Pub Date : 2021-12-13DOI: 10.35634/2587-9030-2021-5-4-409-416
A. Merenkov
The pandemic, which lasts for two years, has significantly changed all aspects of people's social life due to restrictions on the usual forms of behavior of people in everyday life, public places, and at work. A person is put in a situation of choice: either continue to interact with relatives, friends, colleagues at work on the basis of stereotypes of behavior, but in a pandemic that poses a threat of unintentional infection with coronavirus, or strictly observe the rules of partial or complete isolation. The practice of organizing the behavior prescribed by the sanitary service of large groups of people has shown that a significant part of the population resists the requirements to wear personal protective equipment, to vaccinate with promptly created vaccines against coronavirus. Authorities are forced to impose increasingly stringent measures on violators of doctors' instructions. In the article, the clash of individual and public interests in a pandemic situation is analyzed from the point of view of a theory that reveals the essence and content of a culture of selfishness. It is a system created by people throughout the history of social development to increase the natural selfishness given to all living organisms, including humans. Some social groups, through cunning, lying, psychological and physical coercion, provide personal benefits, while others use these behaviors to preserve themselves, their families. The negative attitude of people to regulations that destroy traditional social ties, compulsory vaccination is considered as a manifestation of individual and group selfishness, formed on the basis of affirming the priority of personal freedom, their own ideas about how to protect the body from various diseases. In the actions of the part of the medical community that is trying not by the method of explanation, persuasion to develop a vaccination kit in people, but to force with the help of severe restrictions to force it, corporate selfishness is being implemented. Those who are guided by it attribute their possession of true knowledge to themselves, rejecting other options for combating the pandemic. The article states that acting on the basis of values and norms of a culture of cooperation, it is possible to achieve the desired success in suppressing coronavirus infection. The conditions for the transition of social subjects from the implementation of the rules of a culture of egoism to the adoption of values and norms of a culture of cooperation are revealed.
{"title":"A CULTURE OF SELFISHNESS AS A FACTOR IN THE CONTINUATION OF THE PANDEMIC","authors":"A. Merenkov","doi":"10.35634/2587-9030-2021-5-4-409-416","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.35634/2587-9030-2021-5-4-409-416","url":null,"abstract":"The pandemic, which lasts for two years, has significantly changed all aspects of people's social life due to restrictions on the usual forms of behavior of people in everyday life, public places, and at work. A person is put in a situation of choice: either continue to interact with relatives, friends, colleagues at work on the basis of stereotypes of behavior, but in a pandemic that poses a threat of unintentional infection with coronavirus, or strictly observe the rules of partial or complete isolation. The practice of organizing the behavior prescribed by the sanitary service of large groups of people has shown that a significant part of the population resists the requirements to wear personal protective equipment, to vaccinate with promptly created vaccines against coronavirus. Authorities are forced to impose increasingly stringent measures on violators of doctors' instructions. In the article, the clash of individual and public interests in a pandemic situation is analyzed from the point of view of a theory that reveals the essence and content of a culture of selfishness. It is a system created by people throughout the history of social development to increase the natural selfishness given to all living organisms, including humans. Some social groups, through cunning, lying, psychological and physical coercion, provide personal benefits, while others use these behaviors to preserve themselves, their families. The negative attitude of people to regulations that destroy traditional social ties, compulsory vaccination is considered as a manifestation of individual and group selfishness, formed on the basis of affirming the priority of personal freedom, their own ideas about how to protect the body from various diseases. In the actions of the part of the medical community that is trying not by the method of explanation, persuasion to develop a vaccination kit in people, but to force with the help of severe restrictions to force it, corporate selfishness is being implemented. Those who are guided by it attribute their possession of true knowledge to themselves, rejecting other options for combating the pandemic. The article states that acting on the basis of values and norms of a culture of cooperation, it is possible to achieve the desired success in suppressing coronavirus infection. The conditions for the transition of social subjects from the implementation of the rules of a culture of egoism to the adoption of values and norms of a culture of cooperation are revealed.","PeriodicalId":263017,"journal":{"name":"Вестник Удмуртского университета. Социология. Политология. Международные отношения","volume":"9 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-12-13","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"116910491","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-12-13DOI: 10.35634/https://doi.org/10.35634/2587-9030-2021-5-4-469-480
S. Denisov
In 1993 Russia announced the westernization of its political system. Its main institutions were enshrined in the Constitution of the Russian Federation (democracy, republic, separation of powers, rule of law). However, the researchers note that the reform failed. Russia only simulates the transition to Western standards of life. The author of the study sets himself the task of identifying the reasons for failure in the nature of the country's political culture. Applying a dialectical and materialistic approach to the problem, the author reveals the influence of the economic system of the country, the social structure of society, imitative changes in the political system, socialization, and traditions of society on the nature of the political culture of Russia. Based on his previous research, the author introduces a number of new explanatory theories. In his opinion, the movement towards the Western model is slowed down by the administrative class which does not want to lose its dominant position. It is not ready to move to a competitive political system, in which it loses its power and turns into a bureaucracy dependent on public politicians representing society. The service intelligentsia is engaged in spreading the public consciousness that is beneficial to the administrative class. Together, they support the type of consciousness of the population that is beneficial to them. Western political ideology is spread in society by the civil intelligentsia, but its significance is not great. The majority of the population agrees with the rule of the administrative class and votes in support of it. Therefore, there is no competitive political system in Russia. The mass consciousness of Russians remains irrational, which allows them to control it with the help of symbolic actions. It retains such archaic features as herd status and infantilism. An infantile person needs a master who decides for him in which direction society will develop, organizes this development, takes care of the population. People express dissatisfaction with this master, but accept his power and obey him. The degree of westernization of Russia's political culture is still very insignificant. The author defines it as 3 points out of 10. The political culture of Russia will be westernized as competitive capitalist relations develop in the country. Competition rules based on the law will gradually be introduced into the political life of the country.
{"title":"PROBLEMS OF WESTERNIZATION OF THE CONTEMPORARY RUSSIAN POLITICAL CULTURE","authors":"S. Denisov","doi":"10.35634/https://doi.org/10.35634/2587-9030-2021-5-4-469-480","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.35634/https://doi.org/10.35634/2587-9030-2021-5-4-469-480","url":null,"abstract":"In 1993 Russia announced the westernization of its political system. Its main institutions were enshrined in the Constitution of the Russian Federation (democracy, republic, separation of powers, rule of law). However, the researchers note that the reform failed. Russia only simulates the transition to Western standards of life. The author of the study sets himself the task of identifying the reasons for failure in the nature of the country's political culture. Applying a dialectical and materialistic approach to the problem, the author reveals the influence of the economic system of the country, the social structure of society, imitative changes in the political system, socialization, and traditions of society on the nature of the political culture of Russia. Based on his previous research, the author introduces a number of new explanatory theories. In his opinion, the movement towards the Western model is slowed down by the administrative class which does not want to lose its dominant position. It is not ready to move to a competitive political system, in which it loses its power and turns into a bureaucracy dependent on public politicians representing society. The service intelligentsia is engaged in spreading the public consciousness that is beneficial to the administrative class. Together, they support the type of consciousness of the population that is beneficial to them. Western political ideology is spread in society by the civil intelligentsia, but its significance is not great. The majority of the population agrees with the rule of the administrative class and votes in support of it. Therefore, there is no competitive political system in Russia. The mass consciousness of Russians remains irrational, which allows them to control it with the help of symbolic actions. It retains such archaic features as herd status and infantilism. An infantile person needs a master who decides for him in which direction society will develop, organizes this development, takes care of the population. People express dissatisfaction with this master, but accept his power and obey him. The degree of westernization of Russia's political culture is still very insignificant. The author defines it as 3 points out of 10. The political culture of Russia will be westernized as competitive capitalist relations develop in the country. Competition rules based on the law will gradually be introduced into the political life of the country.","PeriodicalId":263017,"journal":{"name":"Вестник Удмуртского университета. Социология. Политология. Международные отношения","volume":"67 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-12-13","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"127124911","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-12-13DOI: 10.35634/2587-9030-2021-5-4-460-468
A. Tymoshchuk
The intellectual challenges of modern political relations of the socio-technical structure are caused by a number of the most diverse factors: 1) the collapse of classical epistemology, based on the principles of linear causation, cognizability; 2) the speed of socio-technical changes and agile nature of environment; 3) the postcolonial nature of communication and advancement of knowledge; 4) the fragility of social order. The very awareness of the environment in which we find ourselves is already a problem and has given rise to many concepts such as synergy, nonstationarity, VUCA, new normality, Janus-likeness. The relevance of the topic is associated with the dialectics of the complexity of the development of civilization, threats to sustainable development. The complexity, multifactorial nature, and instability of the global socio-technical reality do not contribute to adaptation to a special state of the environment, which cannot be unambiguously defined as order (space) or chaos. The article suggests that we must plan for the sustainable development of mankind and move on to the policy of new pragmatism. Thus, in the conditions of the new normality, a new paraconsistent political thinking is required in Russian-Ukrainian relations. All parties to the conflict lack reflexivity, and on the ideological plane, they are fighting a fictitious image of the enemy. Old ideologemes such as “Russian aggression” or “Bandera’s” are not productive in describing the Other. We need a new pragmatism based on territorial proximity, economics and logistics. The author proceeds from the deontic modality, believing that Russia and Ukraine do not sufficiently use the resource of reflexivity in a complex political game. Non-classical society and the complexity of processes and social systems do not allow successfully implementing a linear management model for complex political and economic processes. The reflexive approach allows one to adequately study the metastable states of the counterparty, relying on the context of its values. Ukraine, like any frontier culture, is an amalgam that arose at the junction of the Polish, Russian, Lithuanian, Turkish, and Jewish worlds. The correct construction of a supra-ethnic multilingual nation is the secret of Ukraine's success. This solution is very modern, since the global trend is pluralism and multipolarity.
{"title":"RUSSIA AND UKRAINE: CURRENT PROBLEMS OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS IN THE CONDITIONS OF THE NEW NORMALITY","authors":"A. Tymoshchuk","doi":"10.35634/2587-9030-2021-5-4-460-468","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.35634/2587-9030-2021-5-4-460-468","url":null,"abstract":"The intellectual challenges of modern political relations of the socio-technical structure are caused by a number of the most diverse factors: 1) the collapse of classical epistemology, based on the principles of linear causation, cognizability; 2) the speed of socio-technical changes and agile nature of environment; 3) the postcolonial nature of communication and advancement of knowledge; 4) the fragility of social order. The very awareness of the environment in which we find ourselves is already a problem and has given rise to many concepts such as synergy, nonstationarity, VUCA, new normality, Janus-likeness. The relevance of the topic is associated with the dialectics of the complexity of the development of civilization, threats to sustainable development. The complexity, multifactorial nature, and instability of the global socio-technical reality do not contribute to adaptation to a special state of the environment, which cannot be unambiguously defined as order (space) or chaos. The article suggests that we must plan for the sustainable development of mankind and move on to the policy of new pragmatism. Thus, in the conditions of the new normality, a new paraconsistent political thinking is required in Russian-Ukrainian relations. All parties to the conflict lack reflexivity, and on the ideological plane, they are fighting a fictitious image of the enemy. Old ideologemes such as “Russian aggression” or “Bandera’s” are not productive in describing the Other. We need a new pragmatism based on territorial proximity, economics and logistics. The author proceeds from the deontic modality, believing that Russia and Ukraine do not sufficiently use the resource of reflexivity in a complex political game. Non-classical society and the complexity of processes and social systems do not allow successfully implementing a linear management model for complex political and economic processes. The reflexive approach allows one to adequately study the metastable states of the counterparty, relying on the context of its values. Ukraine, like any frontier culture, is an amalgam that arose at the junction of the Polish, Russian, Lithuanian, Turkish, and Jewish worlds. The correct construction of a supra-ethnic multilingual nation is the secret of Ukraine's success. This solution is very modern, since the global trend is pluralism and multipolarity.","PeriodicalId":263017,"journal":{"name":"Вестник Удмуртского университета. Социология. Политология. Международные отношения","volume":"87 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-12-13","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"116432520","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-12-13DOI: 10.35634/2587-9030-2021-5-4-417-426
V. Kostenko
The article examines the impact of the globalization process on modern Russia as a state and society. On the basis of the works of the classics of sociology, the concept of the globalization process is defined. The origins of globalization, its historical prerequisites, the development of globalization in the world are studied in detail. Using causal analysis, the underlying causes of the globalization process in today's environment are identified. The positive and negative aspects of globalization have been explored. The features of the globalization process in the current conditions have been identified. Based on the analysis, the US leadership role in the spread of globalization is concluded. The role of Russia as an object of globalization, the attitude of Western, primarily American adherents of globalization, is shown. The impact of the globalization process on modern Russian youth and economic, social, moral and other aspects of its existence is analyzed. The impact of globalization on the participation of young people in protest actions of youth public organizations is shown. The conclusion is made about the negative impact of globalization processes on modern Russian youth.
{"title":"THE IMPACT OF GLOBALIZATION ON THE PROTEST ACTIVITIES OF YOUTH PUBLIC ORGANIZATIONS IN RUSSIA","authors":"V. Kostenko","doi":"10.35634/2587-9030-2021-5-4-417-426","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.35634/2587-9030-2021-5-4-417-426","url":null,"abstract":"The article examines the impact of the globalization process on modern Russia as a state and society. On the basis of the works of the classics of sociology, the concept of the globalization process is defined. The origins of globalization, its historical prerequisites, the development of globalization in the world are studied in detail. Using causal analysis, the underlying causes of the globalization process in today's environment are identified. The positive and negative aspects of globalization have been explored. The features of the globalization process in the current conditions have been identified. Based on the analysis, the US leadership role in the spread of globalization is concluded. The role of Russia as an object of globalization, the attitude of Western, primarily American adherents of globalization, is shown. The impact of the globalization process on modern Russian youth and economic, social, moral and other aspects of its existence is analyzed. The impact of globalization on the participation of young people in protest actions of youth public organizations is shown. The conclusion is made about the negative impact of globalization processes on modern Russian youth.","PeriodicalId":263017,"journal":{"name":"Вестник Удмуртского университета. Социология. Политология. Международные отношения","volume":"37 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-12-13","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"121596956","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-12-13DOI: 10.35634/2587-9030-2021-5-4-517-525
N. Ladyzhets, V. R. Zolotykh
{"title":"DIGEST OF THE V INTERNATIONAL SCIENTIFIC ON-LINE CONFERENCE \"RUSSIA AND THE WEST: TOPICAL ISSUES OF SOCIOLOGY, POLITICAL SCIENCE AND INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS IN THE ERA OF GLOBALIZATION\", October 7-8, 2021, Izhevsk, Udmurt State University","authors":"N. Ladyzhets, V. R. Zolotykh","doi":"10.35634/2587-9030-2021-5-4-517-525","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.35634/2587-9030-2021-5-4-517-525","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":263017,"journal":{"name":"Вестник Удмуртского университета. Социология. Политология. Международные отношения","volume":"322 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-12-13","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"116000857","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-09-19DOI: 10.35634/2587-9030-2021-5-3-357-366
M. Kirchanov
The author analyzes the images of the Ukrainian and Macedonian languages in the political cultures of Internet users in Russia and Bulgaria. The non-academic concepts of the history and status of the Macedonian and Ukrainian languages are analyzed, and the dependence of such theories on the political and ideological situation is shown. It is assumed that the analyzed interpretations of the Ukrainian and Macedonian languages historically go back to the Russian and Bulgarian nationalisms, which deny the existence of separate Macedonian and Bulgarian languages, which automatically leads to non-recognition of the political legitimacy of countries where these languages are state ones. The author believes that the analyzed levels of political culture of Internet users, on the one hand, contradict the main provisions of academic science. On the other hand, it is assumed that the activity of supporters of the analyzed versions of the Ukrainian and Macedonian languages perception is predominantly virtual, assisting to the formation of the image of the enemy in political cultures. The author believes that the analyzed moods are extremely stable and adaptive, forming symbolically significant dimensions of the Russian and Bulgarian nationalist imaginations in promotion both the concepts of identity and the formation of the images of the Other.
{"title":"“CULTURE OF UNKNOWLEDGE” AS A FORM OF HISTORICAL IMAGINATION AND POLITICAL CULTURE OF RUSSIAN AND BULGARIAN NATIONALISMS","authors":"M. Kirchanov","doi":"10.35634/2587-9030-2021-5-3-357-366","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.35634/2587-9030-2021-5-3-357-366","url":null,"abstract":"The author analyzes the images of the Ukrainian and Macedonian languages in the political cultures of Internet users in Russia and Bulgaria. The non-academic concepts of the history and status of the Macedonian and Ukrainian languages are analyzed, and the dependence of such theories on the political and ideological situation is shown. It is assumed that the analyzed interpretations of the Ukrainian and Macedonian languages historically go back to the Russian and Bulgarian nationalisms, which deny the existence of separate Macedonian and Bulgarian languages, which automatically leads to non-recognition of the political legitimacy of countries where these languages are state ones. The author believes that the analyzed levels of political culture of Internet users, on the one hand, contradict the main provisions of academic science. On the other hand, it is assumed that the activity of supporters of the analyzed versions of the Ukrainian and Macedonian languages perception is predominantly virtual, assisting to the formation of the image of the enemy in political cultures. The author believes that the analyzed moods are extremely stable and adaptive, forming symbolically significant dimensions of the Russian and Bulgarian nationalist imaginations in promotion both the concepts of identity and the formation of the images of the Other.","PeriodicalId":263017,"journal":{"name":"Вестник Удмуртского университета. Социология. Политология. Международные отношения","volume":"1 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-09-19","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"129441391","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-09-19DOI: 10.35634/2587-9030-2021-5-3-335-350
I. M. Nokhrin
There are two tendencies in populism studies that this paper addresses. The first can be defined as empirical Western-centrism manifested as the dominance of the European and American agenda in mainstream works on populism. Although, some researchers emphasize the global significance of the phenomenon, the proportion of studies related to the populist parties, movements, and leaders in the rest of the world is significantly inferior to the number of works on the Western agenda. The second trend is the tradition to approach populism, mainly, as a manifestation of some kind of crisis of democratic ‘normality’ in the context of electoral processes and party competition in liberal democratic political systems. If so, does it mean that populism is an indistinctive phenomenon beyond democratic party systems or the Western world? Moreover, what should be done with cases discovered in the non-democratic or non-liberal context, do they have the potential to develop the theory of populism. Therefore, my intention in this paper is to broaden the understanding of populism with the case of the revolution in Kyrgyzstan of October 2020 and the new Kyrgyz president Sadyr Japarov elected in January 2021. I believe that populism can be found beyond the Western left-right ideological opposition as well as to draw its strength and distinct symbolic content from alternative sources. Therefore, I am going to argue within the framework of Laclauian that Japarov’s political logic is essentially populist, although the Kyrgyz political system cannot be described as liberal or democratic. Moreover, I am convinced that the Kyrgyz case can contribute to the development of populism studies, while the theory of populism can suggest the further development of the situation in Kyrgyzstan.
{"title":"REVOLUTION IN KYRGYZSTAN OF 2020 AND THE SADYR JAPAROV’s POPULIST PROJECT","authors":"I. M. Nokhrin","doi":"10.35634/2587-9030-2021-5-3-335-350","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.35634/2587-9030-2021-5-3-335-350","url":null,"abstract":"There are two tendencies in populism studies that this paper addresses. The first can be defined as empirical Western-centrism manifested as the dominance of the European and American agenda in mainstream works on populism. Although, some researchers emphasize the global significance of the phenomenon, the proportion of studies related to the populist parties, movements, and leaders in the rest of the world is significantly inferior to the number of works on the Western agenda. The second trend is the tradition to approach populism, mainly, as a manifestation of some kind of crisis of democratic ‘normality’ in the context of electoral processes and party competition in liberal democratic political systems. If so, does it mean that populism is an indistinctive phenomenon beyond democratic party systems or the Western world? Moreover, what should be done with cases discovered in the non-democratic or non-liberal context, do they have the potential to develop the theory of populism. Therefore, my intention in this paper is to broaden the understanding of populism with the case of the revolution in Kyrgyzstan of October 2020 and the new Kyrgyz president Sadyr Japarov elected in January 2021. I believe that populism can be found beyond the Western left-right ideological opposition as well as to draw its strength and distinct symbolic content from alternative sources. Therefore, I am going to argue within the framework of Laclauian that Japarov’s political logic is essentially populist, although the Kyrgyz political system cannot be described as liberal or democratic. Moreover, I am convinced that the Kyrgyz case can contribute to the development of populism studies, while the theory of populism can suggest the further development of the situation in Kyrgyzstan.","PeriodicalId":263017,"journal":{"name":"Вестник Удмуртского университета. Социология. Политология. Международные отношения","volume":"7 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-09-19","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"125073001","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-09-19DOI: 10.35634/2587-9030-2021-5-3-374-380
A. I. Loiko
The article describes the dynamics of the evolution of political thinking in international relations from binary oppositions to lateral thinking. This evolution is motivated by the new social reality of regional ecosystems that form the basis of globalization processes. Marlene Laruelle and Kazushige Kobayashi initiated an intellectual discussion on the specifics and prospects of transforming the thinking of political and economic elites at the beginning of the 21st century. The article shows that a new platform for the dialogue of non-like-minded people can play a constructive role in the implementation of the glocalization of ecosystems with the possibility of preserving the historically functioning international division of labor. In such a situation, relations between politics and economics are being transformed. The commercial priorities of transactions and the development of transnational digital platforms integrated into the space of the national regulator come to the fore. Groups of economic trans-regional interests can become the fundamental basis for the annihilation of the conflicting intentions of binary political thinking.
{"title":"NEW FORMAT OF DIALOGUE PLATFORMS BASED ON TRANSLATERAL THINKING","authors":"A. I. Loiko","doi":"10.35634/2587-9030-2021-5-3-374-380","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.35634/2587-9030-2021-5-3-374-380","url":null,"abstract":"The article describes the dynamics of the evolution of political thinking in international relations from binary oppositions to lateral thinking. This evolution is motivated by the new social reality of regional ecosystems that form the basis of globalization processes. Marlene Laruelle and Kazushige Kobayashi initiated an intellectual discussion on the specifics and prospects of transforming the thinking of political and economic elites at the beginning of the 21st century. The article shows that a new platform for the dialogue of non-like-minded people can play a constructive role in the implementation of the glocalization of ecosystems with the possibility of preserving the historically functioning international division of labor. In such a situation, relations between politics and economics are being transformed. The commercial priorities of transactions and the development of transnational digital platforms integrated into the space of the national regulator come to the fore. Groups of economic trans-regional interests can become the fundamental basis for the annihilation of the conflicting intentions of binary political thinking.","PeriodicalId":263017,"journal":{"name":"Вестник Удмуртского университета. Социология. Политология. Международные отношения","volume":"44 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-09-19","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"115015053","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-09-19DOI: 10.35634/2587-9030-2021-5-3-322-334
N. Borisova, E. Minaeva, P. Panov, K. Sulimov
Ethnic parties are conventionally considered as the main form of politicization of ethnicity, but in those countries where they are absent, the social and political activity of ethnic minorities is manifested in the form of non-governmental organizations - “ethnic NPOs”. In contemporary Russia, both the main areas of activity of ethnic NPOs and the normative and institutional infrastructure of their interaction with the authorities are strongly unified by the framework of the state ethnic policy. However, an in-depth study of several cases (the sample from municipal units of Ulyanovsk and Penza regions) allows us to conclude that the most important interactions on issues, which are significant for both NPOs and the authorities, are most often carried out outside the framework of the normative and institutional infrastructure, through other channels. As a result, actual interactions vary considerably. An important factor is the resource potential of the ethnic NPO, the share of an ethnic minority in the population, as well as the presence of a strong leader. In some cases, the format of localization of an ethnic group is of key importance: if a minority lives apart from others, the resource weakness of an NPO is compensated by the concentration of resources, and sometimes by the practice of combining statuses, when the leader of an ethnic NPO occupies an important political and administrative position at the local level. In other cases, human resources come to the fore. In general, it can be argued that ethnic NPOs to some extent compensate for the absence of ethnic parties. They do not demonstrate their own political ambitions, but they are able to promote the interests of ethnic minorities using the available channels and mechanisms of political representation.
{"title":"ETHNIC NPOs AS AN ORGANIZATIONAL FORM OF SOCIAL AND POLITICAL ACTIVITY OF MINORITIES IN CONTEMPORARY RUSSIA","authors":"N. Borisova, E. Minaeva, P. Panov, K. Sulimov","doi":"10.35634/2587-9030-2021-5-3-322-334","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.35634/2587-9030-2021-5-3-322-334","url":null,"abstract":"Ethnic parties are conventionally considered as the main form of politicization of ethnicity, but in those countries where they are absent, the social and political activity of ethnic minorities is manifested in the form of non-governmental organizations - “ethnic NPOs”. In contemporary Russia, both the main areas of activity of ethnic NPOs and the normative and institutional infrastructure of their interaction with the authorities are strongly unified by the framework of the state ethnic policy. However, an in-depth study of several cases (the sample from municipal units of Ulyanovsk and Penza regions) allows us to conclude that the most important interactions on issues, which are significant for both NPOs and the authorities, are most often carried out outside the framework of the normative and institutional infrastructure, through other channels. As a result, actual interactions vary considerably. An important factor is the resource potential of the ethnic NPO, the share of an ethnic minority in the population, as well as the presence of a strong leader. In some cases, the format of localization of an ethnic group is of key importance: if a minority lives apart from others, the resource weakness of an NPO is compensated by the concentration of resources, and sometimes by the practice of combining statuses, when the leader of an ethnic NPO occupies an important political and administrative position at the local level. In other cases, human resources come to the fore. In general, it can be argued that ethnic NPOs to some extent compensate for the absence of ethnic parties. They do not demonstrate their own political ambitions, but they are able to promote the interests of ethnic minorities using the available channels and mechanisms of political representation.","PeriodicalId":263017,"journal":{"name":"Вестник Удмуртского университета. Социология. Политология. Международные отношения","volume":"14 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-09-19","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"115461792","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-06-23DOI: 10.35634/2587-9030-2021-5-2-155-163
A.Zh. Аmen, A.A. Кenzhegylova
Today, the formation of conditions for the development of the state language is one of the strategic tasks of the country's further development. And in this regard, the most important area of implementation of the language policy is the public life of the country as a whole. The new socio-political realities of Kazakhstan as a sovereign state require a language policy that meets the needs of the country's multi-ethnic population and takes into account the peculiarities of the language, demographic and political situation. President of the Republic of Kazakhstan N.A. Nazarbayev attaches great importance to the problems of language and language policy in the country. In his work "To preserve memory and strengthen harmony", he points out that "... everything must be done to ensure that the language of the titular nation, as it is sometimes said, is in demand for life - in the public service, in production, in science, and in education, as well as Russian, should become a guide to action for all of us. The desire to respect other languages without showing concern for the native language means a lack of respect for the honor and dignity of one's own people. The independence of language also means the independence of every person's thinking and is a fundamental condition of state sovereignty." The problem of the state language, which has been the subject of heated discussions for many years, still cannot find a solution. Despite the fact that the Kazakh language has the status of the state language, we still do not dare to demand its knowledge from civil servants. The Supreme power has tried several times to introduce this rule without fail, but has met with active opposition. And this problem has not yet found its solution. The language policy of the state, the current situation and prospects for the development of the Kazakh language are always in the center of public attention.
{"title":"STUDY OF THE ATTITUDE OF RESIDENTS OF THE WEST KAZAKHSTAN REGION TO THE STATE LANGUAGE AND THE PROSPECTS FOR ITS DEVELOPMENT (BASED ON THE RESULTS OF A SOCIOLOGICAL STUDY)","authors":"A.Zh. Аmen, A.A. Кenzhegylova","doi":"10.35634/2587-9030-2021-5-2-155-163","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.35634/2587-9030-2021-5-2-155-163","url":null,"abstract":"Today, the formation of conditions for the development of the state language is one of the strategic tasks of the country's further development. And in this regard, the most important area of implementation of the language policy is the public life of the country as a whole. The new socio-political realities of Kazakhstan as a sovereign state require a language policy that meets the needs of the country's multi-ethnic population and takes into account the peculiarities of the language, demographic and political situation. President of the Republic of Kazakhstan N.A. Nazarbayev attaches great importance to the problems of language and language policy in the country. In his work \"To preserve memory and strengthen harmony\", he points out that \"... everything must be done to ensure that the language of the titular nation, as it is sometimes said, is in demand for life - in the public service, in production, in science, and in education, as well as Russian, should become a guide to action for all of us. The desire to respect other languages without showing concern for the native language means a lack of respect for the honor and dignity of one's own people. The independence of language also means the independence of every person's thinking and is a fundamental condition of state sovereignty.\" The problem of the state language, which has been the subject of heated discussions for many years, still cannot find a solution. Despite the fact that the Kazakh language has the status of the state language, we still do not dare to demand its knowledge from civil servants. The Supreme power has tried several times to introduce this rule without fail, but has met with active opposition. And this problem has not yet found its solution. The language policy of the state, the current situation and prospects for the development of the Kazakh language are always in the center of public attention.","PeriodicalId":263017,"journal":{"name":"Вестник Удмуртского университета. Социология. Политология. Международные отношения","volume":"139 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-06-23","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"128076995","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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