Abstract This paper plugs a gap in the literature by providing a corpus-based diachronic semantic analysis of the preposition secundum while also contributing to a larger body of cognitive-functional studies of prepositions. The data, retrieved from the Latin Library corpus prose section and spanning a period of over 800 years, are analyzed from both a qualitative and a quantitative point of view. The meanings of secundum are grouped into three cognitive-functional domains (the spatio-temporal one, the domain of logical relations and the (inter)subjective domain) within and across which metaphorical and metonymic links are identified. On the basis of these data, a conceptual space is drawn on which four semantic maps are carved, representing four different stages of evolution in the semantics of secundum. The semantic change undergone by secundum supports the idea of the centrality of the spatio-temporal domains and shows a gradual tendency towards (inter)subjectification – in line with a plethora of studies within grammaticalization theory and semantic change. Particularly interesting is the development of the meanings of evidentiality and attribution, two meanings that had been previously overlooked. The semantic space identified has potential cross-linguistic applications.
{"title":"A diachronic semantic map for the Latin preposition secundum","authors":"C. Guardamagna","doi":"10.1515/joll-2016-0009","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/joll-2016-0009","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract This paper plugs a gap in the literature by providing a corpus-based diachronic semantic analysis of the preposition secundum while also contributing to a larger body of cognitive-functional studies of prepositions. The data, retrieved from the Latin Library corpus prose section and spanning a period of over 800 years, are analyzed from both a qualitative and a quantitative point of view. The meanings of secundum are grouped into three cognitive-functional domains (the spatio-temporal one, the domain of logical relations and the (inter)subjective domain) within and across which metaphorical and metonymic links are identified. On the basis of these data, a conceptual space is drawn on which four semantic maps are carved, representing four different stages of evolution in the semantics of secundum. The semantic change undergone by secundum supports the idea of the centrality of the spatio-temporal domains and shows a gradual tendency towards (inter)subjectification – in line with a plethora of studies within grammaticalization theory and semantic change. Particularly interesting is the development of the meanings of evidentiality and attribution, two meanings that had been previously overlooked. The semantic space identified has potential cross-linguistic applications.","PeriodicalId":29862,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Latin Linguistics","volume":"15 1","pages":"233 - 277"},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2016-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1515/joll-2016-0009","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"66995595","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract A couple of years ago Colette Bodelot (2014, Les propositions complétives dans la Chronique originale de Frédégaire (I.4, chap. 1–90). In Piera Molinelli, Pierluigi Cuzzolin & Chiara Fedriani (eds.), Latin vulgaire – Latin tardif, Vol.II, 183–203. Bergamo: Bergamo University Press, Sestante Ed.) discussed in a rich and worthy paper the use of direct and indirect speech by Fredegarius, one of the most representative Merovingian storytellers, and showed that he rather used the subjunctive instead of the Accusativus cum Infinitivo (AcI). Therefore, I decided to take again into account this author and his historical work which on the other hand had been object of a keen inquiry by Lyliane Sznajder (2005, Stratégies de prises en charge énonciatives dans le discours indirect. In G. Calboli (ed.), Papers on grammar IX, 2, Latina Lingua, 749–761. Roma: Herder.), and I started from these two papers. I myself had considered the direct and indirect discourse in Latin and Indo-European languages (Calboli, in print), however in that paper the core of my inquiry was rather the AcI as a peculiar construction of the indirect speech. In order to choose a specific text with all stylistic implications, I concentrate myself on the clash between the king Theuderich and saint Columbanus, where I could compare the Vita Columbani by Jonas and Fredegarius’ Chronicle. I could therefore take into account also a kind of epic style proper of the Histories of Saints, which suggested the use of AcI, a typical construction of the most authoritative Latin. In this case Fredegarius’ text was a reproduction of Jonas’ text, but with some differences in the use of subordinate clause: Jonas employed AcI, Fredegarius the simple subjunctive. I took into account also the use of Gregor of Tour, and pointed out a fluctuation, in Banniard’s (2012, Le latin classique existe-t-it. In Biville Frédérique, Marie-Karine Lhommé & Daniel Vallat (eds.), Latin vulgaire – Latin tardif IX, 57–78. Lyon: Maison de l’Orient et de la Méditerannée) sense, which produced in Merovingian Latin a larger frame of constructions than in classical and imperial Latin. This depended also upon the abandon of some constraints which in classical and postclassical Latin reduced the number of possible clauses. The following passage was the reduction of such a frame in Carolingian Latin. In previous Merovingian language, AcI was consistently challenged by subjunctive, both introduced by conjunctions of subordination (quod, quia, quoniam, etc.) or without any conjunction in a kind of simple subjunctive. This phenomenon was connected with the expansion of subjunctive, in particular of pluperfect, which was extended in most Romance languages (cf. Stotz 1998: 333, Handbuch zur lateinischen Sprache des Mittelalters. Vierter Band. Formenlehre, Syntax und Stilistik. München: C. H. Beck), and in Merovingian Latin was employed also instead of indicative (cf. Vielliard 1927: 224, Le latin des diplômes royaux et chartes pri
几年前Colette Bodelot (2014)， Les propositions compltives dans la Chronique originale de fracimdsamgaire (I.4, chapter 1-90)。在Piera Molinelli, Pierluigi Cuzzolin & Chiara Fedriani(编)，拉丁文庸俗-拉丁文tardif, Vol.II, 183-203。贝加莫:贝加莫大学出版社，Sestante Ed.)在一篇丰富而有价值的论文中讨论了墨罗温学派最具代表性的说书人之一费德加里乌斯对直接和间接引语的使用，并表明他更喜欢使用虚拟语气而不是控告和不定式(AcI)。因此，我决定再次考虑这位作者和他的历史作品，另一方面，Lyliane Sznajder(2005)对其进行了强烈的调查，他的研究是间接的。参见G. Calboli(主编)，《语法论文集》9,2，拉丁语言，749-761。《罗马:牧人》)，我从这两篇论文开始。我自己也曾考虑过拉丁语和印欧语中的直接语篇和间接语篇(Calboli，已出版)，但在那篇论文中，我研究的核心是作为间接语篇的一种特殊结构的AcI。为了选择一个具有所有风格含义的特定文本，我把自己集中在国王提乌德里奇和圣科伦巴努斯之间的冲突上，在那里我可以比较乔纳斯的《维塔·科伦巴尼》和弗雷德加留斯的《编年史》。因此，我也可以考虑到《圣人史》的一种史诗风格，它建议使用AcI，这是最权威的拉丁语的典型结构。在这种情况下，Fredegarius的文本是乔纳斯文本的复制，但在使用从句方面有所不同:乔纳斯使用了AcI, Fredegarius是简单的虚拟语气。我也考虑到了图尔的格雷戈尔的使用，并指出了Banniard(2012)的一个波动，Le latin classique存在-t-it。在Biville fracimdsamrique, Marie-Karine lhomm & Daniel Vallat(编)，拉丁文vulgaire - Latin tardif IX, 57-78。里昂:Maison de l 'Orient et de la msamdiiterannsame)的意义，它在墨洛温拉丁语中产生了比古典拉丁语和帝国拉丁语更大的结构框架。这也取决于古典和后古典拉丁语中一些限制的放弃，这些限制减少了可能的分句的数量。下面的段落是加洛林王朝的拉丁语中这种框架的简化。在以前的墨洛温语中，AcI一直受到虚拟语气的挑战，它们都是由从属连词(quod, quia, quoniam等)引入的，或者在一种简单的虚拟语气中没有任何连词。这一现象与虚拟语气的扩展有关，特别是在大多数罗曼语中，虚拟语气得到了扩展(参见Stotz 1998: 333, Handbuch zur lateinischen Sprache des Mittelalters)。Vierter乐队。语法和结构。m nchen: C. H. Beck)，并且在梅罗温拉丁语中也被用来代替指示性的(参见Vielliard 1927: 224, Le Latin des diplômes royaux et chartes privsames de l ' sampoque msamrovingienne)。巴黎:荣誉冠军。因此，我强调，墨洛温拉丁语中的这些用法必须被视为语言框架的变化和扩大，而不是从古典拉丁语的角度来看的错误，尽管它们是拉丁语分解的产物，特别是case系统。
{"title":"Quomodo Fredegarius Scholasticus modis et temporibus uerbi temporalis usus sit","authors":"Gualtharius Calboli","doi":"10.1515/joll-2016-0006","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/joll-2016-0006","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract A couple of years ago Colette Bodelot (2014, Les propositions complétives dans la Chronique originale de Frédégaire (I.4, chap. 1–90). In Piera Molinelli, Pierluigi Cuzzolin & Chiara Fedriani (eds.), Latin vulgaire – Latin tardif, Vol.II, 183–203. Bergamo: Bergamo University Press, Sestante Ed.) discussed in a rich and worthy paper the use of direct and indirect speech by Fredegarius, one of the most representative Merovingian storytellers, and showed that he rather used the subjunctive instead of the Accusativus cum Infinitivo (AcI). Therefore, I decided to take again into account this author and his historical work which on the other hand had been object of a keen inquiry by Lyliane Sznajder (2005, Stratégies de prises en charge énonciatives dans le discours indirect. In G. Calboli (ed.), Papers on grammar IX, 2, Latina Lingua, 749–761. Roma: Herder.), and I started from these two papers. I myself had considered the direct and indirect discourse in Latin and Indo-European languages (Calboli, in print), however in that paper the core of my inquiry was rather the AcI as a peculiar construction of the indirect speech. In order to choose a specific text with all stylistic implications, I concentrate myself on the clash between the king Theuderich and saint Columbanus, where I could compare the Vita Columbani by Jonas and Fredegarius’ Chronicle. I could therefore take into account also a kind of epic style proper of the Histories of Saints, which suggested the use of AcI, a typical construction of the most authoritative Latin. In this case Fredegarius’ text was a reproduction of Jonas’ text, but with some differences in the use of subordinate clause: Jonas employed AcI, Fredegarius the simple subjunctive. I took into account also the use of Gregor of Tour, and pointed out a fluctuation, in Banniard’s (2012, Le latin classique existe-t-it. In Biville Frédérique, Marie-Karine Lhommé & Daniel Vallat (eds.), Latin vulgaire – Latin tardif IX, 57–78. Lyon: Maison de l’Orient et de la Méditerannée) sense, which produced in Merovingian Latin a larger frame of constructions than in classical and imperial Latin. This depended also upon the abandon of some constraints which in classical and postclassical Latin reduced the number of possible clauses. The following passage was the reduction of such a frame in Carolingian Latin. In previous Merovingian language, AcI was consistently challenged by subjunctive, both introduced by conjunctions of subordination (quod, quia, quoniam, etc.) or without any conjunction in a kind of simple subjunctive. This phenomenon was connected with the expansion of subjunctive, in particular of pluperfect, which was extended in most Romance languages (cf. Stotz 1998: 333, Handbuch zur lateinischen Sprache des Mittelalters. Vierter Band. Formenlehre, Syntax und Stilistik. München: C. H. Beck), and in Merovingian Latin was employed also instead of indicative (cf. Vielliard 1927: 224, Le latin des diplômes royaux et chartes pri","PeriodicalId":29862,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Latin Linguistics","volume":"15 1","pages":"215 - 231"},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2016-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1515/joll-2016-0006","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"66995449","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract Karl Barwick held the stance that Stoics developed a doctrine of tropes and figures. After revising Barwick’s arguments – following the path traced, among others, by Baratin, Desbordes, Schenkeveld and Ax – we have concluded that Barwick’s assumption lacks a solid foundation. Thus, τρόπος and σχῆμα are not attested as rhetorical terms among the Stoics; furthermore, the alleged opposition between λέξις ‘Einzelwort’ and λόγος ‘zusammenhängende Rede’ – which is the keystone of Barwick’s reconstruction – does not take place in Stoic dialectics. We have also shown that the doctrine of Latinitas ~ Ἑλληνισμός is not only peculiar to Stoic-oriented grammarians, and that specially by pointing to an Ars anonyma excerpted by the Augustean grammarian Verrius Flaccus. Future research on the origin of tropes and figures must focus on Theophrastus and the Peripatetic School, leaving aside the Stoic hypothesis.
{"title":"Stoics on tropes and figures","authors":"Ramón Gutiérrez González","doi":"10.1515/joll-2016-0008","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/joll-2016-0008","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Karl Barwick held the stance that Stoics developed a doctrine of tropes and figures. After revising Barwick’s arguments – following the path traced, among others, by Baratin, Desbordes, Schenkeveld and Ax – we have concluded that Barwick’s assumption lacks a solid foundation. Thus, τρόπος and σχῆμα are not attested as rhetorical terms among the Stoics; furthermore, the alleged opposition between λέξις ‘Einzelwort’ and λόγος ‘zusammenhängende Rede’ – which is the keystone of Barwick’s reconstruction – does not take place in Stoic dialectics. We have also shown that the doctrine of Latinitas ~ Ἑλληνισμός is not only peculiar to Stoic-oriented grammarians, and that specially by pointing to an Ars anonyma excerpted by the Augustean grammarian Verrius Flaccus. Future research on the origin of tropes and figures must focus on Theophrastus and the Peripatetic School, leaving aside the Stoic hypothesis.","PeriodicalId":29862,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Latin Linguistics","volume":"15 1","pages":"279 - 311"},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2016-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1515/joll-2016-0008","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"66995509","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Hertzenberg, Mari Johanne Bordal: Third person reference in late Latin. Demonstratives, definite articles and personal pronouns in the Itinerarium","authors":"Nigel Vincent","doi":"10.1515/joll-2016-0010","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/joll-2016-0010","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":29862,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Latin Linguistics","volume":"15 1","pages":"355 - 359"},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2016-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1515/joll-2016-0010","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"66995609","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract This paper analyzes directive expressions in Plautus’s Curculio, a comedy with unusual characteristics. The analysis takes into account the social status of those characters who give and receive directive expressions, as well as their gender and the pragmatic situations which the dramatic context affords them. As a means of explaining the findings here, a distinction is drawn between various subtypes of speech acts according to the degree of obligation required in terms of compliance with the orders given. Also, we will attempt to assess the extent to which it is possible to associate a specific type of modality (impressive, declarative, interrogative) with the coding of orders involving a greater or lesser degree of obligation of compliance. The analysis confirms earlier findings on the existence of an interaction in this comedy between pragmatic, dramatic and sociolinguistic aspects in the expression of directives.
{"title":"Directives in Latin comedy: Pragmatics, dramatic role and social status","authors":"C. Cabrillana","doi":"10.1515/joll-2016-0012","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/joll-2016-0012","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract This paper analyzes directive expressions in Plautus’s Curculio, a comedy with unusual characteristics. The analysis takes into account the social status of those characters who give and receive directive expressions, as well as their gender and the pragmatic situations which the dramatic context affords them. As a means of explaining the findings here, a distinction is drawn between various subtypes of speech acts according to the degree of obligation required in terms of compliance with the orders given. Also, we will attempt to assess the extent to which it is possible to associate a specific type of modality (impressive, declarative, interrogative) with the coding of orders involving a greater or lesser degree of obligation of compliance. The analysis confirms earlier findings on the existence of an interaction in this comedy between pragmatic, dramatic and sociolinguistic aspects in the expression of directives.","PeriodicalId":29862,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Latin Linguistics","volume":"15 1","pages":"179 - 214"},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2016-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1515/joll-2016-0012","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"66995658","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract Since causativity is either scarcely or not at all marked in Latin, most grammars and textbooks do not mention this verbal category. Nevertheless, from a functional point of view, there are many different means of causative constructions (CCs) in Latin, especially upon examination of analytical forms. After some methodological remarks in Section 1, the focus of Section 2 is a morphosyntactic survey of CCs in Latin. Apart from those cases that are not marked (Caesar … pontem rescidit, Gal. 4.19.4) there is a large group of lexical causatives (with subclasses in regard to the base verb), and even relics of a morphological causative which can be seen in the –facere/–ficere type. Additionally, there is no doubt that there are many analytical causatives. Within the latter group, which is the largest and most productive type of causative construction, the base verb appears not only embedded in different forms (as a predicative participle or an adjective, an infinitive, a gerund, a verb in subjunctive form within an ut-clause), but also as a noun of a functional verb construction (afficere+abl.; facere/dare/adferre+acc.). If it is possible to have “two or more causative mechanisms” in any given language, they “always have different meanings” (Dixon 2000. A typology of causatives. In R. M. W. Dixon & A. Y. Aikhenvald (eds.), Changing valency. Case studies in transitivity, 30–83. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 33). This typological generalization can be seen in the syntactic and the semantic behavior of the single analytical causative constructions. The syntactic analysis of Section 3 shows if there are restrictions in relation to the Latin base verbs, i. e. whether transitive, intransitive or ditransitive verbs are possible, the valency status of the causee, to what extent the possibility of passivizing the CCs is available for the different types of causative constructions, and if so-called second causatives are possible. In the semantic analysis in Section 4, different parameters, like control and dynamicity, and semantic features like animateness will be applied with regard to the causer, the base verb and the whole construction. In the last instance, it will be explored to what extent the different semantic types of causatives, namely direct versus indirect and permissive versus declarative causatives, can be found in Latin. The conclusion in Section 5 will summarize the main results. A causative basically consists of two different states of affairs which are in a causal relation to each other. In the following, we will use the expression causative construction (hereafter, CC) as a functional cover term with a broader meaning which will also include the so-called factitive (Biville 1995. Énoncés factitifs en latin: syntaxe et sémantique. In D. Longrée (ed.), De usu, 31–44. Louvain-la-Neuve: Peeters; Kulikov 2001. Causatives. In M. Haspelmath, E. König, W. Oesterreicher & W. Raible (eds.), Language typology and language universals. An
由于拉丁语中几乎没有或根本没有标记使役，因此大多数语法和教科书都没有提到这一动词类别。然而，从功能的角度来看，拉丁语中有许多不同的使役结构(cc)，特别是在分析形式的检查中。在第1节的一些方法论评论之后，第2节的重点是对拉丁语cc的形态句法调查。除了那些没有标注的情况(Caesar…pontem rescidit, Gal. 4.19.4)外，还有一大群词性使役(与原形动词相关的子类)，甚至是形态学使役的残余，可以在-facere / -ficere类型中看到。此外，毫无疑问，有许多分析使役。后一组是最大和最多产的使役结构类型，原形动词不仅以不同的形式出现(作为谓语分词或形容词、不定式、动名词、在but从句中以虚拟语气形式出现的动词)，而且还作为功能动词结构的名词出现(afficere+abl;facere /敢adferre + acc)。如果在任何给定的语言中有可能存在“两种或两种以上的致因机制”，那么它们“总是具有不同的含义”(Dixon 2000)。使役的一种类型。见R. M. W. Dixon和A. Y. Aikhenvald(编)，价的变化。及物性案例研究，30-83。剑桥:剑桥大学出版社，33)。这种类型概括可以在单个解析使役结构的句法和语义行为中看到。第三节的句法分析表明，在拉丁词根动词方面是否存在限制，即:及物动词、不及物动词或及物动词是否可能，致因的价态，不同类型的使役结构中cc的钝化可能性有多大，以及所谓的第二使役是否可能。在第4节的语义分析中，我们将对导致词、原形动词和整个结构使用不同的参数，如控制性和动态性，以及语义特征，如动物性。最后，我们将探讨在拉丁语中，使役的不同语义类型，即直接使役与间接使役、允许使役与陈述使役在多大程度上可以被发现。第5节的结论部分将对主要结果进行总结。一个原因基本上由两种不同的事件状态组成，这两种状态彼此之间存在因果关系。在下文中，我们将使用“使役结构”(以下简称“CC”)作为一个具有更广泛含义的功能术语，其中也包括所谓的“致动”(Biville 1995)。Énoncés factitifs en拉丁语:syntax et ssammantique。见D. longrae(编)，De usu, 31-44。Louvain-la-Neuve:此人;库利科夫2001年。使役动词。见M.哈斯佩尔马斯，E. König, W. osterreicher & W. Raible(编)，语言类型学与语言共性。一本国际手册。第2卷，886-898。柏林和纽约:慕顿·德·格鲁伊特出版社。这种CC的作用就像被动语态和自反语态一样，因此是派生的谓词结构(Dik 1997b)。功能语法理论。第2部分:复杂和派生结构。亨格菲尔德主编。柏林和纽约:Mouton de Gruyter, 9)，或者更准确地说:一个合并结构(Von Stechow, 1993)。语法语法。J. Jacobs, A. v. Stechow, W. Sternefeld, T. Vennemann & H. E. Wiegand(编)，《句法》，卷1:1 - 88。Berlin & New York: Mouton de Gruyter, 30)，它改变了基本谓语的句法和语义形式。在句法上，会有规律的配价增加，因为导致基本谓语的一个论点，其核心是基本动词(BV)，将被添加到次要位置。这个新的论点将填补主语的位置，而BV的前主语必须占据一个新的位置。经过形态修饰的使役动词被称为使役动词(CV)，它是使役动词的核心。例如，对使役动词来说，assufacere就是CV。
{"title":"On causativity in Latin","authors":"R. Hoffmann","doi":"10.1515/joll-2016-0002","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/joll-2016-0002","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Since causativity is either scarcely or not at all marked in Latin, most grammars and textbooks do not mention this verbal category. Nevertheless, from a functional point of view, there are many different means of causative constructions (CCs) in Latin, especially upon examination of analytical forms. After some methodological remarks in Section 1, the focus of Section 2 is a morphosyntactic survey of CCs in Latin. Apart from those cases that are not marked (Caesar … pontem rescidit, Gal. 4.19.4) there is a large group of lexical causatives (with subclasses in regard to the base verb), and even relics of a morphological causative which can be seen in the –facere/–ficere type. Additionally, there is no doubt that there are many analytical causatives. Within the latter group, which is the largest and most productive type of causative construction, the base verb appears not only embedded in different forms (as a predicative participle or an adjective, an infinitive, a gerund, a verb in subjunctive form within an ut-clause), but also as a noun of a functional verb construction (afficere+abl.; facere/dare/adferre+acc.). If it is possible to have “two or more causative mechanisms” in any given language, they “always have different meanings” (Dixon 2000. A typology of causatives. In R. M. W. Dixon & A. Y. Aikhenvald (eds.), Changing valency. Case studies in transitivity, 30–83. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 33). This typological generalization can be seen in the syntactic and the semantic behavior of the single analytical causative constructions. The syntactic analysis of Section 3 shows if there are restrictions in relation to the Latin base verbs, i. e. whether transitive, intransitive or ditransitive verbs are possible, the valency status of the causee, to what extent the possibility of passivizing the CCs is available for the different types of causative constructions, and if so-called second causatives are possible. In the semantic analysis in Section 4, different parameters, like control and dynamicity, and semantic features like animateness will be applied with regard to the causer, the base verb and the whole construction. In the last instance, it will be explored to what extent the different semantic types of causatives, namely direct versus indirect and permissive versus declarative causatives, can be found in Latin. The conclusion in Section 5 will summarize the main results. A causative basically consists of two different states of affairs which are in a causal relation to each other. In the following, we will use the expression causative construction (hereafter, CC) as a functional cover term with a broader meaning which will also include the so-called factitive (Biville 1995. Énoncés factitifs en latin: syntaxe et sémantique. In D. Longrée (ed.), De usu, 31–44. Louvain-la-Neuve: Peeters; Kulikov 2001. Causatives. In M. Haspelmath, E. König, W. Oesterreicher & W. Raible (eds.), Language typology and language universals. An","PeriodicalId":29862,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Latin Linguistics","volume":"15 1","pages":"33 - 71"},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2016-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1515/joll-2016-0002","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"66995320","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Cabrillana, Concepción & Christian Lehmann: Acta XIV Colloquii Internationalis Linguisticae Latinae","authors":"Maria Napoli","doi":"10.1515/joll-2016-0007","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/joll-2016-0007","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":29862,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Latin Linguistics","volume":"15 1","pages":"347 - 354"},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2016-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1515/joll-2016-0007","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"66995491","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract This article provides an analysis of the syntactical and metrical alignment of the subject pronoun of the first person singular in Latin epic. Based on the observation that, due to its prosody, ego may only feature in a certain number of sedes within the dactylic hexameter line, a quantitative and qualitative argument is made for a careful distinction between emphatic and unstressed uses in relation to consistent patterns of metrical and syntactical collocation.
{"title":"I, Claudian: the syntactical and metrical alignment of ego in Claudian and his epic predecessors","authors":"Peter Kruschwitz, Clare Coombe","doi":"10.1515/joll-2016-0003","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/joll-2016-0003","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract This article provides an analysis of the syntactical and metrical alignment of the subject pronoun of the first person singular in Latin epic. Based on the observation that, due to its prosody, ego may only feature in a certain number of sedes within the dactylic hexameter line, a quantitative and qualitative argument is made for a careful distinction between emphatic and unstressed uses in relation to consistent patterns of metrical and syntactical collocation.","PeriodicalId":29862,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Latin Linguistics","volume":"13 1","pages":"115 - 73"},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2016-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1515/joll-2016-0003","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"66995369","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract In studies on Latin adverbs (e. g. Menge 1961. Repetitorium der Syntax und Stilistik, 16th edn. A. Thierfelder (ed.). Munich: M. Hueber; Bos 1967. L’adverbe en Latin. Tentative de classification structurale. B.S.L. 62. 106–122; Löfstedt 1967. Bemerkungen zum Adverb im Lateinischen. IF 72. 79–109; Pinkster 1972. On Latin adverbs (North Holland Linguistic Series 6). Amsterdam: North Holland Publishing Company), the discussion of a specific temporal adverb in a certain corpus is rare. On the other hand, several items of research are worth mentioning: the position of adverbs denoting measure in Roman comedy and in de Agri Cultura by Cato (Booth 1923); abhinc and ante (Lundström 1961); adhuc (Torrego 1991); nunc (Risselada 1996); modo (Bertocchi 2001); iam (Huitink 2005). Moreover, an adverb peculiar to the treatises of Cornelius Tacitus (55–56 until the second decade of the second century ad) has not yet been analyzed in the studies concerning his language and style (e. g. Draeger 1967 [1882]. Ueber Syntax und Stil des Tacitus, 3rd edn. Leipzig: B. G. Teubner. Reprint, Amsterdam: A. M. Hakkert; Voss 1963. Der pointierte Stil des Tacitus (Orbis Antiquus 19). Münster: Aschendorff). Our study fills a gap, to a certain extent, in the research on the adverbs in Latin prose in general and in the corpora of Tacitus in particular, by examining the characteristic and unique usages of aliquandō in his treatises regarding content and style. The grammatical approach adopted here is descriptive. Quotations are made in order to clarify and illustrate the phenomena with a literal translation, wherever applicable. Maximum use of statistics is made by comparative tables concerning the following points: (i) the distribution of the adverb in each book; (ii) its proximity to an additional temporal/measure adverb; (iii) the sentence types, in which it is included; (iv) the part of speech modified by aliquandō, which is mainly a finite verb, sometimes infinitive, rarely P.P.P., an adjective, an adverb or a whole clause (cf. Pinkster 1972. On Latin adverbs (North Holland Linguistic Series 6). Amsterdam: North Holland Publishing Company: 59; Menge 2000. Lehrbuch der lateinischen Syntax und Semantik. Th. Burkard and M. Schauer (eds.). Darmstadt: Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft: 198, § 148); (v) the position of aliquandō concerning its modified element, along with examining the linguistic and stylistic means employed by the author in this context (where some message is to be highlighted, word order, anaphora, a chiastic structure or a parallel one [mainly when two pairs of words are contrasted; cf. Fanetti 1978–1979. Il Chiasmo nell’ Agricola di Tacito. MCr 13/14. 389–400], the omission of words, etc.). Aliquandō is usually placed before the modified element with exceptions, in which the adverb occurs after it (apart from monosyllabic words, such as non, vel = valde); (vi) A concluding comparison, in which identical and different features of aliquandō between Ag.,
{"title":"Aliquandō in the treatises of Tacitus","authors":"T. Zadok","doi":"10.1515/joll-2016-0004","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/joll-2016-0004","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract In studies on Latin adverbs (e. g. Menge 1961. Repetitorium der Syntax und Stilistik, 16th edn. A. Thierfelder (ed.). Munich: M. Hueber; Bos 1967. L’adverbe en Latin. Tentative de classification structurale. B.S.L. 62. 106–122; Löfstedt 1967. Bemerkungen zum Adverb im Lateinischen. IF 72. 79–109; Pinkster 1972. On Latin adverbs (North Holland Linguistic Series 6). Amsterdam: North Holland Publishing Company), the discussion of a specific temporal adverb in a certain corpus is rare. On the other hand, several items of research are worth mentioning: the position of adverbs denoting measure in Roman comedy and in de Agri Cultura by Cato (Booth 1923); abhinc and ante (Lundström 1961); adhuc (Torrego 1991); nunc (Risselada 1996); modo (Bertocchi 2001); iam (Huitink 2005). Moreover, an adverb peculiar to the treatises of Cornelius Tacitus (55–56 until the second decade of the second century ad) has not yet been analyzed in the studies concerning his language and style (e. g. Draeger 1967 [1882]. Ueber Syntax und Stil des Tacitus, 3rd edn. Leipzig: B. G. Teubner. Reprint, Amsterdam: A. M. Hakkert; Voss 1963. Der pointierte Stil des Tacitus (Orbis Antiquus 19). Münster: Aschendorff). Our study fills a gap, to a certain extent, in the research on the adverbs in Latin prose in general and in the corpora of Tacitus in particular, by examining the characteristic and unique usages of aliquandō in his treatises regarding content and style. The grammatical approach adopted here is descriptive. Quotations are made in order to clarify and illustrate the phenomena with a literal translation, wherever applicable. Maximum use of statistics is made by comparative tables concerning the following points: (i) the distribution of the adverb in each book; (ii) its proximity to an additional temporal/measure adverb; (iii) the sentence types, in which it is included; (iv) the part of speech modified by aliquandō, which is mainly a finite verb, sometimes infinitive, rarely P.P.P., an adjective, an adverb or a whole clause (cf. Pinkster 1972. On Latin adverbs (North Holland Linguistic Series 6). Amsterdam: North Holland Publishing Company: 59; Menge 2000. Lehrbuch der lateinischen Syntax und Semantik. Th. Burkard and M. Schauer (eds.). Darmstadt: Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft: 198, § 148); (v) the position of aliquandō concerning its modified element, along with examining the linguistic and stylistic means employed by the author in this context (where some message is to be highlighted, word order, anaphora, a chiastic structure or a parallel one [mainly when two pairs of words are contrasted; cf. Fanetti 1978–1979. Il Chiasmo nell’ Agricola di Tacito. MCr 13/14. 389–400], the omission of words, etc.). Aliquandō is usually placed before the modified element with exceptions, in which the adverb occurs after it (apart from monosyllabic words, such as non, vel = valde); (vi) A concluding comparison, in which identical and different features of aliquandō between Ag.,","PeriodicalId":29862,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Latin Linguistics","volume":"15 1","pages":"145 - 177"},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2016-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1515/joll-2016-0004","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"66995381","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract This paper addresses the problematic issue of the distinction between constituents obligatorily demanded by the predicate for the grammaticality of the construction and elements which are not necessary for this. The issue arises not only from a general perspective, but also in specific cases, such as that of three Latin predicates that share a semantic notion of “permanence”: maneo, permaneo, and remaneo. At the same time, and given that these verbs are also linked by the mechanism of preverbation, it is essential to examine also whether the presence of different preverbs modifies the syntactic characteristics of structures forming the verbs, as well as the potential semantic differences between them. For this reason, the current investigation consists of two different but closely interrelated blocks. In the first section I will begin with a study of material drawn from use-based lexicons and corpus analysis of the verbs in question, with the aim of facilitating a first approach to the differentiation (i) of the semantic content that they can have, and (ii) of their possible general valency frames. The study of lexical features of the various constituents with which the verb combines, the comparison with the behaviour of other (quasi-)synonymous predicates, and the importance of pragmatic information, will be mechanisms to help identify the syntactic-semantic nature of each case, without the existence of ambiguous cases being possible to rule out entirely. The examination of syntactic-semantic differences between the simple verb and its corresponding compounds will be addressed in the second section. For this purpose, various procedures of analysis will serve to confirm the possible differences proposed thus far; these procedures will be, essentially, the study (a) of the expression of the duration of permanence, and (b) of the contexts of co-occurrence of simple verbs and verbs with a preverb. Differences will not always be clear, which suggests a possible neutralization of the expected distinctions in some cases, in such a way that the language is seen to be compelled occasionally to draw on additional lexical and grammatical means for explicitly specifying these presumed distinctions.
{"title":"The argument/satellite distinction and absolute verbal use in Latin stative verbs","authors":"C. Cabrillana","doi":"10.1515/joll-2015-0009","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/joll-2015-0009","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract This paper addresses the problematic issue of the distinction between constituents obligatorily demanded by the predicate for the grammaticality of the construction and elements which are not necessary for this. The issue arises not only from a general perspective, but also in specific cases, such as that of three Latin predicates that share a semantic notion of “permanence”: maneo, permaneo, and remaneo. At the same time, and given that these verbs are also linked by the mechanism of preverbation, it is essential to examine also whether the presence of different preverbs modifies the syntactic characteristics of structures forming the verbs, as well as the potential semantic differences between them. For this reason, the current investigation consists of two different but closely interrelated blocks. In the first section I will begin with a study of material drawn from use-based lexicons and corpus analysis of the verbs in question, with the aim of facilitating a first approach to the differentiation (i) of the semantic content that they can have, and (ii) of their possible general valency frames. The study of lexical features of the various constituents with which the verb combines, the comparison with the behaviour of other (quasi-)synonymous predicates, and the importance of pragmatic information, will be mechanisms to help identify the syntactic-semantic nature of each case, without the existence of ambiguous cases being possible to rule out entirely. The examination of syntactic-semantic differences between the simple verb and its corresponding compounds will be addressed in the second section. For this purpose, various procedures of analysis will serve to confirm the possible differences proposed thus far; these procedures will be, essentially, the study (a) of the expression of the duration of permanence, and (b) of the contexts of co-occurrence of simple verbs and verbs with a preverb. Differences will not always be clear, which suggests a possible neutralization of the expected distinctions in some cases, in such a way that the language is seen to be compelled occasionally to draw on additional lexical and grammatical means for explicitly specifying these presumed distinctions.","PeriodicalId":29862,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Latin Linguistics","volume":"14 1","pages":"197 - 239"},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2015-10-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1515/joll-2015-0009","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"66995636","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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