the life of modern youth. This leads to the problems of frequent divorces, the emergence of negative ideas about family formation, a change in ethical and moral standards. It was important for researchers to find out the reason for the change in the value orientations of modern youth in relation to the family in order to identify the specifics of the worldview of the younger generation, which determines the foundations of family relations. In particular, in the studies conducted in 2021, it was supposed to reveal the conditions for the formation of the family value among today's youth. The results obtained can be useful for specialists working with families, working with youth, and can also help improve the culture of serving representatives of different socio-demographic groups and more thorough planning of their professional activities.","PeriodicalId":263017,"journal":{"name":"Вестник Удмуртского университета. Социология. Политология. Международные отношения","volume":"82 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-03-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"131863836","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-03-21DOI: 10.35634/2587-9030-2022-6-1-7-18
V. V. Kashpur, A. Baryshev, S. Chudinov, E. Shchekotin, G. Serbina
The study aims to identify the forms and ways of representing the radical content of the ideologies of right-wing radicalism, Islamic radicalism and left-wing radicalism in conditions of state anti-extremist censorship on the material of the social network VKontakte. The research object is the radical texts and visual content of the studied ideologies posted on the Vkontakte. The research subject is the forms and methods of representation of this radical content under the conditions of state anti-extremist censorship. Content identification methods are structural links search, automatic content analysis, and natural language processing. To identify the forms and ways of implementing the representation of radical content, a combination of qualitative sociological methods and technologies for automatic analysis of texts are used. As a result of the identification of radical content, a list of 169 communities is compiled with a total number of 1,378,717 profiles. Communities of supporters of the right-wing radical are formed on the basis of rejection and protest against certain phenomena and processes of modern society. The difference from the resources, sharing the view and value system of traditional Islam, for radical Salafi communities is a pronounced emphasis on topics that separate “true believers” from the rest of the social world, mired in atheism, sins and social problems. The discourse of Russian left-wing radicals in VKontakte is associated with support for political protest actions and the propaganda of forms of self-organization of the population and production collectives in opposition to the bureaucratic tardiness of the authorities and the arbitrariness of corporate management. The general conspiracy frame of the left-wing radicals is the participation of the government in a conspiracy of world elites to destroy the productive forces, science, culture and social sphere of Russia and the exposure of liberals as agents of imperialism.
{"title":"METHODS FOR REPRESENTATION OF RADICAL CONTENT UNDER STATE ANTI-EXTREMIST CENSORSHIP ON THE MATERIAL OF VKONTAKTE SOCIAL NETWORK","authors":"V. V. Kashpur, A. Baryshev, S. Chudinov, E. Shchekotin, G. Serbina","doi":"10.35634/2587-9030-2022-6-1-7-18","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.35634/2587-9030-2022-6-1-7-18","url":null,"abstract":"The study aims to identify the forms and ways of representing the radical content of the ideologies of right-wing radicalism, Islamic radicalism and left-wing radicalism in conditions of state anti-extremist censorship on the material of the social network VKontakte. The research object is the radical texts and visual content of the studied ideologies posted on the Vkontakte. The research subject is the forms and methods of representation of this radical content under the conditions of state anti-extremist censorship. Content identification methods are structural links search, automatic content analysis, and natural language processing. To identify the forms and ways of implementing the representation of radical content, a combination of qualitative sociological methods and technologies for automatic analysis of texts are used. As a result of the identification of radical content, a list of 169 communities is compiled with a total number of 1,378,717 profiles. Communities of supporters of the right-wing radical are formed on the basis of rejection and protest against certain phenomena and processes of modern society. The difference from the resources, sharing the view and value system of traditional Islam, for radical Salafi communities is a pronounced emphasis on topics that separate “true believers” from the rest of the social world, mired in atheism, sins and social problems. The discourse of Russian left-wing radicals in VKontakte is associated with support for political protest actions and the propaganda of forms of self-organization of the population and production collectives in opposition to the bureaucratic tardiness of the authorities and the arbitrariness of corporate management. The general conspiracy frame of the left-wing radicals is the participation of the government in a conspiracy of world elites to destroy the productive forces, science, culture and social sphere of Russia and the exposure of liberals as agents of imperialism.","PeriodicalId":263017,"journal":{"name":"Вестник Удмуртского университета. Социология. Политология. Международные отношения","volume":"7 1 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-03-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"124690087","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-03-21DOI: 10.35634/2587-9030-2022-6-1-19-28
T. Smirnova
The article examines the features and factors of the effectiveness of the present implementation of state and municipal services on the example of regional offices. At the federal and municipal levels, uniform patterns are manifested in the field of assistance of authorities to business entities. The author emphasizes that one of the factors that reduce the efficiency of state and municipal services is corruption practices. The article presents the results of a regional expert-analytical study, where representatives of business and government (Saratov, Volgograd, Ulyanovsk) acted as experts. The research goal is to identify and analyze the work of state and municipal authorities, barriers in the provision of services to entrepreneurs, including through the prism of corruption risks. The points of view and assessments of this work of experts - representatives of government bodies on the one hand and representatives of entrepreneurship on the other hand - are compared. Factors of increasing the efficiency of services of state and municipal authorities are analyzed and ranked: optimization of documents required for the provision of a service; strengthening the personal responsibility of officials for compliance with regulations; monitoring the quality and availability of services to entrepreneurs; imposition of sanctions for the lack of regulations and violations of service quality standards; reducing the number of grounds for refusing to provide services. The author notes the expert support for the requirement to personify the responsibility of officials for compliance with regulations as the main subjective factor and the basis for the effectiveness of government services. As the main barriers to the quality provision of the services under consideration, representatives of expert groups on the part of business and government name the classic signs of the corruption-generating nature of regulations: inconsistency and discrepancy between norms and the presence of gaps in legislation.
{"title":"EFFICIENCY OF PUBLIC AND MUNICIPAL SERVICES IN REGIONS: SOCIOLOGICAL ANALYSIS","authors":"T. Smirnova","doi":"10.35634/2587-9030-2022-6-1-19-28","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.35634/2587-9030-2022-6-1-19-28","url":null,"abstract":"The article examines the features and factors of the effectiveness of the present implementation of state and municipal services on the example of regional offices. At the federal and municipal levels, uniform patterns are manifested in the field of assistance of authorities to business entities. The author emphasizes that one of the factors that reduce the efficiency of state and municipal services is corruption practices. The article presents the results of a regional expert-analytical study, where representatives of business and government (Saratov, Volgograd, Ulyanovsk) acted as experts. The research goal is to identify and analyze the work of state and municipal authorities, barriers in the provision of services to entrepreneurs, including through the prism of corruption risks. The points of view and assessments of this work of experts - representatives of government bodies on the one hand and representatives of entrepreneurship on the other hand - are compared. Factors of increasing the efficiency of services of state and municipal authorities are analyzed and ranked: optimization of documents required for the provision of a service; strengthening the personal responsibility of officials for compliance with regulations; monitoring the quality and availability of services to entrepreneurs; imposition of sanctions for the lack of regulations and violations of service quality standards; reducing the number of grounds for refusing to provide services. The author notes the expert support for the requirement to personify the responsibility of officials for compliance with regulations as the main subjective factor and the basis for the effectiveness of government services. As the main barriers to the quality provision of the services under consideration, representatives of expert groups on the part of business and government name the classic signs of the corruption-generating nature of regulations: inconsistency and discrepancy between norms and the presence of gaps in legislation.","PeriodicalId":263017,"journal":{"name":"Вестник Удмуртского университета. Социология. Политология. Международные отношения","volume":"212 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-03-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"134422751","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-03-21DOI: 10.35634/2587-9030-2022-6-1-91-103
V. Pushkareva
The policy of the "Collective West" with respect to the Western Balkans is determined by the geostrategic significance of the region in world politics. The ability to control this territory gives the powers significant political, economic, and military advantages. The EU and NATO have become centres of attraction for the Western Balkan countries since the beginning of the 90s of the twentieth century, offering them prospects for modernization and democratization, promising to finance reforms, create investment opportunities and grant full membership in the "club of the rich". In reality, the democratic prospect has not improved the situation in the region, it has not ceased the hostility of peoples, and it has not built a stable economy. The aspiration of the Euro-Atlanticists to consolidate the results of the victory in the Cold War, to prevent Russia's revenge and China’s strengthening has led to the expansion of the military and political presence, and it contributes to the escalation of tension now. The lack of unity between the EU and the USA on the future of Kosovo, Republika Srpska as part of Bosnia and Herzegovina is fraught with a new revision of borders in the Balkans.
{"title":"THE WESTERN BALKANS IN THE LINE OF ATLANTICISM POLICY","authors":"V. Pushkareva","doi":"10.35634/2587-9030-2022-6-1-91-103","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.35634/2587-9030-2022-6-1-91-103","url":null,"abstract":"The policy of the \"Collective West\" with respect to the Western Balkans is determined by the geostrategic significance of the region in world politics. The ability to control this territory gives the powers significant political, economic, and military advantages. The EU and NATO have become centres of attraction for the Western Balkan countries since the beginning of the 90s of the twentieth century, offering them prospects for modernization and democratization, promising to finance reforms, create investment opportunities and grant full membership in the \"club of the rich\". In reality, the democratic prospect has not improved the situation in the region, it has not ceased the hostility of peoples, and it has not built a stable economy. The aspiration of the Euro-Atlanticists to consolidate the results of the victory in the Cold War, to prevent Russia's revenge and China’s strengthening has led to the expansion of the military and political presence, and it contributes to the escalation of tension now. The lack of unity between the EU and the USA on the future of Kosovo, Republika Srpska as part of Bosnia and Herzegovina is fraught with a new revision of borders in the Balkans.","PeriodicalId":263017,"journal":{"name":"Вестник Удмуртского университета. Социология. Политология. Международные отношения","volume":"1 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-03-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"130772051","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-03-21DOI: 10.35634/2587-9030-2022-6-1-65-80
K. Muratshina, N.V. Mamin
This paper discusses the institutional structure of humanitarian cooperation between the Russian Federation and the Kyrgyz Republic. Humanitarian cooperation involves the following areas of bilateral relations: education, science, culture, sport, tourism, youth policy, and media. The authors display and discuss the institutions, which put in practice the Russian-Kyrgyz interaction, their scope and symmetry. The study involved such sources of information, as bilateral diplomatic documents, reports of state and non-state organisations, field research, and media news archives. In the paper, the authors consequently study state and non-state institutions of cooperation. The paper concludes that the institutional structure of cooperation between Russia and Kyrgyzstan, including both state and non-state organisations, covers all humanitarian areas. The most diverse is the structure of the bilateral contacts in education and culture. Institutions of different nature interact in the process of cooperation. Meanwhile, the structure of cooperation is asymmetrical, as the number of Russian institutions (both state and non-state) is larger, and their contribution is larger, too. However, the Kyrgyz side, even possessing less resources, is evidently interested in cooperation. The vast humanitarian potential of the diasporas is a specific factor of the relationship. The multiple organisations of Russians in Kyrgyzstan are a significant resource for cooperation, and require more financial and organisational support from Russia. There are many Kyrgyz communities in Russia, too, and they also participate in cultural activities, so this institution can be further involved in bilateral cooperation. People-to-people exchanges between non-state institutions can be successful and should be further developed. Generally, Russia needs to maintain and enhance its humanitarian activities in Kyrgyzstan, raise the intensity of the institutional contacts, and develop successful partnerships, while the risk of the increasing impact of other leading powers in Kyrgyzstan can destabilize the Kyrgyz society and the long-term Russian-Kyrgyz partnership.
{"title":"INSTITUTIONAL STRUCTURE OF RUSSIAN-KYRGYZ HUMANITARIAN COOPERATION","authors":"K. Muratshina, N.V. Mamin","doi":"10.35634/2587-9030-2022-6-1-65-80","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.35634/2587-9030-2022-6-1-65-80","url":null,"abstract":"This paper discusses the institutional structure of humanitarian cooperation between the Russian Federation and the Kyrgyz Republic. Humanitarian cooperation involves the following areas of bilateral relations: education, science, culture, sport, tourism, youth policy, and media. The authors display and discuss the institutions, which put in practice the Russian-Kyrgyz interaction, their scope and symmetry. The study involved such sources of information, as bilateral diplomatic documents, reports of state and non-state organisations, field research, and media news archives. In the paper, the authors consequently study state and non-state institutions of cooperation. The paper concludes that the institutional structure of cooperation between Russia and Kyrgyzstan, including both state and non-state organisations, covers all humanitarian areas. The most diverse is the structure of the bilateral contacts in education and culture. Institutions of different nature interact in the process of cooperation. Meanwhile, the structure of cooperation is asymmetrical, as the number of Russian institutions (both state and non-state) is larger, and their contribution is larger, too. However, the Kyrgyz side, even possessing less resources, is evidently interested in cooperation. The vast humanitarian potential of the diasporas is a specific factor of the relationship. The multiple organisations of Russians in Kyrgyzstan are a significant resource for cooperation, and require more financial and organisational support from Russia. There are many Kyrgyz communities in Russia, too, and they also participate in cultural activities, so this institution can be further involved in bilateral cooperation. People-to-people exchanges between non-state institutions can be successful and should be further developed. Generally, Russia needs to maintain and enhance its humanitarian activities in Kyrgyzstan, raise the intensity of the institutional contacts, and develop successful partnerships, while the risk of the increasing impact of other leading powers in Kyrgyzstan can destabilize the Kyrgyz society and the long-term Russian-Kyrgyz partnership.","PeriodicalId":263017,"journal":{"name":"Вестник Удмуртского университета. Социология. Политология. Международные отношения","volume":"61 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-03-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"124559093","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-03-21DOI: 10.35634/2587-9030-2022-6-1-29-41
A. Korolenko
The purpose of this article is the analysis of the attitude of the Vologda Oblast population with children toward the institutions of professional assistance to families with children, namely, to the services of psychologists and nannies. The information base was the results of the next stage of the sociological monitoring of the reproductive potential of the population of the Vologda Oblast, conducted by the Vologda Research Center of the Russian Academy of Sciences in 2021. The study found that despite the low prevalence of practices of applying for professional services of family psychologists and nannies among the population of the Vologda Oblast, the estimates of the assistance provided were quite high, which indicates the effectiveness of this kind of assistance for families with children. More than a quarter of respondents (27 %) expressed their willingness to seek the help of a psychologist, and almost every fifth respondent (19 %) expressed their willingness to seek the services of a professional nanny. The main reasons for refusing professional help are the unwillingness to take problems out of the family and the attitude to solve them independently. There are noticeable differences in the experience of applying for professional help from psychologists and nannies, in their assessments, readiness to receive such services and the reasons for refusing them, depending on the gender, age, marital status of respondents, their satisfaction with marriage, the number of children in their families, including the presence of minor children.
{"title":"INSTITUTIONS OF PROFESSIONAL ASSISTANCE TO FAMILIES WITH CHILDREN IN THE ESTIMATES OF THE VOLOGDA OBLAST POPULATION","authors":"A. Korolenko","doi":"10.35634/2587-9030-2022-6-1-29-41","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.35634/2587-9030-2022-6-1-29-41","url":null,"abstract":"The purpose of this article is the analysis of the attitude of the Vologda Oblast population with children toward the institutions of professional assistance to families with children, namely, to the services of psychologists and nannies. The information base was the results of the next stage of the sociological monitoring of the reproductive potential of the population of the Vologda Oblast, conducted by the Vologda Research Center of the Russian Academy of Sciences in 2021. The study found that despite the low prevalence of practices of applying for professional services of family psychologists and nannies among the population of the Vologda Oblast, the estimates of the assistance provided were quite high, which indicates the effectiveness of this kind of assistance for families with children. More than a quarter of respondents (27 %) expressed their willingness to seek the help of a psychologist, and almost every fifth respondent (19 %) expressed their willingness to seek the services of a professional nanny. The main reasons for refusing professional help are the unwillingness to take problems out of the family and the attitude to solve them independently. There are noticeable differences in the experience of applying for professional help from psychologists and nannies, in their assessments, readiness to receive such services and the reasons for refusing them, depending on the gender, age, marital status of respondents, their satisfaction with marriage, the number of children in their families, including the presence of minor children.","PeriodicalId":263017,"journal":{"name":"Вестник Удмуртского университета. Социология. Политология. Международные отношения","volume":"47 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-03-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"121560577","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-03-21DOI: 10.35634/2587-9030-2022-6-1-133-138
N. Krasovskaya, A. Gulyaev
Cyber fraud is a relatively new phenomenon, which is an active action in the Internet in order to obtain benefits through the manipulation of human consciousness. Cyber fraud has appeared and is developing in the Internet space. The modern information age, with the advent of the pandemic in the world, has caused the spread of cyber fraud and manipulation of people's minds on an unprecedented scale. In the Internet space, cyber fraud is associated not only with the theft and use of personal data of a person for committing economic crimes, but is also used in other areas - politics, advertising.
{"title":"ON THE ISSUE OF CYBER FRAUD","authors":"N. Krasovskaya, A. Gulyaev","doi":"10.35634/2587-9030-2022-6-1-133-138","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.35634/2587-9030-2022-6-1-133-138","url":null,"abstract":"Cyber fraud is a relatively new phenomenon, which is an active action in the Internet in order to obtain benefits through the manipulation of human consciousness. Cyber fraud has appeared and is developing in the Internet space. The modern information age, with the advent of the pandemic in the world, has caused the spread of cyber fraud and manipulation of people's minds on an unprecedented scale. In the Internet space, cyber fraud is associated not only with the theft and use of personal data of a person for committing economic crimes, but is also used in other areas - politics, advertising.","PeriodicalId":263017,"journal":{"name":"Вестник Удмуртского университета. Социология. Политология. Международные отношения","volume":"4 3 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-03-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"128606171","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-03-21DOI: 10.35634/2587-9030-2022-6-1-111-125
G.A. Danilova, A.A. Demyannik
The article deals with the politics of indigenism in modern Latin America. Based on the socio-constructivist approach, the changes that took place during the XX-XXI centuries in the public policy of a number of countries in the region in relation to the indigenous population are analyzed, the positions of intellectuals and elites in the formation of the agenda and various options for the policy of indigenism in the context of the colonial European heritage and political events of the XX century are evaluated. Indigenism in this work is considered as a specific public policy towards the indigenous population and a strategy of nation-building in Latin American countries. Special attention is paid to the countries in which a significant part of the population is made up of Indians - Mexico, Peru and Bolivia. These countries have been united by a common history for centuries: the pre-Hispanic civilizations of America - the Maya, Aztecs, Incas, who inhabited their territories, were distinguished by a high level of development of science and culture. However, for a long time, both in colonial times and after independence, indigenous ethnic groups seemed incapable of independent development, they were purposefully destroyed or assimilated. For integrated Mestizo Indians in some Latin American countries, special terms have been adopted aimed at erasing their Indian origin. European liberalism also contributed to the downgrading of the status of Indians and Indian land, which was constantly under attack. Despite the visible positive changes that took place by the end of the XX century in Latin American legislation concerning Indians, they are still forced to fight for their territory, cultural identity, are in a disenfranchised and distressed situation. The article identifies a number of factors (ideological commitment, the nature of the political regime, etc.) that have had one way or another influence on the change in the rhetoric of Latin American elites in setting the indigenist agenda in different time periods. Conclusions are drawn about the variability of the policy of indigenism in these countries at the present stage, depending on a combination of a number of factors.
{"title":"POLITICS OF INDIGENISM IN MODERN LATIN AMERICA","authors":"G.A. Danilova, A.A. Demyannik","doi":"10.35634/2587-9030-2022-6-1-111-125","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.35634/2587-9030-2022-6-1-111-125","url":null,"abstract":"The article deals with the politics of indigenism in modern Latin America. Based on the socio-constructivist approach, the changes that took place during the XX-XXI centuries in the public policy of a number of countries in the region in relation to the indigenous population are analyzed, the positions of intellectuals and elites in the formation of the agenda and various options for the policy of indigenism in the context of the colonial European heritage and political events of the XX century are evaluated. Indigenism in this work is considered as a specific public policy towards the indigenous population and a strategy of nation-building in Latin American countries. Special attention is paid to the countries in which a significant part of the population is made up of Indians - Mexico, Peru and Bolivia. These countries have been united by a common history for centuries: the pre-Hispanic civilizations of America - the Maya, Aztecs, Incas, who inhabited their territories, were distinguished by a high level of development of science and culture. However, for a long time, both in colonial times and after independence, indigenous ethnic groups seemed incapable of independent development, they were purposefully destroyed or assimilated. For integrated Mestizo Indians in some Latin American countries, special terms have been adopted aimed at erasing their Indian origin. European liberalism also contributed to the downgrading of the status of Indians and Indian land, which was constantly under attack. Despite the visible positive changes that took place by the end of the XX century in Latin American legislation concerning Indians, they are still forced to fight for their territory, cultural identity, are in a disenfranchised and distressed situation. The article identifies a number of factors (ideological commitment, the nature of the political regime, etc.) that have had one way or another influence on the change in the rhetoric of Latin American elites in setting the indigenist agenda in different time periods. Conclusions are drawn about the variability of the policy of indigenism in these countries at the present stage, depending on a combination of a number of factors.","PeriodicalId":263017,"journal":{"name":"Вестник Удмуртского университета. Социология. Политология. Международные отношения","volume":"2 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-03-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"122542273","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}