Abstract This paper will start by focusing on the morphosemantics of a Latin verb lūgeō ‘mourn’, which represents an emotion felt by people mentally excruciated by their loved one’s death. Traditionally, it has been believed that the Proto-Indo-European verbal root *leu̯g- ‘break’ underlies lūgeō, but recently this etymology has been challenged. However, I will support the traditional ‘break’ hypothesis through a novel semantic comparison to doleō ‘feel pain’, a verb also expressing a type of sensation humans often experience. Since its underlying root *delh 1 - means ‘hew, split’, similar to ‘break’, the semantic development of doleō would provide a neat parallel for lūgeō. Having salvaged the connection with *leu̯g-, I will advocate a stative formation (with *-eh 1 -i̯é-) for lūgeō instead of the more commonly presumed iterative reconstruction (with *-éi̯e-). The analysis conducted for lūgeō turns out to be useful for doleō, too; I will propose that the latter verb’s wider semantic range is best explained as the result of the convergence of two formations, a stative form meaning ‘feel pain’ (with *-eh 1 -i̯é-) and an iterative form meaning ‘habitually give pain to’ (with *-éi̯e-, as previously assumed for this verb).
{"title":"Iterative or stative? New morphosemantic analyses of Latin lūgeō ‘mourn’ and doleō ‘feel pain’","authors":"Kanehiro Nishimura","doi":"10.1515/joll-2023-2004","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/joll-2023-2004","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract This paper will start by focusing on the morphosemantics of a Latin verb lūgeō ‘mourn’, which represents an emotion felt by people mentally excruciated by their loved one’s death. Traditionally, it has been believed that the Proto-Indo-European verbal root *leu̯g- ‘break’ underlies lūgeō, but recently this etymology has been challenged. However, I will support the traditional ‘break’ hypothesis through a novel semantic comparison to doleō ‘feel pain’, a verb also expressing a type of sensation humans often experience. Since its underlying root *delh 1 - means ‘hew, split’, similar to ‘break’, the semantic development of doleō would provide a neat parallel for lūgeō. Having salvaged the connection with *leu̯g-, I will advocate a stative formation (with *-eh 1 -i̯é-) for lūgeō instead of the more commonly presumed iterative reconstruction (with *-éi̯e-). The analysis conducted for lūgeō turns out to be useful for doleō, too; I will propose that the latter verb’s wider semantic range is best explained as the result of the convergence of two formations, a stative form meaning ‘feel pain’ (with *-eh 1 -i̯é-) and an iterative form meaning ‘habitually give pain to’ (with *-éi̯e-, as previously assumed for this verb).","PeriodicalId":29862,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Latin Linguistics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2023-10-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139330178","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract Over the history of Latin, a number of ways to express futurity evolve and disappear. Perhaps most notably, the future tense is lost in all Romance languages, replaced generally by periphrases with habeo. I present here the expressions of futurity present in the Latin translation of Josephus’ Jewish Antiquities and Against Apion, conducted in sixth-century CE Italy under the aegis of Cassiodorus. I first examine the use of the synthetic future tense, and then suggest that the translators deliberately avoid using habeo + infinitive in any sense. This contradicts recent claims that habeo + infinitive was characteristic of high register usage in Late Latin. I then analyse the use of the present tense to express futurity, the future participle + sum, gerundives as future passive participles and infinitives, and the curious use of debeo and possum. I show a number of changes in the system from Classical Latin, and suggest a new potential route for the development of debeo to express the future in certain Romance varieties.
{"title":"Future expressions in a sixth-century Latin translation of Josephus","authors":"Shoni Lavie-Driver","doi":"10.1515/joll-2023-2006","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/joll-2023-2006","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Over the history of Latin, a number of ways to express futurity evolve and disappear. Perhaps most notably, the future tense is lost in all Romance languages, replaced generally by periphrases with habeo. I present here the expressions of futurity present in the Latin translation of Josephus’ Jewish Antiquities and Against Apion, conducted in sixth-century CE Italy under the aegis of Cassiodorus. I first examine the use of the synthetic future tense, and then suggest that the translators deliberately avoid using habeo + infinitive in any sense. This contradicts recent claims that habeo + infinitive was characteristic of high register usage in Late Latin. I then analyse the use of the present tense to express futurity, the future participle + sum, gerundives as future passive participles and infinitives, and the curious use of debeo and possum. I show a number of changes in the system from Classical Latin, and suggest a new potential route for the development of debeo to express the future in certain Romance varieties.","PeriodicalId":29862,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Latin Linguistics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2023-10-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139326125","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract In Late Latin, dolus ‘deceit’ expanded its semantic scope and took on the meanings of dolor ‘pain, suffering, grief, anguish’. This article lays out the literary and epigraphic attestations for dolus ‘suffering’ in full and discusses the difficulties in determining whether a change in semantics has occurred. Using digital resources such as Perseus Digital Library and the linguistic corpus LatinISE as the basis for quantitative analysis, suggested routes by which dolus took on the meanings of dolor are evaluated. The article proposes that analogy played an important role and suggests several instances of four-part analogy based around s-stem nouns and adjectives formed from them by the suffix -oso-. It also considers the way in which the prescriptivist rhetoric of ancient authors still shape modern scholarship on Latin. Late Latin features are not evidence of decay or the result of speakers being ill-educated or incompetent, and should not be discussed as mistakes. The article also considers how social hegemonies influence semantics and the study whereof, and how the dominance of certain voices in Latin may skew our understanding of the meaning of words.
{"title":"From deceit to pain: Late Latin dolus and the interplay between semantics and analogy","authors":"Annie C. Burman","doi":"10.1515/joll-2023-2007","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/joll-2023-2007","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract In Late Latin, dolus ‘deceit’ expanded its semantic scope and took on the meanings of dolor ‘pain, suffering, grief, anguish’. This article lays out the literary and epigraphic attestations for dolus ‘suffering’ in full and discusses the difficulties in determining whether a change in semantics has occurred. Using digital resources such as Perseus Digital Library and the linguistic corpus LatinISE as the basis for quantitative analysis, suggested routes by which dolus took on the meanings of dolor are evaluated. The article proposes that analogy played an important role and suggests several instances of four-part analogy based around s-stem nouns and adjectives formed from them by the suffix -oso-. It also considers the way in which the prescriptivist rhetoric of ancient authors still shape modern scholarship on Latin. Late Latin features are not evidence of decay or the result of speakers being ill-educated or incompetent, and should not be discussed as mistakes. The article also considers how social hegemonies influence semantics and the study whereof, and how the dominance of certain voices in Latin may skew our understanding of the meaning of words.","PeriodicalId":29862,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Latin Linguistics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2023-10-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139326399","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract The Tabula Alimentaria Veleiana and the Tabula Ligures Baebiani are two 2nd century tablets which outline the regional implementation and execution of Trajan’s alimentary scheme. These tablets not only provide some of the longest Latin inscriptions from antiquity, but they also offer unique insight into regional linguistic patterns, as one tablet is from northern Italy and the other is from southern Italy. Given that each tablet demonstrates its own consistent patterns of orthographic peculiarities, it is possible that these communities had local epigraphic traditions. This, in turn, could suggest that consistent spelling anomalies reflect regional phonological patterns, such as intervocalic voicing and consonant degemination. This case study builds on recent literature studying sociolinguistic variation in Latin by using tablets from the same time period as regional corpora with which to study linguistic patterns.
{"title":"Roman tablets as linguistic corpora: evidence for phonological variation in 2nd c. Latin","authors":"C. Repetti-Ludlow","doi":"10.1515/joll-2023-2005","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/joll-2023-2005","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract The Tabula Alimentaria Veleiana and the Tabula Ligures Baebiani are two 2nd century tablets which outline the regional implementation and execution of Trajan’s alimentary scheme. These tablets not only provide some of the longest Latin inscriptions from antiquity, but they also offer unique insight into regional linguistic patterns, as one tablet is from northern Italy and the other is from southern Italy. Given that each tablet demonstrates its own consistent patterns of orthographic peculiarities, it is possible that these communities had local epigraphic traditions. This, in turn, could suggest that consistent spelling anomalies reflect regional phonological patterns, such as intervocalic voicing and consonant degemination. This case study builds on recent literature studying sociolinguistic variation in Latin by using tablets from the same time period as regional corpora with which to study linguistic patterns.","PeriodicalId":29862,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Latin Linguistics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2023-10-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139330070","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract The paper examines the relationship between vowel quantity, syllable structure and lexical stress in Latin through a quantitative analysis carried out on a corpus of literary texts taken from Cicero’s Epistulae ad familiares and Petronius’ Cena Trimalchionis. Each word of the corpus was split into syllables and phonemes. Then, the corpus was annotated with phonological and prosodic information pertaining to vowel length, syllable structure, stress and word length. Finally, the data collected were analyzed at different levels. The results are discussed in light of the findings of a previous analysis carried out on dictionary entries, confirming a close correlation between syllable structure and lexical stress, since the great majority of stressed syllables are heavy both in the literary corpus and in the dictionary. Moreover, long vowels are more frequently found in open and stressed syllables, particularly in paroxytones. The data suggest that the process leading to the loss of vowel quantity was already active (at least in some strata of Roman society) in the Latin of the Classical age, since a prosodic template similar to that occurring in many Romance developments emerges even in literary Latin texts.
{"title":"A distributional analysis of vowel quantity in a corpus of Latin texts","authors":"Giovanna Marotta, Irene De Felice","doi":"10.1515/joll-2023-2002","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/joll-2023-2002","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract The paper examines the relationship between vowel quantity, syllable structure and lexical stress in Latin through a quantitative analysis carried out on a corpus of literary texts taken from Cicero’s Epistulae ad familiares and Petronius’ Cena Trimalchionis. Each word of the corpus was split into syllables and phonemes. Then, the corpus was annotated with phonological and prosodic information pertaining to vowel length, syllable structure, stress and word length. Finally, the data collected were analyzed at different levels. The results are discussed in light of the findings of a previous analysis carried out on dictionary entries, confirming a close correlation between syllable structure and lexical stress, since the great majority of stressed syllables are heavy both in the literary corpus and in the dictionary. Moreover, long vowels are more frequently found in open and stressed syllables, particularly in paroxytones. The data suggest that the process leading to the loss of vowel quantity was already active (at least in some strata of Roman society) in the Latin of the Classical age, since a prosodic template similar to that occurring in many Romance developments emerges even in literary Latin texts.","PeriodicalId":29862,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Latin Linguistics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2023-05-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45535294","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract While formal variation in Latin’s numerals is generally acknowledged, little is known about (relative) incidence, distribution, context, or linguistic productivity. Addressing this lacuna, this article examines “decads+” in Latin, which convey the numbers between the full decads: the teens (‘eleven’ through ‘nineteen’) as well as the numerals between the higher decads starting at ‘twenty-one’ through ‘ninety-nine’. Latin’s decads+ are compounds and prone to variation. The data, which are drawn from a variety of sources, reveal (a) substantial formal variation in Latin, both internally and typologically; (b) co-existence of several types of formation; (c) productivity of potential borrowings; (d) resilience of early formations; (e) patterns in structure and incidence that anticipate the Romance numerals; and (f) historical trends. From a typological and general linguistic perspective as well, Latin’s decads+ are most relevant because their formal variation involves sequence, connector, and arithmetical operations and because their historical depth shows a gradual shift away from widespread formal variation, eventually resulting in the relatively rigid system found in Romance. Moreover, the combined system attested in decads+ in Latin – based on a combination of inherited, innovative and borrowed patterns and reflecting different stages of development – presents a number of typological inconsistencies that require further assessment.
{"title":"Multiplication, addition, and subtraction in numerals: formal variation in Latin’s decads+ from an Indo-European perspective","authors":"Brigitte L. M. Bauer","doi":"10.1515/joll-2023-2001","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/joll-2023-2001","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract While formal variation in Latin’s numerals is generally acknowledged, little is known about (relative) incidence, distribution, context, or linguistic productivity. Addressing this lacuna, this article examines “decads+” in Latin, which convey the numbers between the full decads: the teens (‘eleven’ through ‘nineteen’) as well as the numerals between the higher decads starting at ‘twenty-one’ through ‘ninety-nine’. Latin’s decads+ are compounds and prone to variation. The data, which are drawn from a variety of sources, reveal (a) substantial formal variation in Latin, both internally and typologically; (b) co-existence of several types of formation; (c) productivity of potential borrowings; (d) resilience of early formations; (e) patterns in structure and incidence that anticipate the Romance numerals; and (f) historical trends. From a typological and general linguistic perspective as well, Latin’s decads+ are most relevant because their formal variation involves sequence, connector, and arithmetical operations and because their historical depth shows a gradual shift away from widespread formal variation, eventually resulting in the relatively rigid system found in Romance. Moreover, the combined system attested in decads+ in Latin – based on a combination of inherited, innovative and borrowed patterns and reflecting different stages of development – presents a number of typological inconsistencies that require further assessment.","PeriodicalId":29862,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Latin Linguistics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2023-05-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43165154","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-05-01DOI: 10.1515/joll-2023-frontmatter1
{"title":"Frontmatter","authors":"","doi":"10.1515/joll-2023-frontmatter1","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/joll-2023-frontmatter1","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":29862,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Latin Linguistics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-05-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135516589","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract According to a phonetic rule commonly referred to as Eichner’s law, the quality of a long *ē was not affected by an adjacent laryngeal *h 2 or *h 3 in the prehistory of the individual Indo-European languages: Latin spērāre ‘hope’ < *spēh 2 -s- (desiderative), Old Slavic spěti ‘be successful’ < *spēh 2 - (cf. *sph 2 -ró- in Ved. sphirá- and Lat. prosperus; *speh 2 -i-s- in Old Slavic spěxŭ); Tocharian B yerpe < *h 3 ērb h -o- ‘disk, orb’ (without colouration) versus Latin orbis < *h 3 orb h -i- ‘circle’. The purpose of the article is not to reassess the value of all reconstructions involving Eichner’s law, but to focus primarily on two neglected examples supporting its validity: Latin īdūs < *h 2 ēid- ‘Ides’, a term originally referring to the full moon, for which a connection with aemidus < *h 2 eid- (a term glossed as tumidus) can plausibly be argued; Greek ἔγκατα < *h 2 ēnk- ‘mass of the inner organs of the thorax and of the upper part of the abdomen’ related to ὄγκος ‘swelling, tumour, bulk’ (from an older meaning ‘curvature’; the word constantly refers to volume, not to weight). The striking structural parallelism between ἔγκατα < *h 2 ḗnk-r/n- ‘pluck’ (with Osthoff-shortening) and ἧπαρ < *(H)yḗk w -r/n- ‘liver’ requires a close reexamination of the latter word and a detailed discussion of the puzzling vocalism of Lat. iecur, gen. iocineris. The study aims at offering a careful analysis of these items, taking into account their precise semantics and the relevant comparative data. Particular emphasis will be laid upon the derivational processes responsible for the morphological shape of the lexemes under discussion. It will appear that the Classical languages, especially Latin, can make a decisive contribution to the understanding of the morphology of lengthened-grade formations, which in turn offer new insights into the history of the Latin and Greek lexicons.
{"title":"Eichner’s law in Latin, Greek and beyond: some neglected evidence","authors":"Vincent Martzloff, Barbora Machajdíková","doi":"10.1515/joll-2023-2003","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/joll-2023-2003","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract According to a phonetic rule commonly referred to as Eichner’s law, the quality of a long *ē was not affected by an adjacent laryngeal *h 2 or *h 3 in the prehistory of the individual Indo-European languages: Latin spērāre ‘hope’ < *spēh 2 -s- (desiderative), Old Slavic spěti ‘be successful’ < *spēh 2 - (cf. *sph 2 -ró- in Ved. sphirá- and Lat. prosperus; *speh 2 -i-s- in Old Slavic spěxŭ); Tocharian B yerpe < *h 3 ērb h -o- ‘disk, orb’ (without colouration) versus Latin orbis < *h 3 orb h -i- ‘circle’. The purpose of the article is not to reassess the value of all reconstructions involving Eichner’s law, but to focus primarily on two neglected examples supporting its validity: Latin īdūs < *h 2 ēid- ‘Ides’, a term originally referring to the full moon, for which a connection with aemidus < *h 2 eid- (a term glossed as tumidus) can plausibly be argued; Greek ἔγκατα < *h 2 ēnk- ‘mass of the inner organs of the thorax and of the upper part of the abdomen’ related to ὄγκος ‘swelling, tumour, bulk’ (from an older meaning ‘curvature’; the word constantly refers to volume, not to weight). The striking structural parallelism between ἔγκατα < *h 2 ḗnk-r/n- ‘pluck’ (with Osthoff-shortening) and ἧπαρ < *(H)yḗk w -r/n- ‘liver’ requires a close reexamination of the latter word and a detailed discussion of the puzzling vocalism of Lat. iecur, gen. iocineris. The study aims at offering a careful analysis of these items, taking into account their precise semantics and the relevant comparative data. Particular emphasis will be laid upon the derivational processes responsible for the morphological shape of the lexemes under discussion. It will appear that the Classical languages, especially Latin, can make a decisive contribution to the understanding of the morphology of lengthened-grade formations, which in turn offer new insights into the history of the Latin and Greek lexicons.","PeriodicalId":29862,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Latin Linguistics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2023-05-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43181056","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract I took into account an Ammianus passage, namely 20,8,3–4, where the text edited by all modern scholars has been marked with two crosses to show that the text is not sure. As a matter of fact in every modern edition we read: [Iulianus] quamquam non †repugnanter, tamen nec adrogantibus uerbis, quicquam scripsit, ne uideretur subito †repugnasse. Here the adverb tamen causes problems, because the reader expects to find quamquam non repugnanter, nec adrogantibus uerbis, quicquam scripsit without tamen. A solution is to place tamen after uerbis as Pighi and Seyfarth did to substitute quamquam non repugnanter, tamen nec adrogantibus uerbis, quicquam scripsit with quamquam non repugnanter, nec adrogantibus uerbis, tamen quicquam scripsit. But such a solution is too arbitrary. Another solution was proposed by Petschening, i.e. to replace non repugnanter with non repurganter. But the difference between non repugnanter and non repurganter was too reduced and a similar difficulty occurred also with repurganter. However, I considered more attentive the reading of the manuscript Fuldensis, the father of all manuscripts which transmitted Ammianus’ text, and found that the word tamen, which caused the problem, did not exist and was produced by modern editors from the following reading: repugnant certant Vm1 repugnanter tamen m2 (V = Fuldensis). Here certant seems to have been introduced in order to explain the infrequent word repugnanter: repugnant certant of the first hand of V. The word certant was a gloss, and the reading of the second hand of V was produced by dividing and eliminating certant, the gloss, in this way: repugnan terr̭ tanῑ, where cer (of cer tant ) was read ter, considering the great similarity of c and t in Carolingian script, and added to repugnant/. This produced repugnanter and what remained of certant (cer tant ) was read tam which for its part was considered an abbreviation of tamen. On the other hand, I found in Ammianus some other examples of this behaviour employed by the librari, e.g. 22,8,29 Sauromatae, per quos amnes fluunt perpetui // Clark Rolfe Selem Seyfarth Fontaine Viansino per quosdam esfluit Vm1 per quosđ/ amnes fluunt Vm3. In this case quosđ/ am and the letter n added over and es from es fluunt has produced amnes, with the letter d deleted and another n placed over, thus arriving finally at the expression: per quos (i.e. Sarmatas) amnes fluunt perpetui: per quosđ am n es fluu n t per petui Vm3. A clear example how the librari of V worked.
摘要我考虑了Ammianus的一段话，即20，8，3–4，其中所有现代学者编辑的文本都用两个十字架标记，以表明文本不确定。事实上，在每一个现代版本中，我们都读到：[Iulianus]quamquam non†repgnanter，tamen nec adrogantibus uerbis，quicquam scrippit，ne uideretur subito†repignasse。在这里，副词tamen会引起问题，因为读者希望找到quamquam non-regnanter、nec-adrogantibus uerbis、quicquam scrippit without tamen。一个解决方案是将tamen放在uerbis之后，就像Pighi和Seyfarth所做的那样，用quamquam non-regnanter代替quamquam-nec adrogantibus uerbis，用quacquam-non-regnant代替quicquam-scrippit，nec-adrogantibus-urbis，tamen quicquam scrippit。但这样的解决方案过于武断。Petschening提出了另一种解决方案，即用非重组器取代非重组器。但非厌恶者和非厌恶者之间的差异太小了，厌恶者也出现了类似的困难。然而，我考虑更仔细地阅读手稿Fuldensis，他是传播Ammianus文本的所有手稿之父，并发现造成这个问题的单词tamen并不存在，而是由现代编辑根据以下阅读产生的：令人反感的certant Vm1令人反感的tamen m2（V=Fuldensi）。这里引入certant似乎是为了解释不常见的单词repignanter：V的第一手的令人反感的certant。certant这个词是一种光泽，而V的第二手的阅读是通过划分和消除certant，这种光泽产生的：repignan terr̭tanῑ, 其中cer（属于cer tant）读作ter，考虑到c和t在加洛林文字中的巨大相似性，并加上了令人反感的/。这引起了反感，剩下的certant（cer tant）被读作tam，就其本身而言，它被认为是tamen的缩写。另一方面，我在Ammianus中发现了图书馆采用的其他一些这种行为的例子，例如22，8，29 Sauromae，per quos amnes fluunt perpetui//Clark Rolfe Selem Seyfarth Fontaine Viansino per quosdam esfluit Vm1 per quos dj/amnes fluunt Vm3。在这种情况下，quosř/am和从es fluunt加上的字母n产生了amnes，字母d被删除，另一个n被放在上面，从而最终得到了表达式：per quos（即Sarmatas）amnes fluunt peretui:per quosŞam n es fluu n t per petui Vm3。V的librari是如何工作的一个清晰的例子。
{"title":"Amm. 20.8.3–4, Quid Claudius Iulianus, a militibus Augustus appellatus, Constantio II binis litteris ad posteritatem adtentior scripserit","authors":"Gualtherius Calboli","doi":"10.1515/joll-2022-2014","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/joll-2022-2014","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract I took into account an Ammianus passage, namely 20,8,3–4, where the text edited by all modern scholars has been marked with two crosses to show that the text is not sure. As a matter of fact in every modern edition we read: [Iulianus] quamquam non †repugnanter, tamen nec adrogantibus uerbis, quicquam scripsit, ne uideretur subito †repugnasse. Here the adverb tamen causes problems, because the reader expects to find quamquam non repugnanter, nec adrogantibus uerbis, quicquam scripsit without tamen. A solution is to place tamen after uerbis as Pighi and Seyfarth did to substitute quamquam non repugnanter, tamen nec adrogantibus uerbis, quicquam scripsit with quamquam non repugnanter, nec adrogantibus uerbis, tamen quicquam scripsit. But such a solution is too arbitrary. Another solution was proposed by Petschening, i.e. to replace non repugnanter with non repurganter. But the difference between non repugnanter and non repurganter was too reduced and a similar difficulty occurred also with repurganter. However, I considered more attentive the reading of the manuscript Fuldensis, the father of all manuscripts which transmitted Ammianus’ text, and found that the word tamen, which caused the problem, did not exist and was produced by modern editors from the following reading: repugnant certant Vm1 repugnanter tamen m2 (V = Fuldensis). Here certant seems to have been introduced in order to explain the infrequent word repugnanter: repugnant certant of the first hand of V. The word certant was a gloss, and the reading of the second hand of V was produced by dividing and eliminating certant, the gloss, in this way: repugnan terr̭ tanῑ, where cer (of cer tant ) was read ter, considering the great similarity of c and t in Carolingian script, and added to repugnant/. This produced repugnanter and what remained of certant (cer tant ) was read tam which for its part was considered an abbreviation of tamen. On the other hand, I found in Ammianus some other examples of this behaviour employed by the librari, e.g. 22,8,29 Sauromatae, per quos amnes fluunt perpetui // Clark Rolfe Selem Seyfarth Fontaine Viansino per quosdam esfluit Vm1 per quosđ/ amnes fluunt Vm3. In this case quosđ/ am and the letter n added over and es from es fluunt has produced amnes, with the letter d deleted and another n placed over, thus arriving finally at the expression: per quos (i.e. Sarmatas) amnes fluunt perpetui: per quosđ am n es fluu n t per petui Vm3. A clear example how the librari of V worked.","PeriodicalId":29862,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Latin Linguistics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2022-10-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44475724","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract This paper analyzes the Latin subordinate conjunctions quia and quoniam in Plautus’ comedies. Previous studies have shown that quia and quoniam play an important role in managing the information flow of a discourse. Clauses introduced by quia typically contain information that is new to the addressee, while quoniam-clauses tend to present information that belongs to the speech participants’ common ground. Our analysis shows that in Plautus, quia and quoniam each appear in specific communicative contexts that reflect their information management properties. We also demonstrate how Plautus exploits these characteristics of quia and quoniam to manipulate the information flow on stage for the purpose of audience entertainment.
{"title":"Quia, quoniam, and information management in Plautus","authors":"Merlijn Breunesse, Margherita Fantoli","doi":"10.1515/joll-2022-2013","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/joll-2022-2013","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract This paper analyzes the Latin subordinate conjunctions quia and quoniam in Plautus’ comedies. Previous studies have shown that quia and quoniam play an important role in managing the information flow of a discourse. Clauses introduced by quia typically contain information that is new to the addressee, while quoniam-clauses tend to present information that belongs to the speech participants’ common ground. Our analysis shows that in Plautus, quia and quoniam each appear in specific communicative contexts that reflect their information management properties. We also demonstrate how Plautus exploits these characteristics of quia and quoniam to manipulate the information flow on stage for the purpose of audience entertainment.","PeriodicalId":29862,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Latin Linguistics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2022-10-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46536543","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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