Pub Date : 2019-02-20DOI: 10.31132/2412-5717-2019-46-1-58-98
A. Urnov
As a self-proclaimed “Global Leader” the United States have made “the assertion, advancement, support and defense of democracy” throughout the world one of the pillars of their foreign policy. This aim invariably figures in all Washington’s program documents pertaining to Africa. A major component of these efforts is an assistance to regular, free and fair elections. The selection of arguments cited to justify such activities has been done skilfully. In each specific case it is emphasized that the United States do not side with any competing party, stand “above the battle”, work for the perfection of electoral process, defend the rights of opposition and rank and file votes, render material and technical help to national electoral committees. Sounds irreproachable. However, the real situation is different. The study of the US practical activities in this field allows to conclude that Washington has one-sidedly awarded itself a role of a judge and supervisor of developments related to elections in the sovereign countries of Africa, tries to control the ways they are prepared and conducted. These activities signify an interference into the internal affairs of African states. The scale and forms of such interference differ and is subjected to tasks the USA try to resolve in this or that country on the national, regional or global levels. However, everywhere it serves as an instrument of penetration and strengthening of the US influence, enhancing the US political presence in African countries. The right of the US to perform this role is presented as indisputable. Sceptics are branded as opponents of democracy. The author explores the US positions and activities connected with elections in Africa during the last years of B.Obama and first two years of D.Trump presidencies. He shows how their policy have been implemented on the continental level and in regard to several countries – South Sudan, Libya, Democratic Republic of Congo, Burundi, Rwanda, Nigeria, Somali, Kenya, Uganda.
{"title":"The United States and Elections in Africa (2015–2018)","authors":"A. Urnov","doi":"10.31132/2412-5717-2019-46-1-58-98","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.31132/2412-5717-2019-46-1-58-98","url":null,"abstract":"As a self-proclaimed “Global Leader” the United States have made “the assertion, advancement, support and defense of democracy” throughout the world one of the pillars of their foreign policy. This aim invariably figures in all Washington’s program documents pertaining to Africa. A major component of these efforts is an assistance to regular, free and fair elections.\u0000\u0000The selection of arguments cited to justify such activities has been done skilfully. In each specific case it is emphasized that the United States do not side with any competing party, stand “above the battle”, work for the perfection of electoral process, defend the rights of opposition and rank and file votes, render material and technical help to national electoral committees. Sounds irreproachable.\u0000\u0000However, the real situation is different. The study of the US practical activities in this field allows to conclude that Washington has one-sidedly awarded itself a role of a judge and supervisor of developments related to elections in the sovereign countries of Africa, tries to control the ways they are prepared and conducted. These activities signify an interference into the internal affairs of African states. The scale and forms of such interference differ and is subjected to tasks the USA try to resolve in this or that country on the national, regional or global levels. However, everywhere it serves as an instrument of penetration and strengthening of the US influence, enhancing the US political presence in African countries.\u0000\u0000The right of the US to perform this role is presented as indisputable. Sceptics are branded as opponents of democracy.\u0000\u0000The author explores the US positions and activities connected with elections in Africa during the last years of B.Obama and first two years of D.Trump presidencies. He shows how their policy have been implemented on the continental level and in regard to several countries – South Sudan, Libya, Democratic Republic of Congo, Burundi, Rwanda, Nigeria, Somali, Kenya, Uganda.","PeriodicalId":286957,"journal":{"name":"Journal of the Institute for African Studies","volume":"17 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-02-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"129527689","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-02-20DOI: 10.31132/2412-5717-2019-46-1-129-132
E. Lvova
{"title":"Book Review R.N. Ismagilova “Ethiopia: Features of Federalism”","authors":"E. Lvova","doi":"10.31132/2412-5717-2019-46-1-129-132","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.31132/2412-5717-2019-46-1-129-132","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":286957,"journal":{"name":"Journal of the Institute for African Studies","volume":"213 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-02-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"123158737","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-02-20DOI: 10.31132/2412-5717-2019-46-1-36-49
L. Fituni
The article analyzes the problems associated with the illicit financial outflow from Africa and provides a critical analysis as well as the author’s own estimates of the amounts of funds illegally funneled from African countries to foreign jurisdictions. The paper points out significant discrepancies in quantitative estimates of the volume of illegal financial flows from different countries between the estimates UNECA, that of a number of NGOs specializing in this subject matter and the author’s own calculations based on the Direction of Trade Statistics database of the International Monetary Fund and completed according to the methodology and formulas used by The High Level Panel (HLP) on illicit financial flows of the African Union and the United Nations Economic Commission for Africa. The article systematizes and categorizes the fundamental causes, driving forces and motives that lead to the illicit outflows of capital from African countries and investigates common mechanisms and schemes of unlawful transborder transfers of funds. The publication exposes a key role of African business elites and corrupt officials in the steadily growing illegal export of capital from Africa, as well as sanctions and other restrictive measures that are taken in the world in order to prevent the widespread export of funds of illicit origin from Africa.
{"title":"Adapting a Business Elite to Global Regimes of Financial Control: Analysis of Illicit Financial Flows from Africa","authors":"L. Fituni","doi":"10.31132/2412-5717-2019-46-1-36-49","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.31132/2412-5717-2019-46-1-36-49","url":null,"abstract":"The article analyzes the problems associated with the illicit financial outflow from Africa and provides a critical analysis as well as the author’s own estimates of the amounts of funds illegally funneled from African countries to foreign jurisdictions. The paper points out significant discrepancies in quantitative estimates of the volume of illegal financial flows from different countries between the estimates UNECA, that of a number of NGOs specializing in this subject matter and the author’s own calculations based on the Direction of Trade Statistics database of the International Monetary Fund and completed according to the methodology and formulas used by The High Level Panel (HLP) on illicit financial flows of the African Union and the United Nations Economic Commission for Africa.\u0000\u0000The article systematizes and categorizes the fundamental causes, driving forces and motives that lead to the illicit outflows of capital from African countries and investigates common mechanisms and schemes of unlawful transborder transfers of funds. The publication exposes a key role of African business elites and corrupt officials in the steadily growing illegal export of capital from Africa, as well as sanctions and other restrictive measures that are taken in the world in order to prevent the widespread export of funds of illicit origin from Africa.","PeriodicalId":286957,"journal":{"name":"Journal of the Institute for African Studies","volume":"23 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-02-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"125407526","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2018-12-20DOI: 10.31132/2412-5717-2018-45-4-52-61
O. Lebedeva
The article is devoted to the study of the relationship between the revolutionary events in the Arab world in 2011-2014 and the growth of migration flows from the Middle East. Migration processes in the modern world are becoming more widespread, affecting both the domestic policy of the countries and foreign policy relations. The aim of the research is to study and identify the factors, trends and features of modern migration processes from the Middle East to the EU member-states, as well as to assess the socio-economic consequences of migration. The relevance of the research is determined not only by the increased social significance of the phenomenon of migration in the context of globalization, but also by the complexity, diversity of problems associated with it. To study the phenomenon of migration, an integrated, interdisciplinary approach was applied. This work introduces new information about the specifics of migration processes from the Middle East to European countries into scientific circulation and political practice. The author comes to the conclusion that with the beginning of the «Arab spring» forced and illegal migration has become predominant, which in Europe has led to the deterioration of social security and the economic situation. The study has showed that the nature of migration has changed significantly due to the spread of the threat of international terrorism. In view of the significant changes in migration processes related to terrorism, the attitude towards migrants has changed significantly, and the migration policy of the countries has adopted tougher measures towards foreigners.
{"title":"Impact of the “Arab Spring” on Migration Processes in 2011–2015","authors":"O. Lebedeva","doi":"10.31132/2412-5717-2018-45-4-52-61","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.31132/2412-5717-2018-45-4-52-61","url":null,"abstract":"The article is devoted to the study of the relationship between the revolutionary events in the Arab world in 2011-2014 and the growth of migration flows from the Middle East. Migration processes in the modern world are becoming more widespread, affecting both the domestic policy of the countries and foreign policy relations. The aim of the research is to study and identify the factors, trends and features of modern migration processes from the Middle East to the EU member-states, as well as to assess the socio-economic consequences of migration. The relevance of the research is determined not only by the increased social significance of the phenomenon of migration in the context of globalization, but also by the complexity, diversity of problems associated with it. To study the phenomenon of migration, an integrated, interdisciplinary approach was applied. This work introduces new information about the specifics of migration processes from the Middle East to European countries into scientific circulation and political practice. The author comes to the conclusion that with the beginning of the «Arab spring» forced and illegal migration has become predominant, which in Europe has led to the deterioration of social security and the economic situation. The study has showed that the nature of migration has changed significantly due to the spread of the threat of international terrorism. In view of the significant changes in migration processes related to terrorism, the attitude towards migrants has changed significantly, and the migration policy of the countries has adopted tougher measures towards foreigners.","PeriodicalId":286957,"journal":{"name":"Journal of the Institute for African Studies","volume":"12 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2018-12-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"134539063","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2018-12-20DOI: 10.31132/2412-5717-2018-45-4-62-74
Ivan Kofanov
The article is dedicated to the lessons of the Arab Spring. Not all conclusions from the events of 2010-2011 stood the test of time. Thus, there was no domino effect predicted by many re-searchers. The consequences of these events have also been very different for individual countries affected by the Arab Spring. Tunisia remains the only country, where democratic transit has been realised. The author shows what features of this country ensured such a result of the Arab Spring. The example of Tunisia shows the possibility of democratic transformation in the Muslim World. The question of the combination of democratic forms of government and economic development is considered. It is stressed that the delay in solving the main socio-economic problems leads to disappointment of the Tunisian population in democracy. However, the changes that have taken place in the minds of young people in particular give the hope that the victims of the Arab Spring have not been in vain and that the movement towards the economic and social progress of Tunisia, like other Arab countries, will be inevitable.
{"title":"Tunisia: Features and Lessons of the “Arab Spring”","authors":"Ivan Kofanov","doi":"10.31132/2412-5717-2018-45-4-62-74","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.31132/2412-5717-2018-45-4-62-74","url":null,"abstract":"The article is dedicated to the lessons of the Arab Spring. Not all conclusions from the events of 2010-2011 stood the test of time. Thus, there was no domino effect predicted by many re-searchers. The consequences of these events have also been very different for individual countries affected by the Arab Spring. Tunisia remains the only country, where democratic transit has been realised. The author shows what features of this country ensured such a result of the Arab Spring. The example of Tunisia shows the possibility of democratic transformation in the Muslim World. The question of the combination of democratic forms of government and economic development is considered. It is stressed that the delay in solving the main socio-economic problems leads to disappointment of the Tunisian population in democracy. However, the changes that have taken place in the minds of young people in particular give the hope that the victims of the Arab Spring have not been in vain and that the movement towards the economic and social progress of Tunisia, like other Arab countries, will be inevitable.","PeriodicalId":286957,"journal":{"name":"Journal of the Institute for African Studies","volume":"82 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2018-12-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"126169378","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2018-12-20DOI: 10.31132/2412-5717-2018-45-4-32-51
P. Mtasigazya
Local Government’s Capacity for Contract management in outsourced revenue collection in Tanzania has become the major topic of discussio. This paper explores recent issues concerning Contracts management in outsourced revenue collection in Tanzania, including feasibility studies prior to outsourcing revenue collection, design of the contracts for revenue collection, monitoring of the performance of the private companies in revenue collection, timely remittance of revenues by the private companies to local councils as well as financial and human resources capacity in enforcing these contracts. The study adopted the case study research design and the methods of data collection were interviews and documentary review. The findings indicate that key problems to contract management and enforcements are corruption, collusion between local government officials and private companies, laxity in conducting feasibility studies and poor monitoring of private companies which do not bring the desired outcomes in terms of revenue collection. Based on the study findings, this research concludes that the private companies and Local governments should comply with contractual agreements and improve human and financial resources capacity in order to provide revenue saving from outsourced revenue collection.
{"title":"Contract Management in Outsourced Revenue Collection in Local Governments in Tanzania: Experience from Selected Local Government Councils","authors":"P. Mtasigazya","doi":"10.31132/2412-5717-2018-45-4-32-51","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.31132/2412-5717-2018-45-4-32-51","url":null,"abstract":"Local Government’s Capacity for Contract management in outsourced revenue collection in Tanzania has become the major topic of discussio. This paper explores recent issues concerning Contracts management in outsourced revenue collection in Tanzania, including feasibility studies prior to outsourcing revenue collection, design of the contracts for revenue collection, monitoring of the performance of the private companies in revenue collection, timely remittance of revenues by the private companies to local councils as well as financial and human resources capacity in enforcing these contracts. The study adopted the case study research design and the methods of data collection were interviews and documentary review. The findings indicate that key problems to contract management and enforcements are corruption, collusion between local government officials and private companies, laxity in conducting feasibility studies and poor monitoring of private companies which do not bring the desired outcomes in terms of revenue collection. Based on the study findings, this research concludes that the private companies and Local governments should comply with contractual agreements and improve human and financial resources capacity in order to provide revenue saving from outsourced revenue collection.","PeriodicalId":286957,"journal":{"name":"Journal of the Institute for African Studies","volume":"1 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2018-12-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"129553798","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2018-12-20DOI: 10.31132/2412-5717-2018-45-4-91-110
T. Kochanova
Тhe subject of this study is the young Republic of South Sudan (RSS), the “young” – both in terms of the age of an independent state, and in terms of its demographic potential. RSS, as a member of the United Nations and as a sovereign state, appeared on the world map in 2011, but, possessing super-rich natural resources, has not yet gained sustainable development, moreover, it fell into a deep military-political crisis. Like most countries of the African continent, South Sudan had real demographic capacity, but the authorities were unable to extract any “demographic dividends” from the truly main national resource for the development of the country’s economy, moreover, the number of refugees of young working age is constantly growing. Through the example of South Sudan, which so hard achieved separation of the South from the North and failed to take advantage of the conquered democratic values, the article explores the understudied problem of modification of the consciousness of the younger generation, dictated both by the specifics of the deep historical and cultural tradition of the South Sudanese nationalities and by new trends in global evolutionary processes. Studying the stories from the lives of multi-member families affected during the military-political conflict in the RSS, the author, based on the facts, strongly criticizes the ineffective, even often vicious, youth policy of the South Sudanese government. On the other hand, analyzing the origins, nature, basic traditional moral and sociocultural aspects of child employment in the region, the researcher finds a reasoned explanation of the cause for such a policy of universal child mobilization and tries to define this phenomenon that has not been studied in the scientific literature before. Summarizing the study of the causes of a humanitarian catastrophe in the RSS, the author, in addition to generally accepted factors that influenced the current situation (such as: the intervention of major world financial players in the affairs of a sovereign state, national discord, the struggle for power and resources), also highlights the subjective and not always correct work of the world information agencies and other mass media and, of course, the incompetent state policy of the leadership of the RSS in the Youth Field. Relying on the positive events of the past few months to resolve the conflict in the RSS, the author is still trying to predict in the foreseeable future the time for growth and development of the Republic of South Sudan, with the proviso that it can happen only in case of the inclusion of restraining leverage and expansion of the range of priorities of the main national resource – the youth.
{"title":"Will the Time of Growth and Development of the Young Republic of South Sudan Come?","authors":"T. Kochanova","doi":"10.31132/2412-5717-2018-45-4-91-110","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.31132/2412-5717-2018-45-4-91-110","url":null,"abstract":"Тhe subject of this study is the young Republic of South Sudan (RSS), the “young” – both in terms of the age of an independent state, and in terms of its demographic potential. RSS, as a member of the United Nations and as a sovereign state, appeared on the world map in 2011, but, possessing super-rich natural resources, has not yet gained sustainable development, moreover, it fell into a deep military-political crisis. Like most countries of the African continent, South Sudan had real demographic capacity, but the authorities were unable to extract any “demographic dividends” from the truly main national resource for the development of the country’s economy, moreover, the number of refugees of young working age is constantly growing. Through the example of South Sudan, which so hard achieved separation of the South from the North and failed to take advantage of the conquered democratic values, the article explores the understudied problem of modification of the consciousness of the younger generation, dictated both by the specifics of the deep historical and cultural tradition of the South Sudanese nationalities and by new trends in global evolutionary processes. Studying the stories from the lives of multi-member families affected during the military-political conflict in the RSS, the author, based on the facts, strongly criticizes the ineffective, even often vicious, youth policy of the South Sudanese government. On the other hand, analyzing the origins, nature, basic traditional moral and sociocultural aspects of child employment in the region, the researcher finds a reasoned explanation of the cause for such a policy of universal child mobilization and tries to define this phenomenon that has not been studied in the scientific literature before. Summarizing the study of the causes of a humanitarian catastrophe in the RSS, the author, in addition to generally accepted factors that influenced the current situation (such as: the intervention of major world financial players in the affairs of a sovereign state, national discord, the struggle for power and resources), also highlights the subjective and not always correct work of the world information agencies and other mass media and, of course, the incompetent state policy of the leadership of the RSS in the Youth Field. Relying on the positive events of the past few months to resolve the conflict in the RSS, the author is still trying to predict in the foreseeable future the time for growth and development of the Republic of South Sudan, with the proviso that it can happen only in case of the inclusion of restraining leverage and expansion of the range of priorities of the main national resource – the youth.","PeriodicalId":286957,"journal":{"name":"Journal of the Institute for African Studies","volume":"36 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2018-12-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"124345657","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2018-12-20DOI: 10.31132/2412-5717-2018-45-4-83-90
Тimur Khairullin
A new force appeared in the face of the Qatar-Turkish Alliance during the events of the Arab spring on the political map of the Arab region. Using the pan-Arab network of the Muslim Brotherhood Association, as well as their ideology of moderate Islamism, the Qatar-Turkish Alliance temporarily managed to significantly strengthen its positions in Egypt. Proof of this is the coming to power in Egypt in 2012 of Muslim Brotherhood, which enjoyed financial and diplomatic assistance from Qatar and Turkey. However, a year later the rule of the Muslim Brotherhood was overthrown as a result of a successful counter-action by Saudi Arabia, which relied on the Egyptian military force and a number of Islamist groups of Salafi confession.
{"title":"The Attempt to Strengthen the Qatar- Turkish Positions in Egypt Through the “Muslim Brotherhood”","authors":"Тimur Khairullin","doi":"10.31132/2412-5717-2018-45-4-83-90","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.31132/2412-5717-2018-45-4-83-90","url":null,"abstract":"A new force appeared in the face of the Qatar-Turkish Alliance during the events of the Arab spring on the political map of the Arab region. Using the pan-Arab network of the Muslim Brotherhood Association, as well as their ideology of moderate Islamism, the Qatar-Turkish Alliance temporarily managed to significantly strengthen its positions in Egypt. Proof of this is the coming to power in Egypt in 2012 of Muslim Brotherhood, which enjoyed financial and diplomatic assistance from Qatar and Turkey. However, a year later the rule of the Muslim Brotherhood was overthrown as a result of a successful counter-action by Saudi Arabia, which relied on the Egyptian military force and a number of Islamist groups of Salafi confession.","PeriodicalId":286957,"journal":{"name":"Journal of the Institute for African Studies","volume":"19 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2018-12-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"127015912","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2018-12-20DOI: 10.31132/2412-5717-2018-45-4-16-31
T. Denisova
For the first time in Russian African studies, the author examines the current state of agriculture, challenges and prospects for food security in Ghana, which belongs to the group of African countries that have made the most progress in achieving the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs). The SDGs are a collection of 17 global goals adopted by UN member states in 2015 with a view of achieving them by 2030. The SDGs include: ending poverty in all its forms everywhere (Goal 1); ending hunger, achieving food security and improved nutrition, and promoting sustainable agriculture (2); ensuring healthy lives and promoting well-being for all at all ages (3), etc. These goals are considered fundamental because the achievement of a number of other SDGs – for example, ensuring quality education (4), achieving gender equality (5), ensuring sustainable consumption and production patterns (12), etc. – largely depends on their implementation. Ghana was commended by the world community for the significant reduction in poverty, hunger and malnutrition between 2000 and 2014, i.e. for the relatively successful implementation of the first of the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs, 2000–2015) – the eradication of extreme poverty and hunger. However, SDGs require more careful study and planning of implementation measures. In order to achieve the SDGs, the Government of Ghana has adopted a number of programs, plans and projects, the successful implementation of which often stumbles upon the lack of funding and lack of coordination between state bodies, private and public organizations, foreign partners – donors and creditors, etc., which are involved in the processes of socioeconomic development of Ghana. The author determines the reasons for the lack of food security in Ghana, gives an assessment of the state of the agricultural sector, the effective development of which is a prerequisite for the reduction of poverty and hunger, primarily due to the engagement of a significant share (45%) of the economically active population in this sector. The study shows that the limited growth in food production is largely due to the absence of domestic markets and necessary roads, means of transportation, irrigation and storage infrastructure, as well as insufficient investment in the agricultural sector, rather than to a shortage of fertile land or labor.
{"title":"Ghana: the State of Agriculture and Prospects for Food Security in the Context of Achieving SDGs","authors":"T. Denisova","doi":"10.31132/2412-5717-2018-45-4-16-31","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.31132/2412-5717-2018-45-4-16-31","url":null,"abstract":"For the first time in Russian African studies, the author examines the current state of agriculture, challenges and prospects for food security in Ghana, which belongs to the group of African countries that have made the most progress in achieving the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs). The SDGs are a collection of 17 global goals adopted by UN member states in 2015 with a view of achieving them by 2030. The SDGs include: ending poverty in all its forms everywhere (Goal 1); ending hunger, achieving food security and improved nutrition, and promoting sustainable agriculture (2); ensuring healthy lives and promoting well-being for all at all ages (3), etc. These goals are considered fundamental because the achievement of a number of other SDGs – for example, ensuring quality education (4), achieving gender equality (5), ensuring sustainable consumption and production patterns (12), etc. – largely depends on their implementation.\u0000Ghana was commended by the world community for the significant reduction in poverty, hunger and malnutrition between 2000 and 2014, i.e. for the relatively successful implementation of the first of the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs, 2000–2015) – the eradication of extreme poverty and hunger. However, SDGs require more careful study and planning of implementation measures.\u0000In order to achieve the SDGs, the Government of Ghana has adopted a number of programs, plans and projects, the successful implementation of which often stumbles upon the lack of funding and lack of coordination between state bodies, private and public organizations, foreign partners – donors and creditors, etc., which are involved in the processes of socioeconomic development of Ghana.\u0000The author determines the reasons for the lack of food security in Ghana, gives an assessment of the state of the agricultural sector, the effective development of which is a prerequisite for the reduction of poverty and hunger, primarily due to the engagement of a significant share (45%) of the economically active population in this sector. The study shows that the limited growth in food production is largely due to the absence of domestic markets and necessary roads, means of transportation, irrigation and storage infrastructure, as well as insufficient investment in the agricultural sector, rather than to a shortage of fertile land or labor.","PeriodicalId":286957,"journal":{"name":"Journal of the Institute for African Studies","volume":"17 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2018-12-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"134598785","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2018-12-20DOI: 10.31132/2412-5717-2018-45-4-03-15
V. Gusarov
The socio-economic reasons of conflicts are numerous. Their premises are very different factors of the economic history of the arabic states. Among most important is the unevenness of their economic development both in the colonial and in the postcolonial periods. Until gaining independence the arabic states were on the different levels of the socio-economic development. One may explain this by many reasons of the political, geographic and socio-economic character. The most important among them are the level of development of the capitalism, the geographic proximity of the arabic states to Europe and generally to their metropolises, the military-strategic situation, the presence of the colonies of migrants from metropolises and of the national communities from other European states, the discovery of rich resources of raw materials, the influence of of the neighbouring countries’s cultures on the process of their historic and socio-economic development. As a result of long historical influence of these and many others factors different arabic countries achieved independence, but all of them were backward agrarian countries. Therefore the main differences among them manifested themselves in the degree of the backwardness Not a single arabic country had the developed manufacturing industry, which production would go to export. Some mining and oil enterprises, which were present in some of them belonged mainly to the foreign capital and practically were the heterogeneous formation in the extremely backward agrarian economy with undeveloped production forces. Only in some of these countries the light and food industry was functioning. In other branches of economy small and smallest enterprises predominated, based on personal labour of their owners and their families, who used primitive means of production. The poor possibilities of competition, the low efficiency of production mechanisms, the extreme unevenness of available natural potentials, financial and human resources, in particular skilled labour, as well as the impact of the interstate and military conflicts, the processes of globalization and growth rates of the economic development led the arabic countries to in the beginning of the new century to very different and even polar results, the main indicator of which is the gross domestic product per capita. The historic experience demonstrates, that the more is the gross domestic product of any country, the bigger state apparatus, including military forces, it may afford and use it actively for its internal as well as foreign policy. For example, arabic state Qatar in 2011 used its military forces for the overthrow of the Kaddafi regime, what led Libya to the state of collapse, and turned it to a conglomerate of several quasi-states, which are connected together by the necessity to produce and to sell oil. If to take the whole period, more than half of the century, of the existence of the arabic countries as independent states , one would hardly
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