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A HORTA AGONIZANTE: MERCANTILIZAÇÃO DA AGRICULTURA E TRANSFORMAÇÕES NAS PRÁTICAS DE AUTOCONSUMO ENTRE FAMÍLIAS RURAIS DO EXTREMO SUL GAÚCHO 垂死的花园:农业商品化和高乔南部农村家庭自我消费实践的转变
Pub Date : 2014-03-23 DOI: 10.15210/PP.V0I5.3666
F. Anjos, Nádia Velleda Caldas
O artigo e baseado em pesquisa qualitativa realizada no extremo sul do Rio Grande o Sul e explora as transformacoes sobre as praticas de autoconsumo no âmbito da agricultura familiar, motivadas, essencialmente, pelo processo de mercantilizacao da agricultura e da vida rural. As praticas de autoconsumo expressam a matriz cultural das familias rurais, em que pese o valor simbolico atribuido aos produtos gerados no proprio estabelecimento rural, em comparacao com o que e adquirido externamente no comercio, ou em outras unidades de producao. A pesquisa de campo foi realizada com trinta estabelecimentos de agricultura familiar, cuja atividade comercial principal das familias residia, fundamentalmente, na producao de leite, pessego e fumo. Os autores discutem os impactos da mercantilizacao da agricultura sobre as praticas de autoconsumo.
本文以在大南澳最南端进行的定性研究为基础,探讨了家庭农业自我消费实践的转变,主要是由农业和农村生活的商品化过程驱动的。自我消费的做法表达了农村家庭的文化矩阵,尽管与在贸易或其他生产单位获得的产品相比,农村企业本身生产的产品具有象征价值。实地调查是在30个家庭农场进行的,这些家庭的主要商业活动主要是生产牛奶、鱼和烟。作者讨论了农业商品化对自我消费实践的影响。
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引用次数: 2
SALIR DEL FONDO DEL ESCENARIO SOCIAL: SOBRE LA HETEROGENEIDAD Y LA ESPECIFICIDAD DEL POPULISMO 走出社会舞台的底部:论民粹主义的异质性和特殊性
Pub Date : 2014-03-23 DOI: 10.15210/PP.V0I5.3661
Sebastían Barros
This paper is part of a discussion on the specificity of populism. Taking Laclau’s theorerical framework as a starting point, we analise the importance of the concept of heterogeneity in his argument. Later on, we analise Ranciere’s understanding of politics as conflict and conclude that the idea of heterogeneity is central to a definition of populism. In this sense, we argue that heterogenity is something which is moved from its natural place in the order of domination, and starts to be taken as a part in the definition of the commonness of the community. This would have three specific effects over the subsequent political articulations. The inclusion of a heterogeneity would demonstrate the inexistance of the community of equals, forcing the need for a new representation of that community, now incarnated in a subject that, in the name of the past tort, claims to represent the universal plenitude of the community. Finally, we analise interventions by Gramsci and Ortega y Gasset in relation to the irruption of heterogeneity.
本文是讨论民粹主义特殊性的一部分。本文以拉克劳的理论框架为出发点,分析了异质性概念在拉克劳理论中的重要性。随后,我们分析了朗西埃对政治作为冲突的理解,并得出结论,异质性的概念是民粹主义定义的核心。在这个意义上,我们认为异质性是一种从支配秩序的自然位置移开的东西,并开始被视为共同体共性定义的一部分。这将对随后的政治表述产生三个具体影响。包括异质性将证明平等共同体的不存在,迫使需要一个新的共同体的代表,现在体现在一个主体上,以过去侵权的名义,声称代表了共同体的普遍丰富性。最后,我们分析了葛兰西和奥尔特加·加塞特对异质性破坏的干预。
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引用次数: 8
Burocracia e educação: uma análise a partir de Max Weber 官僚主义和教育:从分析马克思•韦伯
Pub Date : 2014-03-22 DOI: 10.15210/PP.V0I6.3659
João Alfredo Costa de Campos Melo Júnior
This paper aims at providing a discussion on bureaucracy and education based on the comprehensive sociology developed by Weber. The choice of Max Weber seems to be the most appropriate due the diversity and depth of his intellectual production, what includes the issue of bureaucracy. The use of Weber should serve as a precise instrument of conceptual analysis on the theme addressed here. Certainly, this thinker has been one of the main scholars on bureaucracy, with focus on Germany at the time of the First World War (1914-1918). It is within such a productive theoretical framework that we intend to provide a few reflections about education and bureaucracy from a Weberian epistemological base.
本文旨在以韦伯的综合社会学理论为基础,对科层制与教育进行探讨。马克斯·韦伯的选择似乎是最合适的,因为他的知识生产的多样性和深度,其中包括官僚制的问题。韦伯的运用应该作为对这里讨论的主题进行概念分析的精确工具。当然,这位思想家一直是研究官僚主义的主要学者之一,他关注的是第一次世界大战时期(1914-1918)的德国。正是在这样一个富有成效的理论框架内,我们打算从韦伯认识论的基础上提供一些关于教育和官僚制的反思。
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引用次数: 2
Promesas y límites de la democracia: discusiones políticas en torno del pensamiento de Jacques Derrida 民主的承诺与限制:围绕德里达思想的政治讨论
Pub Date : 2014-03-22 DOI: 10.15210/PP.V0I7.3647
A. Penchaszadeh
The central theme of this reflection on democracy is the problem of identity and difference in the context of a recognition of the absence of an ultimate foundation of the social and political. An emphasis on the impossibility of aggregation is central to the development of a new way of left-thinking that is more reflective about the paradoxical role that democracy plays in the current world. To address the range of problems that cut across the definition of democracy, this article will examine how two references in post-foundational contemporary political theory understand the thinking of Jacques Derrida, namely: Ernesto Laclau and Chantal Mouffe.
这种对民主的反思的中心主题是在认识到缺乏社会和政治的最终基础的背景下的身份和差异问题。强调聚合的不可能性是发展一种新的左派思维方式的核心,这种方式更多地反映了民主在当今世界中扮演的矛盾角色。为了解决跨越民主定义的一系列问题,本文将研究后基础当代政治理论中的两个参考文献,即埃内斯托·拉克劳和尚塔尔·墨菲是如何理解雅克·德里达的思想的。
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引用次数: 0
Pensar en espiral: reflexiones sobre la cristalización de un pueblo 螺旋思维:对一个民族结晶的反思
Pub Date : 2014-03-22 DOI: 10.15210/PP.V0I7.3643
N. Yabkowski
En el pensamiento politico posfundacional se destaca la importancia que tiene en la politica el momento de la ruptura fundacional, ese momento en que la representacion instituye una identidad politica nueva, el momento de “lo politico”. Asumiendo ese punto de partida (pero a la vez dejandolo de lado), aqui comenzamos a desarrollar una preocupacion un poco mas nueva, que seguramente proviene de una, tambien novedosa, coyuntura historica regional: pensar la representacion, pero ya no colocando el acento en aquello que irrumpe, que instituye y que crea, sino mas bien en aquello que consolida y que sedimenta, es decir, lo que podriamos denominar el “momento institucional” de la representacion, entendiendo que resulta necesario para sostener y profundizar un proceso democratico transformador.
在后基础政治思想中,强调了在政治中基础破裂的时刻的重要性,在代表建立新的政治身份的时刻,在“政治”的时刻。假设这个起点(但同时把它放在一边),我们在这里开始发展一个稍微新的担忧,这可能来自一个同样新的地区历史时刻:思考第八条作为,但不再将重音落在它打破,扣押并创造,而是在合并和再比sedimenta,也就是说,我们可以赋予“第八条作为时刻”的体制来说,有必要保持和深化这一过程democratico变压器。
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引用次数: 0
Práticas participativas e conselho de gestão das cidades 参与式实践和城市管理委员会
Pub Date : 2014-03-22 DOI: 10.15210/PP.V0I6.3656
M. T. Ribeiro, Alexandre Cezário dos Santos
Este artigo trata da discussao dos autores sobre o surgimento e criacao dos conselhos gestores de politicas publicas, em especial de politicas de reforma urbana, como potenciais de acao que possibilitam a ampliacao da cidadania. A fim de abordar o significado da acao coletiva em espacos institucionais de deliberacao do Plano Diretor da cidade, considera-se que a escolha da politica de planejamento e determinada pela peculiaridade de processo decisorio existente na sociedade. Assim, busca-se apreender de que forma a reestruturacao do Conselho do Plano Diretor (CONPLAD) de Pelotas e a discussao do Projeto do III Plano Diretor esta vinculada ao movimento social interativo, cuja dimensao societaria impulsiona modificacoes na relacao Estado-sociedade.
本文讨论了公共政策管理委员会的出现和创建,特别是城市改革政策,作为扩大公民身份的潜在行动。为了解决集体行动在审议城市总体规划的机构空间中的意义,我们认为规划政策的选择是由社会中现有决策过程的特殊性决定的。因此,我们试图理解佩洛塔斯总体规划委员会(CONPLAD)的重组和第三总体规划项目的讨论如何与互动社会运动联系在一起,其社会维度推动了国家-社会关系的变化。
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引用次数: 0
Lenguaje, palabra y discurso: de la senda lacaniana a la tradición y actualidad de la teoría política 语言、文字和话语:从拉康的道路到政治理论的传统和现状
Pub Date : 2014-03-22 DOI: 10.15210/PP.V0I7.3648
M. Rossi
El objetivo de este trabajo es intentar dar cuenta de la relacion entre lenguaje, palabra, discurso y politica en la tradicion y actualidad de la teoria politica, echando mano de algunas categorias lacanianas. La primer parte del escrito estara focalizada en la distincion que Lacan efectua de las nociones de lenguaje, palabra y discurso. La segunda parte, se orienta em rastrear dichas nociones en aspectos nodales de la tradicion y actualidad de la teoria y filosofia politica.
这篇文章的目的是解释语言,词,话语和政治之间的关系,在政治理论的传统和现在,利用拉康的一些范畴。这篇文章的第一部分将集中在拉康对语言、词和话语概念的区分上。第二部分旨在追踪这些概念在政治理论和哲学的传统和当前的关键方面。
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引用次数: 0
Menemismo y kirchnerismo en Argentina: un análisis político discursivo de su construcción hegemónica 阿根廷的梅内姆主义与基什内尔主义:对其霸权建设的话语政治分析
Pub Date : 2014-03-22 DOI: 10.15210/PP.V0I6.3653
S. Barbosa
The aim of this work is to search the answer to how hegemonic construction logics operated during Menem’s and Kirchner’s administrations, which allowed them to legitimize and re-legitimize their power. The political-discursive approach will be our theory and method for the analysis of the ways of the construction of hegemony in the context of a specific discursive weft, from which social and political identities emerge and are articulated and shape equivalential and differential logics of sense, allowing the existence of a particular way of power- construction throughout both administrations. In each case, different discursive logics and diverse ways of articulate identities are analysed.
这项工作的目的是寻找霸权建构逻辑在梅内姆和基什内尔政府期间如何运作的答案,这使得他们能够使他们的权力合法化和再合法化。政治话语方法将是我们在特定话语脉络中分析霸权建构方式的理论和方法,社会和政治身份从中浮现并被表达出来,形成等价和差异的意义逻辑,允许在两个政府中存在特定的权力建构方式。在每种情况下,不同的话语逻辑和表达身份的不同方式进行了分析。
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引用次数: 5
SILVA, Ludovico. El estilo literário de Marx. México, DF: Siglo XXI, 1978. SILVA,米兰。马克思的文学风格。墨西哥,墨西哥城:Siglo XXI, 1978。
Pub Date : 2014-03-22 DOI: 10.15210/PP.V0I6.3660
William Héctor Gómez Soto
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引用次数: 1
Las dos caras de Jano: acerca de la compleja relación entre populismo e instituciones políticas 《双面神:民粹主义与政治制度的复杂关系》
Pub Date : 2014-03-22 DOI: 10.15210/PP.V0I7.3642
Gerardo Aboy Carlés
The present work explores the form in which the complex relation between populism and institutions has been approached by political studies. The mainstream of Political Science has considered populist experiences as a threat for institutions, particularly for poliarchich ones. On the other hand, authors who defend populism see the institutions as a danger for the former social innovation capacity. Our perspective, different from the two previous, identifies analytic issues sustained in the coexistence of populism and institutions in some historical experiences.
本文探讨了民粹主义和制度之间的复杂关系在政治研究中的表现形式。政治科学的主流认为,民粹主义经验是对制度的威胁,尤其是对政治体制的威胁。另一方面,为民粹主义辩护的作者认为,这些制度对以前的社会创新能力构成了威胁。与前两种观点不同,我们的观点确定了民粹主义与制度在某些历史经验中共存所持续存在的分析问题。
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引用次数: 14
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Pensamento Plural
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