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CONTEMPORARY RUSSIAN EUROPEANISM AS A "MARGINAL" POLITICAL TRADITION AND A HISTORIOGRAPHIC GRAND NARRATIVE 当代俄罗斯欧洲主义作为一种“边缘”政治传统和一种史学上的宏大叙事
M. Kirchanov
The author analyses the development features of Europeanism as an invented political tradition and historiographic grand narrative in Russian intellectual history. It is assumed that modern Russian Europeanism is related to the cultural traditions of Russian Westernisation genetically, as well as the reforms of the 1990s, when the political elites of Russia had pro-Western sympathies. The author perceives Europeanism as a number of heterogeneous intellectual phenomena. The author believes that historical and literary academic studies became the main form of the history and functioning of Russian Europeanism in the 2000s and 2010s. It is assumed that the Russian intellectual communities of historians, philologists and literary critics exist in a state of institutionalised dependence on the Western European model of humanitarian knowledge. The article shows that Russian Europeanism has two forms: firstly, the desire of Russian intellectuals to write the history of Russia in the European system of coordinates, “imagining” and “inventing” it as a European one; secondly, the refusal of some of them to analyse Russian problems as ideologically and politically motivated a priori. The author analyses attempts to Europeanise the Russian historical process as invented traditions in contexts of alternative historiographic interpretations. It is assumed that the European perception of the historical process became one of the historiographic grand narratives. The author believes that Russian Europeanism had significant cultural and intellectual potential, but it was unable to actualize its adaptive potential in competition with alternative ideological trends, including various versions of the left (communist) and right (nationalist) ideologies. Therefore, contemporary Russian Europeanism is not institutionalised and does not have a formal organisational structure. The author believes that the national intellectual communities, unlike the Russian ones, have not lost interest in the European idea yet, which guarantee the further development of Europeanism in Russia, but in substantially different forms.
作者分析了欧洲主义作为一种虚构的政治传统和历史大叙事在俄罗斯思想史上的发展特点。据推测,现代俄罗斯的欧洲主义与俄罗斯西方化的文化传统以及20世纪90年代的改革有关,当时俄罗斯的政治精英具有亲西方的同情。作者认为欧洲主义是一系列异质的智力现象。作者认为,在2000年代和2010年代,历史和文学学术研究成为俄罗斯欧洲主义历史和运作的主要形式。人们认为,由历史学家、语言学家和文学评论家组成的俄罗斯知识界存在于一种制度化的依赖于西欧人道主义知识模式的状态中。文章认为,俄罗斯的欧洲主义有两种表现形式:一是俄罗斯知识分子希望在欧洲坐标系中书写俄罗斯历史,“想象”和“发明”它作为欧洲坐标系;其次,他们中的一些人拒绝从意识形态和政治动机出发来分析俄罗斯的问题。作者分析了在不同的史学解释背景下,将俄罗斯历史过程欧洲化为虚构的传统的企图。欧洲人对历史进程的看法被认为是一种宏大的史学叙事。作者认为,俄罗斯欧洲主义具有巨大的文化和智力潜力,但在与各种形式的左(共产主义)和右(民族主义)意识形态的竞争中,它无法实现其适应潜力。因此,当代俄罗斯欧洲主义没有制度化,也没有正式的组织结构。作者认为,与俄罗斯不同的是,各民族的知识界还没有丧失对欧洲思想的兴趣,这保证了欧洲主义在俄罗斯的进一步发展,但形式上有很大的不同。
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引用次数: 0
THE ROLE OF REGIONAL INFRASTRUCTURE IN THE DEVELOPMENT OF NON-PROFIT SECTOR 区域基础设施在非营利部门发展中的作用
K. Obukhov
This article deals with uneven development of NPO sector in the regions of Russia. Basic ways of understanding the essential activities and the main reasons for the development of non-profit organizations are specified. Different alterations of the regional differentiation of the Russian non-profit sector are also presented, based on the types of organizations monitored by Federal State Statistics Service. The main institutionalized forms of NPO support by regions and the Russian Federation are discussed. Primary effective measures of support of non-profit sector are determined according to the series of semi-structured interviews with the heads of regional non-profit organizations, N=15. The comparison of support measures with NPO effectiveness in the solution of socially significant regional problems is made. Possible characteristics for describing the internal organizational structure of non-profit organizations are indicated. The main types of observable methods of organizing activities in the non-profit sector of Russian regions are identified. Possible ways of combining basic organizational structures with each other are presented. As hypotheses, the main options for combining organizational structures with the institutional environment of the region of activity, as well as the basic orientation of organizations of various sizes to different levels of support, are formulated. The results demonstrate the substantial differentiation in realization of NPO support programs among the regions and the impossibility to select the more effective support measures.
本文论述了俄罗斯各地区非营利组织部门发展不平衡的问题。阐述了理解非营利组织本质活动的基本方法和非营利组织发展的主要原因。根据联邦国家统计局监测的组织类型,还提出了俄罗斯非营利部门区域分化的不同变化。讨论了各区域和俄罗斯联邦本国专业人员支助的主要制度化形式。根据对区域非营利组织负责人进行的一系列半结构化访谈,N=15,确定了支持非营利部门的主要有效措施。比较了支持措施与非营利组织在解决区域性重大社会问题中的有效性。指出了描述非营利组织内部组织结构的可能特征。确定了俄罗斯地区非营利部门组织活动的主要可观察方法类型。提出了基本组织结构相互结合的可能方法。作为假设,提出了将组织结构与活动区域的体制环境相结合的主要选择,以及各种规模的组织对不同支持水平的基本取向。研究结果表明,各地区对非营利组织支持方案的实施存在较大差异,无法选择更有效的支持措施。
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引用次数: 0
THE PLACE OF THE FAMILY IN THE VALUE SYSTEM OF MODERN URBAN YOUTH 家庭在现代城市青年价值体系中的地位
A. R. Mukhametdinova, M. A. Polischuk
This article attempts to identify the place of the family in the rating of values of young citizens living in Izhevsk, as well as the socio-demographic characteristics of this group that can influence the construction of this rating. According to a number of researchers, in the modern world there is a "global disintegration" of the traditional system of division of social labor, power relations between men and women, which inevitably leads to the transformation of family relations. The attitude of modern youth towards the institution of the family is formed under the influence of certain factors, such as: recognition of the family in society, the relationship of one's own parents in the family, the individual characteristics of a person, gender, etc. There is a need to study each factor that affects the position of the family in the system of value orientations of young people, which will make it possible to understand the general picture of the ways in which the value orientations of young people are formed. And, therefore, it is necessary to study this aspect of sociology in order to rid society of the existing prejudices and stereotypes associated with the behavioral patterns of men and women. The views on the priorities of society have been changed. Over time, the family ceases to play a dominant role in the life of modern youth. This leads to the problems of frequent divorces, the emergence of negative ideas about family formation, a change in ethical and moral standards. It was important for researchers to find out the reason for the change in the value orientations of modern youth in relation to the family in order to identify the specifics of the worldview of the younger generation, which determines the foundations of family relations. In particular, in the studies conducted in 2021, it was supposed to reveal the conditions for the formation of the family value among today's youth. The results obtained can be useful for specialists working with families, working with youth, and can also help improve the culture of serving representatives of different socio-demographic groups and more thorough planning of their professional activities.
本文试图确定家庭在伊热夫斯克青年公民价值观评价中的地位,以及这一群体的社会人口特征,这些特征可能影响这一评价的构建。一些研究者认为,在现代世界,传统的社会分工体系、男女权力关系出现了“全球解体”,这不可避免地导致了家庭关系的转变。现代青年对家庭制度的态度是在某些因素的影响下形成的,例如:社会对家庭的认可,家庭中自己父母的关系,个人特征,性别等。有必要研究影响家庭在青年人价值取向体系中的地位的每一个因素,这样才有可能了解青年人价值取向形成方式的总体情况。因此,有必要研究社会学的这一方面,以便使社会摆脱与男女行为模式有关的现有偏见和刻板印象。人们对社会优先事项的看法发生了变化。随着时间的推移,家庭在现代年轻人的生活中不再起主导作用。这导致了频繁的离婚问题,关于家庭形成的消极观念的出现,以及伦理和道德标准的变化。研究人员必须找出现代青年家庭价值取向变化的原因,以确定年轻一代世界观的具体特征,这决定了家庭关系的基础。特别是在2021年进行的研究中,本应揭示当今青年家庭价值观形成的条件。所获得的结果对从事家庭和青年工作的专家很有用,也有助于改善为不同社会人口群体的代表服务的文化,更彻底地规划他们的专业活动。
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引用次数: 0
METHODS FOR REPRESENTATION OF RADICAL CONTENT UNDER STATE ANTI-EXTREMIST CENSORSHIP ON THE MATERIAL OF VKONTAKTE SOCIAL NETWORK 在国家反极端主义审查下,vkontakte社交网络上激进内容的表现方法
V. V. Kashpur, A. Baryshev, S. Chudinov, E. Shchekotin, G. Serbina
The study aims to identify the forms and ways of representing the radical content of the ideologies of right-wing radicalism, Islamic radicalism and left-wing radicalism in conditions of state anti-extremist censorship on the material of the social network VKontakte. The research object is the radical texts and visual content of the studied ideologies posted on the Vkontakte. The research subject is the forms and methods of representation of this radical content under the conditions of state anti-extremist censorship. Content identification methods are structural links search, automatic content analysis, and natural language processing. To identify the forms and ways of implementing the representation of radical content, a combination of qualitative sociological methods and technologies for automatic analysis of texts are used. As a result of the identification of radical content, a list of 169 communities is compiled with a total number of 1,378,717 profiles. Communities of supporters of the right-wing radical are formed on the basis of rejection and protest against certain phenomena and processes of modern society. The difference from the resources, sharing the view and value system of traditional Islam, for radical Salafi communities is a pronounced emphasis on topics that separate “true believers” from the rest of the social world, mired in atheism, sins and social problems. The discourse of Russian left-wing radicals in VKontakte is associated with support for political protest actions and the propaganda of forms of self-organization of the population and production collectives in opposition to the bureaucratic tardiness of the authorities and the arbitrariness of corporate management. The general conspiracy frame of the left-wing radicals is the participation of the government in a conspiracy of world elites to destroy the productive forces, science, culture and social sphere of Russia and the exposure of liberals as agents of imperialism.
本研究旨在确定在国家对社交网络VKontakte的材料进行反极端主义审查的情况下,右翼激进主义、伊斯兰激进主义和左翼激进主义意识形态激进内容的表现形式和方式。研究对象是Vkontakte上发布的被研究意识形态的激进文本和视觉内容。研究课题是在国家反极端审查的条件下,这种激进内容的表现形式和表现方法。内容识别方法包括结构链接搜索、自动内容分析和自然语言处理。为了确定激进内容再现的形式和方式,我们将定性社会学方法与文本自动分析技术相结合。通过对激进内容的识别,编制了169个社区的列表,共有1,378,717个概况。右翼激进分子的支持者群体是在对现代社会某些现象和过程的排斥和抗议的基础上形成的。对于激进的萨拉菲派社区来说,与传统伊斯兰教共享观点和价值体系的资源的不同之处在于,他们强调的主题是将“真正的信徒”与深陷无神论、罪恶和社会问题的社会世界的其他人区分开来。俄罗斯左翼激进分子在VKontakte上的言论与支持政治抗议行动和宣传人口和生产集体的自我组织形式有关,以反对当局的官僚主义拖延和企业管理的随意性。左翼激进分子的总体阴谋框架是政府参与世界精英的阴谋,以摧毁俄罗斯的生产力、科学、文化和社会领域,并暴露自由主义者是帝国主义的代理人。
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引用次数: 1
EFFICIENCY OF PUBLIC AND MUNICIPAL SERVICES IN REGIONS: SOCIOLOGICAL ANALYSIS 区域公共和市政服务效率:社会学分析
T. Smirnova
The article examines the features and factors of the effectiveness of the present implementation of state and municipal services on the example of regional offices. At the federal and municipal levels, uniform patterns are manifested in the field of assistance of authorities to business entities. The author emphasizes that one of the factors that reduce the efficiency of state and municipal services is corruption practices. The article presents the results of a regional expert-analytical study, where representatives of business and government (Saratov, Volgograd, Ulyanovsk) acted as experts. The research goal is to identify and analyze the work of state and municipal authorities, barriers in the provision of services to entrepreneurs, including through the prism of corruption risks. The points of view and assessments of this work of experts - representatives of government bodies on the one hand and representatives of entrepreneurship on the other hand - are compared. Factors of increasing the efficiency of services of state and municipal authorities are analyzed and ranked: optimization of documents required for the provision of a service; strengthening the personal responsibility of officials for compliance with regulations; monitoring the quality and availability of services to entrepreneurs; imposition of sanctions for the lack of regulations and violations of service quality standards; reducing the number of grounds for refusing to provide services. The author notes the expert support for the requirement to personify the responsibility of officials for compliance with regulations as the main subjective factor and the basis for the effectiveness of government services. As the main barriers to the quality provision of the services under consideration, representatives of expert groups on the part of business and government name the classic signs of the corruption-generating nature of regulations: inconsistency and discrepancy between norms and the presence of gaps in legislation.
本文以区域办事处为例,审查了目前执行州和市政服务的有效性的特点和因素。在联邦和市两级,在当局对商业实体的协助方面表现出统一的模式。作者强调,降低国家和市政服务效率的因素之一是腐败行为。本文介绍了一项区域专家分析研究的结果,其中企业和政府代表(萨拉托夫,伏尔加格勒,乌里扬诺夫斯克)担任专家。研究目标是识别和分析国家和市政当局的工作,以及向企业家提供服务的障碍,包括通过腐败风险的棱镜。专家们- -一方面是政府机构的代表,另一方面是企业家的代表- -对这项工作的观点和评价进行了比较。提高国家和市政当局服务效率的因素进行了分析和排名:优化提供服务所需的文件;强化官员依法守法的个人责任;监测向企业家提供的服务的质量和提供情况;对缺乏规章制度和违反服务质量标准的行为实施制裁;减少拒绝提供服务的理由。发件人指出,专家支持将官员遵守条例的责任人格化的要求,认为这是政府服务效率的主要主观因素和基础。企业和政府方面的专家组代表指出,作为提供所审议的高质量服务的主要障碍,条例产生腐败的典型迹象是:规范之间的不一致和不一致以及立法中存在差距。
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引用次数: 0
THE WESTERN BALKANS IN THE LINE OF ATLANTICISM POLICY 西巴尔干奉行大西洋主义政策
V. Pushkareva
The policy of the "Collective West" with respect to the Western Balkans is determined by the geostrategic significance of the region in world politics. The ability to control this territory gives the powers significant political, economic, and military advantages. The EU and NATO have become centres of attraction for the Western Balkan countries since the beginning of the 90s of the twentieth century, offering them prospects for modernization and democratization, promising to finance reforms, create investment opportunities and grant full membership in the "club of the rich". In reality, the democratic prospect has not improved the situation in the region, it has not ceased the hostility of peoples, and it has not built a stable economy. The aspiration of the Euro-Atlanticists to consolidate the results of the victory in the Cold War, to prevent Russia's revenge and China’s strengthening has led to the expansion of the military and political presence, and it contributes to the escalation of tension now. The lack of unity between the EU and the USA on the future of Kosovo, Republika Srpska as part of Bosnia and Herzegovina is fraught with a new revision of borders in the Balkans.
“集体西方”对西巴尔干地区的政策是由该地区在世界政治中的地缘战略意义决定的。控制这片领土的能力给列强带来了重大的政治、经济和军事优势。自20世纪90年代初以来,欧盟和北约已成为吸引西巴尔干国家的中心,为它们提供了现代化和民主化的前景,承诺为改革提供资金,创造投资机会,并给予“富人俱乐部”的正式成员资格。实际上,民主前景并没有改善该地区的局势,没有停止各国人民的敌意,也没有建立稳定的经济。欧洲-大西洋主义者希望巩固冷战胜利的成果,防止俄罗斯的报复和中国的加强,这导致了军事和政治存在的扩大,并导致了目前紧张局势的升级。欧盟和美国在科索沃的未来问题上缺乏统一,作为波斯尼亚和黑塞哥维那一部分的斯普斯卡共和国充满了巴尔干地区边界的新修订。
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引用次数: 0
INSTITUTIONAL STRUCTURE OF RUSSIAN-KYRGYZ HUMANITARIAN COOPERATION 俄罗斯-吉尔吉斯斯坦人道主义合作的制度结构
K. Muratshina, N.V. Mamin
This paper discusses the institutional structure of humanitarian cooperation between the Russian Federation and the Kyrgyz Republic. Humanitarian cooperation involves the following areas of bilateral relations: education, science, culture, sport, tourism, youth policy, and media. The authors display and discuss the institutions, which put in practice the Russian-Kyrgyz interaction, their scope and symmetry. The study involved such sources of information, as bilateral diplomatic documents, reports of state and non-state organisations, field research, and media news archives. In the paper, the authors consequently study state and non-state institutions of cooperation. The paper concludes that the institutional structure of cooperation between Russia and Kyrgyzstan, including both state and non-state organisations, covers all humanitarian areas. The most diverse is the structure of the bilateral contacts in education and culture. Institutions of different nature interact in the process of cooperation. Meanwhile, the structure of cooperation is asymmetrical, as the number of Russian institutions (both state and non-state) is larger, and their contribution is larger, too. However, the Kyrgyz side, even possessing less resources, is evidently interested in cooperation. The vast humanitarian potential of the diasporas is a specific factor of the relationship. The multiple organisations of Russians in Kyrgyzstan are a significant resource for cooperation, and require more financial and organisational support from Russia. There are many Kyrgyz communities in Russia, too, and they also participate in cultural activities, so this institution can be further involved in bilateral cooperation. People-to-people exchanges between non-state institutions can be successful and should be further developed. Generally, Russia needs to maintain and enhance its humanitarian activities in Kyrgyzstan, raise the intensity of the institutional contacts, and develop successful partnerships, while the risk of the increasing impact of other leading powers in Kyrgyzstan can destabilize the Kyrgyz society and the long-term Russian-Kyrgyz partnership.
本文探讨了俄罗斯联邦与吉尔吉斯共和国之间人道主义合作的体制结构。人文合作涉及教育、科学、文化、体育、旅游、青年政策、媒体等领域。作者展示并讨论了实现俄罗斯-吉尔吉斯互动的制度,它们的范围和对称性。这项研究涉及的信息来源包括双边外交文件、国家和非政府组织的报告、实地调查和媒体新闻档案。因此,在本文中,作者研究了国家和非国家合作机构。本文的结论是,俄罗斯和吉尔吉斯斯坦之间的合作制度结构,包括国家和非国家组织,涵盖了所有人道主义领域。最多样化的是两国在教育和文化方面的交流结构。不同性质的机构在合作过程中相互作用。与此同时,合作结构是不对称的,因为俄罗斯机构(包括国家和非国家机构)的数量更多,它们的贡献也更大。然而,资源更少的吉尔吉斯方面显然对合作感兴趣。侨民巨大的人道主义潜力是这种关系的一个具体因素。吉尔吉斯斯坦境内俄罗斯人的多个组织是合作的重要资源,需要俄罗斯提供更多的财政和组织支持。在俄罗斯也有许多吉尔吉斯族社区,他们也参加文化活动,因此该机构可以进一步参与双边合作。非国家机构之间的人文交流是可以成功的,应该进一步发展。总的来说,俄罗斯需要维持和加强其在吉尔吉斯斯坦的人道主义活动,提高机构接触的强度,并发展成功的伙伴关系,而其他主要大国在吉尔吉斯斯坦的影响越来越大的风险可能会破坏吉尔吉斯斯坦社会和俄罗斯与吉尔吉斯斯坦的长期伙伴关系。
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引用次数: 2
INSTITUTIONS OF PROFESSIONAL ASSISTANCE TO FAMILIES WITH CHILDREN IN THE ESTIMATES OF THE VOLOGDA OBLAST POPULATION 专业机构协助有子女的家庭在沃洛格达州估计人口
A. Korolenko
The purpose of this article is the analysis of the attitude of the Vologda Oblast population with children toward the institutions of professional assistance to families with children, namely, to the services of psychologists and nannies. The information base was the results of the next stage of the sociological monitoring of the reproductive potential of the population of the Vologda Oblast, conducted by the Vologda Research Center of the Russian Academy of Sciences in 2021. The study found that despite the low prevalence of practices of applying for professional services of family psychologists and nannies among the population of the Vologda Oblast, the estimates of the assistance provided were quite high, which indicates the effectiveness of this kind of assistance for families with children. More than a quarter of respondents (27 %) expressed their willingness to seek the help of a psychologist, and almost every fifth respondent (19 %) expressed their willingness to seek the services of a professional nanny. The main reasons for refusing professional help are the unwillingness to take problems out of the family and the attitude to solve them independently. There are noticeable differences in the experience of applying for professional help from psychologists and nannies, in their assessments, readiness to receive such services and the reasons for refusing them, depending on the gender, age, marital status of respondents, their satisfaction with marriage, the number of children in their families, including the presence of minor children.
本文的目的是分析沃洛格达州有子女人口对有子女家庭专业援助机构的态度,即对心理学家和保姆的服务的态度。该信息库是俄罗斯科学院沃洛格达研究中心于2021年对沃洛格达州人口生殖潜力进行下一阶段社会学监测的结果。研究发现,尽管在沃洛格达州的人口中,申请家庭心理学家和保姆的专业服务的做法并不普遍,但所提供援助的估计数却相当高,这表明这种援助对有子女的家庭是有效的。超过四分之一(27%)的受访者表示愿意寻求心理学家的帮助,几乎五分之一(19%)的受访者表示愿意寻求专业保姆的服务。拒绝专业帮助的主要原因是不愿意把问题带出家庭和独立解决问题的态度。根据受访者的性别、年龄、婚姻状况、对婚姻的满意程度、家庭子女数目(包括是否有未成年子女),他们在向心理学家和保姆申请专业帮助的经历、他们的评估、接受这种服务的意愿和拒绝这些服务的原因等方面存在明显差异。
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引用次数: 1
ON THE ISSUE OF CYBER FRAUD 关于网络诈骗的问题
N. Krasovskaya, A. Gulyaev
Cyber fraud is a relatively new phenomenon, which is an active action in the Internet in order to obtain benefits through the manipulation of human consciousness. Cyber fraud has appeared and is developing in the Internet space. The modern information age, with the advent of the pandemic in the world, has caused the spread of cyber fraud and manipulation of people's minds on an unprecedented scale. In the Internet space, cyber fraud is associated not only with the theft and use of personal data of a person for committing economic crimes, but is also used in other areas - politics, advertising.
网络诈骗是一种相对较新的现象,是在互联网上通过操纵人的意识来获取利益的一种主动行为。网络诈骗在互联网领域已经出现并不断发展。现代信息时代,随着新冠肺炎疫情在全球范围内的到来,网络诈骗和思想操纵的蔓延达到了前所未有的规模。在互联网领域,网络欺诈不仅与盗窃和利用个人数据进行经济犯罪有关,而且还用于政治、广告等其他领域。
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引用次数: 0
POLITICS OF INDIGENISM IN MODERN LATIN AMERICA 现代拉丁美洲的本土主义政治
G.A. Danilova, A.A. Demyannik
The article deals with the politics of indigenism in modern Latin America. Based on the socio-constructivist approach, the changes that took place during the XX-XXI centuries in the public policy of a number of countries in the region in relation to the indigenous population are analyzed, the positions of intellectuals and elites in the formation of the agenda and various options for the policy of indigenism in the context of the colonial European heritage and political events of the XX century are evaluated. Indigenism in this work is considered as a specific public policy towards the indigenous population and a strategy of nation-building in Latin American countries. Special attention is paid to the countries in which a significant part of the population is made up of Indians - Mexico, Peru and Bolivia. These countries have been united by a common history for centuries: the pre-Hispanic civilizations of America - the Maya, Aztecs, Incas, who inhabited their territories, were distinguished by a high level of development of science and culture. However, for a long time, both in colonial times and after independence, indigenous ethnic groups seemed incapable of independent development, they were purposefully destroyed or assimilated. For integrated Mestizo Indians in some Latin American countries, special terms have been adopted aimed at erasing their Indian origin. European liberalism also contributed to the downgrading of the status of Indians and Indian land, which was constantly under attack. Despite the visible positive changes that took place by the end of the XX century in Latin American legislation concerning Indians, they are still forced to fight for their territory, cultural identity, are in a disenfranchised and distressed situation. The article identifies a number of factors (ideological commitment, the nature of the political regime, etc.) that have had one way or another influence on the change in the rhetoric of Latin American elites in setting the indigenist agenda in different time periods. Conclusions are drawn about the variability of the policy of indigenism in these countries at the present stage, depending on a combination of a number of factors.
这篇文章论述了现代拉丁美洲的本土主义政治。基于社会建构主义方法,分析了该地区一些国家在20 - 21世纪与土著人口相关的公共政策中发生的变化,评估了知识分子和精英在议程形成中的地位,以及在殖民欧洲遗产和20世纪政治事件背景下的土著主义政策的各种选择。在这项工作中,土著主义被认为是拉丁美洲国家针对土著人口的一项具体公共政策和国家建设战略。特别注意人口中有很大一部分是印第安人的国家- -墨西哥、秘鲁和玻利维亚。几个世纪以来,这些国家因共同的历史而团结在一起:美洲的前西班牙文明-玛雅,阿兹特克人,印加人,居住在他们的领土上,以科学和文化的高度发展而闻名。然而,在很长一段时间内,无论是在殖民时期还是在独立后,土著民族似乎都无法独立发展,他们被蓄意破坏或同化。对于一些拉丁美洲国家的混血儿印第安人来说,已经采用了一些特殊的术语,旨在抹去他们的印第安血统。欧洲的自由主义也促成了印第安人和印第安土地地位的降低,这种地位不断受到攻击。尽管到二十世纪末,拉丁美洲关于印第安人的立法发生了明显的积极变化,但他们仍然被迫为自己的领土、文化认同而战,处于被剥夺公民权和痛苦的境地。这篇文章指出了一些因素(意识形态承诺、政治制度的性质等),这些因素或多或少地影响了拉丁美洲精英在不同时期制定土著主义议程时的言论变化。在目前阶段,这些国家的土著主义政策的变化取决于若干因素的综合,因此得出结论。
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Вестник Удмуртского университета. Социология. Политология. Международные отношения
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