Pub Date : 2018-09-20DOI: 10.31132/2412-5717-2018-44-3-28-41
V. Filippov
This research explores the political crisis in the Togolese Republic that has been going since the fall of 2017. The problems under investigation: the confrontation between the power personified in the President Faure Gnassinbé, and the opposition led by Jean-Pierre Fabre; the background of the conflict; a role of France in the murder of the First Togolese President Sylvanus Olympio, and the establishment of the half century dictatorship of the Gnassinbé clan. The special attention is paid to the tactic of the French President of the Fifth Republic Emmanuel Macron and the President of Ghana Nana Akufo-Addo, in the settlement of the Togolese crisis. The principle of historicism and the historical reconstruction served as the methods to determine multiple factors of the political instability in Togo. These methods allowed us to conclude that at the core of the situation is the determination of the Elysee Palace to preserve the political, economic and strategical interests of France in this African country. The confrontation between the Togolese President whose legitimacy is questioned by many, and the opposition that has already shifted to the violent resistance to the odious country leader, make French President face a difficult choice. On the one hand, the removal from power of the Gnassingbé clan could seriously politically, economically and strategically hurt the Fifth Republic and become sign of the erosion of the whole “Franceafrique” system. On the other hand, an open support of F. Gnassingbé is fraught with serious reputational damage both, for E. Macron personally and for the entire French diplomacy on the Black continent. This, in turn, could Illy affect the relations of France with its African clientele, the former colonies of the French Empire. All of the above stipulate Paris’ wait-and-see attitude. Apparently, the optimal solution of the problem, according to Macron, is the preservation of the presidential rule of F. Gnassingbé until the 2020 elections. In his opinion, the elections would either confirm the legitimacy of the acting president or would provide a democratic power succession. The time left until the elections he expects to use to secure guarantees from the leaders of the opposition for all the preferences the Fifth Republic enjoys in its relations with the Togolese Republic. In the event of the crisis escalation France is ready to play a political gambit to gain sympathy of the opposition leaders at the cost of removal from power of its former favorite F. Gnassingbé. The novelty and importance of the research is conditioned by the current events in Togo: the political crisis has not yet become a subject of analysis of the Russian and Western scholars.
{"title":"Togolese Crisis: French Gambit","authors":"V. Filippov","doi":"10.31132/2412-5717-2018-44-3-28-41","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.31132/2412-5717-2018-44-3-28-41","url":null,"abstract":"This research explores the political crisis in the Togolese Republic that has been going since the fall of 2017. The problems under investigation: the confrontation between the power personified in the President Faure Gnassinbé, and the opposition led by Jean-Pierre Fabre; the background of the conflict; a role of France in the murder of the First Togolese President Sylvanus Olympio, and the establishment of the half century dictatorship of the Gnassinbé clan. The special attention is paid to the tactic of the French President of the Fifth Republic Emmanuel Macron and the President of Ghana Nana Akufo-Addo, in the settlement of the Togolese crisis. The principle of historicism and the historical reconstruction served as the methods to determine multiple factors of the political instability in Togo. These methods allowed us to conclude that at the core of the situation is the determination of the Elysee Palace to preserve the political, economic and strategical interests of France in this African country. The confrontation between the Togolese President whose legitimacy is questioned by many, and the opposition that has already shifted to the violent resistance to the odious country leader, make French President face a difficult choice. On the one hand, the removal from power of the Gnassingbé clan could seriously politically, economically and strategically hurt the Fifth Republic and become sign of the erosion of the whole “Franceafrique” system. On the other hand, an open support of F. Gnassingbé is fraught with serious reputational damage both, for E. Macron personally and for the entire French diplomacy on the Black continent. This, in turn, could Illy affect the relations of France with its African clientele, the former colonies of the French Empire. All of the above stipulate Paris’ wait-and-see attitude. Apparently, the optimal solution of the problem, according to Macron, is the preservation of the presidential rule of F. Gnassingbé until the 2020 elections. In his opinion, the elections would either confirm the legitimacy of the acting president or would provide a democratic power succession. The time left until the elections he expects to use to secure guarantees from the leaders of the opposition for all the preferences the Fifth Republic enjoys in its relations with the Togolese Republic. In the event of the crisis escalation France is ready to play a political gambit to gain sympathy of the opposition leaders at the cost of removal from power of its former favorite F. Gnassingbé. The novelty and importance of the research is conditioned by the current events in Togo: the political crisis has not yet become a subject of analysis of the Russian and Western scholars.","PeriodicalId":286957,"journal":{"name":"Journal of the Institute for African Studies","volume":"27 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2018-09-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"115850873","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2018-09-20DOI: 10.31132/2412-5717-2018-43-2-111-125
Z. Novikova
The article analyses the information and telecommunication technologies (ICT) in East Africa countries as a technological platform which carries great potential in its social and economic development. The region has experienced a boom in mobile phone use. The author underlines that a mobile phone nowadays is more than a way of communications but a way of life for Africans: many people lack access to electricity and running water but have mobile phones. Over time the mobile phone has became a technological platform that allowes to develop services. The author provides an analysis of mobile technologies transforming economy and fostering development in East Africa countries. The study reveals that despite the progress there is a huge gap in the development of East Africa ICT infrastructure compared to the rest world. Also there is a deep digital divide between the countries in the region. There are sharp contrasts between the ICT wage in towns and rural areas. Mauritius, Seychelles and Kenya are among the most dynamic in ICT development in East Africa. Mauritius has long been a pioneer in the telecom sector. It was the first in the region to provide a 3G service, the first in the world to develop wireless broadband network. The author focuses attention on great mobile technologies impact in business. The Smart Cities project in Mauritius stimulates innovative scientific and technological activities. The government has set a package of attractive fiscal incentives to investors for the development of «smart cities» across the island. The article underlines an increasing mobile technologies penetration into rural areas. They lead to cause significant benefits for rural households as they provide villages and farms with access to information, education and improve access to healthcare. They are used used to spread information about farming, to lower marketing costs and to boost profit. The author the concluds that ICT and mobile networks introduction have the potential to influence economic and human development in remote and isolated villages and farms in rural Tropical Africa with its extreme poverty, heavy burden of infection diseases and insufficient infrastructure in water, roads and power. The article shows that the mobile money service is transforming Africa. This service is authentically African technological revolution. Service M-Pesa created in Kenya continues to expand into other countries and beyond the continent. Mobile payments in East Africa has become the form of payment. About 100 millions people in the world use mobile money: 40 millions of them are in Africa and 26 millions in Kenya. The author stresses the huge mobile technologies impact on the real sector of the Africa countries economy.
{"title":"Mobile Technologies in East Africa: new opportunities for economic growth","authors":"Z. Novikova","doi":"10.31132/2412-5717-2018-43-2-111-125","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.31132/2412-5717-2018-43-2-111-125","url":null,"abstract":"The article analyses the information and telecommunication technologies (ICT) in East Africa countries as a technological platform which carries great potential in its social and economic development. The region has experienced a boom in mobile phone use. The author underlines that a mobile phone nowadays is more than a way of communications but a way of life for Africans: many people lack access to electricity and running water but have mobile phones. Over time the mobile phone has became a technological platform that allowes to develop services. The author provides an analysis of mobile technologies transforming economy and fostering development in East Africa countries.\u0000The study reveals that despite the progress there is a huge gap in the development of East Africa ICT infrastructure compared to the rest world. Also there is a deep digital divide between the countries in the region. There are sharp contrasts between the ICT wage in towns and rural areas. Mauritius, Seychelles and Kenya are among the most dynamic in ICT development in East Africa. Mauritius has long been a pioneer in the telecom sector. It was the first in the region to provide a 3G service, the first in the world to develop wireless broadband network. The author focuses attention on great mobile technologies impact in business. The Smart Cities project in Mauritius stimulates innovative scientific and technological activities. The government has set a package of attractive fiscal incentives to investors for the development of «smart cities» across the island.\u0000The article underlines an increasing mobile technologies penetration into rural areas. They lead to cause significant benefits for rural households as they provide villages and farms with access to information, education and improve access to healthcare. They are used used to spread information about farming, to lower marketing costs and to boost profit. The author the concluds that ICT and mobile networks introduction have the potential to influence economic and human development in remote and isolated villages and farms in rural Tropical Africa with its extreme poverty, heavy burden of infection diseases and insufficient infrastructure in water, roads and power.\u0000The article shows that the mobile money service is transforming Africa. This service is authentically African technological revolution. Service M-Pesa created in Kenya continues to expand into other countries and beyond the continent. Mobile payments in East Africa has become the form of payment. About 100 millions people in the world use mobile money: 40 millions of them are in Africa and 26 millions in Kenya.\u0000The author stresses the huge mobile technologies impact on the real sector of the Africa countries economy.","PeriodicalId":286957,"journal":{"name":"Journal of the Institute for African Studies","volume":"10 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2018-09-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"122412308","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2018-09-20DOI: 10.31132/2412-5717-2018-43-2-3-22
A. Urnov
This article is an attempt to trace the impact of the US factor on the Russian African relations during the last years of B. Obama’s administration rule and at the initial stage of D. Trump presidency (2015–2018). The comparative assessment of Moscow and Washington African policy is made. The author demonstrates distinctions and continuity in the activities of the two US administrations in Africa. D. Trump has not included Africa in the list of his foreign policy priorities. Washington however has no intention to withdraw from the Black continent. There, as everywhere, “the American leadership” remains the invariable aim. In the 21th century, the Russia Federation policy in Africa has become much more active. Guided by the concept of multipolar world and in view of its current potential, economic in particular, Moscow has no intention to compete with the USA and other foreign actors for the overwhelming influence in Africa. Its tasks are pragmatic and realistic. In Africa, as globally, the US policy towards Russia is hostile. However the author is of the opinion that Washington does not consider Russia as a serious threaten for its positions and plans in Africa. The new National security strategy of the United States of America approved in December 2018 is full of antirussian outbursts, but in a section, dealing with the US priorities in Africa, Russia is not mentioned. The main American enemies there are international terrorists and China. Hence, no tough confrontation between the two parties – so far. Therefore rivalry there is confined to competition. The article is focused on visits in March 2018 of the Russian foreign minister S. Lavrov to Angola, Namibia, Mozambique, Zimbabwe and Ethiopia and of then US Secretary of State R.Tillerson to Djibouti, Ethiopia, Kenya, Chad and Nigeria. The situation around some most sensitive US-Russia points of intersection in Africa – such as Egypt, Libya and South Africa Republic – is analyzed. The development of Cairo’s bilateral relations with Washington and Moscow is reviewed. It is noted that cooperation between Russia and Egypt is of mutual benefit and that the two countries need each other. But of this cooperation has its limits as the USA remains the main foreign partner of Egypt. The conclusion is that Russia has taken a course for a gradual restoration of its positions in Libya after the overthrow of M. Kaddafi. Moscow’s contribution to the settlement of the political crisis in the country is explored. Constructive contacts have been established with all major participants of this process. Special attention is paid to the National Libyan Army Commander, Field-Marshal H. Haftar. The United States preferences the head of the Government of national accord F. Sarraj. The attempts to interfere into Russia – South Africa using the resignation of president J. Zuma who firmly stood for friendship with Moscow have failed. The new president S. Ramaphosa has confirmed the policy of strong bilateral cooperation.
{"title":"Russian-African relations and the US factor in 2015–2018","authors":"A. Urnov","doi":"10.31132/2412-5717-2018-43-2-3-22","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.31132/2412-5717-2018-43-2-3-22","url":null,"abstract":"This article is an attempt to trace the impact of the US factor on the Russian African relations during the last years of B. Obama’s administration rule and at the initial stage of D. Trump presidency (2015–2018). The comparative assessment of Moscow and Washington African policy is made. The author demonstrates distinctions and continuity in the activities of the two US administrations in Africa. D. Trump has not included Africa in the list of his foreign policy priorities. Washington however has no intention to withdraw from the Black continent. There, as everywhere, “the American leadership” remains the invariable aim. In the 21th century, the Russia Federation policy in Africa has become much more active. Guided by the concept of multipolar world and in view of its current potential, economic in particular, Moscow has no intention to compete with the USA and other foreign actors for the overwhelming influence in Africa. Its tasks are pragmatic and realistic. In Africa, as globally, the US policy towards Russia is hostile. However the author is of the opinion that Washington does not consider Russia as a serious threaten for its positions and plans in Africa. The new National security strategy of the United States of America approved in December 2018 is full of antirussian outbursts, but in a section, dealing with the US priorities in Africa, Russia is not mentioned. The main American enemies there are international terrorists and China. Hence, no tough confrontation between the two parties – so far. Therefore rivalry there is confined to competition. The article is focused on visits in March 2018 of the Russian foreign minister S. Lavrov to Angola, Namibia, Mozambique, Zimbabwe and Ethiopia and of then US Secretary of State R.Tillerson to Djibouti, Ethiopia, Kenya, Chad and Nigeria. The situation around some most sensitive US-Russia points of intersection in Africa – such as Egypt, Libya and South Africa Republic – is analyzed. The development of Cairo’s bilateral relations with Washington and Moscow is reviewed. It is noted that cooperation between Russia and Egypt is of mutual benefit and that the two countries need each other. But of this cooperation has its limits as the USA remains the main foreign partner of Egypt. The conclusion is that Russia has taken a course for a gradual restoration of its positions in Libya after the overthrow of M. Kaddafi. Moscow’s contribution to the settlement of the political crisis in the country is explored. Constructive contacts have been established with all major participants of this process. Special attention is paid to the National Libyan Army Commander, Field-Marshal H. Haftar. The United States preferences the head of the Government of national accord F. Sarraj. The attempts to interfere into Russia – South Africa using the resignation of president J. Zuma who firmly stood for friendship with Moscow have failed. The new president S. Ramaphosa has confirmed the policy of strong bilateral cooperation.","PeriodicalId":286957,"journal":{"name":"Journal of the Institute for African Studies","volume":"46 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2018-09-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"131215146","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2018-09-20DOI: 10.31132/2412-5717-2018-43-2-89-94
S. Mezentsev
The paper investigates aspects of the practical work, organizational features, relations, financing issues and support for the so-called non-governmental structure internationally known as the White Helmets, which operated in the territories of Syria captured by the terrorist organization Islamic State (ISIS) and controlled by the anti-government (“democratic”) opposition and al Qaeda / an-Nusrah fighters,. Specific manipulative technologies for misleading international public opinion are reviewed.
{"title":"White Helments of Militants","authors":"S. Mezentsev","doi":"10.31132/2412-5717-2018-43-2-89-94","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.31132/2412-5717-2018-43-2-89-94","url":null,"abstract":"The paper investigates aspects of the practical work, organizational features, relations, financing issues and support for the so-called non-governmental structure internationally known as the White Helmets, which operated in the territories of Syria captured by the terrorist organization Islamic State (ISIS) and controlled by the anti-government (“democratic”) opposition and al Qaeda / an-Nusrah fighters,. Specific manipulative technologies for misleading international public opinion are reviewed.","PeriodicalId":286957,"journal":{"name":"Journal of the Institute for African Studies","volume":"167 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2018-09-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"124675280","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2018-09-20DOI: 10.31132/2412-5717-2018-44-3-54-68
L. Khlebnikova
In 2016 Prime Minister of Israel Benyamin Netanyahu declared its comeback to Africa and Africa’s return to the Jewish state. The key reason for a new Israeli-African cooperation (especially between Israel and East African countries) seems to be an intent to regulate crisis with illegal immigrants from Africa in Israel. The author examines the drivers of the big inflow of African asylum seekers from Eritrea and Sudan trying to find ‘safe heaven’ in the Jewish State. Netanyahu prefers to treat these African asylum seekers as economic migrants. He often stresses that Israel is too small to accept everyone who is afflicted. In the Israeli society negative sentiments towards African asylum seekers are generally prevailing. However, there are some grassroots initiatives aimed at protecting Africans and their rights. Opposition parties, Zionist Union and Meretz, are not united and have not succeeded in challenging the government’s course. The main goal of this research is to evaluate the Israeli government’s approaches, including deportation of immigrants to ‘third countries’ like Rwanda and Uganda, aimed at resolving the crisis. The deportation of African asylum seekers provoked some new debates about rights of socially vulnerable groups in Israel and, moreover, its democratic character. The critique of the Netanyahu’s policies spread well beyond the borders of the State of Israel. The United Nations tried to resolve the crisis by offering a deal that would relocate Africans from Israel to different countries, but the head of the Jewish state, first agreed to sign it, but later changed his mind. Special attention is paid to the role of the American Jewish organizations in stopping the deportation of Africans from Israel. The American liberal progressive groups, for example J street, have been openly protesting against Netanyahu’s policies. The conclusion is drawn that the way out of the crisis lays in elaborating a long-term comprehensive migration strategy.
{"title":"Israel’s Deportation Policy of African Migrants: Internal and External Aspects","authors":"L. Khlebnikova","doi":"10.31132/2412-5717-2018-44-3-54-68","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.31132/2412-5717-2018-44-3-54-68","url":null,"abstract":"In 2016 Prime Minister of Israel Benyamin Netanyahu declared its comeback to Africa and Africa’s return to the Jewish state. The key reason for a new Israeli-African cooperation (especially between Israel and East African countries) seems to be an intent to regulate crisis with illegal immigrants from Africa in Israel. The author examines the drivers of the big inflow of African asylum seekers from Eritrea and Sudan trying to find ‘safe heaven’ in the Jewish State. Netanyahu prefers to treat these African asylum seekers as economic migrants. He often stresses that Israel is too small to accept everyone who is afflicted. In the Israeli society negative sentiments towards African asylum seekers are generally prevailing. However, there are some grassroots initiatives aimed at protecting Africans and their rights. Opposition parties, Zionist Union and Meretz, are not united and have not succeeded in challenging the government’s course. The main goal of this research is to evaluate the Israeli government’s approaches, including deportation of immigrants to ‘third countries’ like Rwanda and Uganda, aimed at resolving the crisis. The deportation of African asylum seekers provoked some new debates about rights of socially vulnerable groups in Israel and, moreover, its democratic character. The critique of the Netanyahu’s policies spread well beyond the borders of the State of Israel. The United Nations tried to resolve the crisis by offering a deal that would relocate Africans from Israel to different countries, but the head of the Jewish state, first agreed to sign it, but later changed his mind. Special attention is paid to the role of the American Jewish organizations in stopping the deportation of Africans from Israel. The American liberal progressive groups, for example J street, have been openly protesting against Netanyahu’s policies. The conclusion is drawn that the way out of the crisis lays in elaborating a long-term comprehensive migration strategy.","PeriodicalId":286957,"journal":{"name":"Journal of the Institute for African Studies","volume":"43 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2018-09-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"116047286","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2018-09-20DOI: 10.31132/2412-5717-2018-43-2-126-146
R. Ismagilova
The article pioneers the analyses of the results of ethnic federalism introduced in Ethiopia in 1991 – and its influence on Afar. Ethnicity was proclaimed the fundamental principle of the state structure. The idea of ethnicity has become the basis of official ideology. The ethnic groups and ethnic identity have acquired fundamentally importance on the political and social levels . The country has been divided into nine ethnically-based regions. The article exposes the complex ethno-political and economic situation in the Afar State, roots and causes of inter- and intra-ethnic relations and conflicts with Amhara, Oromo, Tigray and Somali-Issa, competition of ethnic elites for power and recourses. Alive is the idea of “The Greater Afar”which would unite all Afar of the Horn of Africa. The protests in Oromia and Amhara Regions in 2015–2017 influenced the Afar state as welll. The situation in Ethiopia nowadays is extremely tense. Ethiopia is plunging into serious political crisis. Some observers call it “the beginning of Ethiopian spring”, the others – “Color revolution”
{"title":"Afars of Ethiopia in the system of ethnic federalism","authors":"R. Ismagilova","doi":"10.31132/2412-5717-2018-43-2-126-146","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.31132/2412-5717-2018-43-2-126-146","url":null,"abstract":"The article pioneers the analyses of the results of ethnic federalism introduced in Ethiopia in 1991 – and its influence on Afar. Ethnicity was proclaimed the fundamental principle of the state structure. The idea of ethnicity has become the basis of official ideology. The ethnic groups and ethnic identity have acquired fundamentally importance on the political and social levels . The country has been divided into nine ethnically-based regions. The article exposes the complex ethno-political and economic situation in the Afar State, roots and causes of inter- and intra-ethnic relations and conflicts with Amhara, Oromo, Tigray and Somali-Issa, competition of ethnic elites for power and recourses. Alive is the idea of “The Greater Afar”which would unite all Afar of the Horn of Africa. The protests in Oromia and Amhara Regions in 2015–2017 influenced the Afar state as welll. The situation in Ethiopia nowadays is extremely tense. Ethiopia is plunging into serious political crisis. Some observers call it “the beginning of Ethiopian spring”, the others – “Color revolution”","PeriodicalId":286957,"journal":{"name":"Journal of the Institute for African Studies","volume":"181 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2018-09-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"133952609","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2018-09-20DOI: 10.31132/2412-5717-2018-43-2-75-88
L. Sadovskaya
The article presents a new view on the problems of political stability in West African countries. For the first time was carried out a comparative analysis of the sustainability of the political systems of the two Francophone fastest growing countries in West Africa, Côte d’Ivoire and Senegal. The author analyzes the factors negatively influencing political stability social order, and those that reduce conflict potencial in these States. Internal and external threats to the political systems of Senegal and Сôte d’Ivoire are examined. The response of both countries to internal and external challenges is shown. The study proves that while external threats indanger Senegal’s political stability, such as the penetration of religious extremism, the crisis in Casamance, maritime piracy, drug traffic, for Côte d’Ivoire, on the contrary, main risks are internal: electoral, socio-political crises, the split of elites, arms smuggling, banditry. The study demonstrates that the level of social governance in Senegal is higher than in other West African countries, including Сôte d’Ivoire, due to the dualism of the political system: the coexistence of Western-style political institutions with local faiths (tariqas), as well as policy pursued by President M. Sall. aimed at achieving mutual compromise that ensure the peaceful settlement of conflicts and contradictions. The author concludes that a new approach to the development of a security strategy is required.
{"title":"Political Stability in West African States: Problems and Solutions. (Case Studies of Côte d’Ivoire and Senegal)","authors":"L. Sadovskaya","doi":"10.31132/2412-5717-2018-43-2-75-88","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.31132/2412-5717-2018-43-2-75-88","url":null,"abstract":"The article presents a new view on the problems of political stability in West African countries. For the first time was carried out a comparative analysis of the sustainability of the political systems of the two Francophone fastest growing countries in West Africa, Côte d’Ivoire and Senegal. The author analyzes the factors negatively influencing political stability social order, and those that reduce conflict potencial in these States. Internal and external threats to the political systems of Senegal and Сôte d’Ivoire are examined. The response of both countries to internal and external challenges is shown.\u0000The study proves that while external threats indanger Senegal’s political stability, such as the penetration of religious extremism, the crisis in Casamance, maritime piracy, drug traffic, for Côte d’Ivoire, on the contrary, main risks are internal: electoral, socio-political crises, the split of elites, arms smuggling, banditry. The study demonstrates that the level of social governance in Senegal is higher than in other West African countries, including Сôte d’Ivoire, due to the dualism of the political system: the coexistence of Western-style political institutions with local faiths (tariqas), as well as policy pursued by President M. Sall. aimed at achieving mutual compromise that ensure the peaceful settlement of conflicts and contradictions.\u0000The author concludes that a new approach to the development of a security strategy is required.","PeriodicalId":286957,"journal":{"name":"Journal of the Institute for African Studies","volume":"4 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2018-09-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"122754084","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2018-09-20DOI: 10.31132/2412-5717-2018-44-3-100-111
Oxana V. Ivanchenko, A. Banshchikova
The paper explores particular features of incomplete urbanization in Dar es Salam, Tanzania. It studies the lives of people, who have just moved into the big city, as well as the lives of the second or third-generation immigrants from countryside and rural districts. In the first part of the study these features are treated using the anthropological and historical methodology; in the second part attention is paid to respondents’ perception of life in megapolis compared to those in native villages. Features of incomplete urbanization include: creation of informal settlements, formation of living community and city space by means of its inhabitants (just as in the villages); employment in the informal sectors of economy, small-scale commerce or small-scale services requiring no education or highly specialized skills (for example, growing and selling of fruits and vegetables, just as in the villages); establishment of mutual help groups (instead of relatives’ and villagers’ help, now absent); use of the social commitment power instead of legal power, importance of family and person’s own reputation; appeal to moral authority of group leaders instead of calling the police in case of conflicts; patrolling and securing the territory of informal settlements by units of people’s militia at night (in coordination with state police). It is clear that these practices have emerged in the big city hand in hand with migrants from rural regions. Incomplete urbanization and its trends can be treated as a result of insufficient state support of the poor, but in some ways it continues and even develops social relations, which existed before colonization and then were additionally enhanced during the nation-building and implementation of Julius Nyerere’s “ujamaa” concept after Tanzania gained independence.
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