Pub Date : 2020-10-02DOI: 10.21274/epis.2020.15.02.265-286
Rubaidi Rubaidi
This article examines the rise of Islamic populism in post-truth Indonesia. It particularly discusses the proliferation of Islamic populism narratives in social media that lead to hoaxes and hate speeches which appeared in series of political elections. This article argues that there has been a similar pattern of Indonesian form of populism to that of other parts of western countries, particularly the US and the UK. Like populism in the latter two countries, the issue of “indigeneity” has generated the reproduction of post-truth narrates, ranging from false-news, hoaxes, and hate-speeches, blaiming the so-called “foreign” elements of the country. Islamist mobilisation is central to explain the proliferation of post-truth politics which cultivates tensions and divisions among society and reserves as a threat to democratic consolidation in contemporary Indonesia.
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Pub Date : 2020-09-29DOI: 10.21274/EPIS.2020.15.02.345-364
Muhammad Fahmi, M. Nasir, M. Hilmy
This study documents how multicultural education is constructed and implemented in a local pesantren in Tabanan, Bali, Indonesia, namely PBBI (Pesantren Bali Bina Insani). It demonstrates that the multicultural education in this pesantren is based upon the reality of religious, cultural, ethnic, group, and gender diversity that exists surrounding the pesantren. Teaching and administrative staff of this pesantren consist of Muslims and Hindus. Students come from the different socio-cultural backgrounds. Inclusive and tolerance values are incorporated into the curriculum of the pesantren. Multicultural education in this pesantren has become a strategic instrument for adaptation to the Hindu environment where it is located. The pesantren teaches students how to implement Islamic teaching on pluralism and inclusivism in their daily lives.
本研究记录了多元文化教育是如何在印度尼西亚巴厘岛塔巴南的一个地方学校，即PBBI（pesantren Bali Bina Insani）中构建和实施的。它表明，该教区的多元文化教育是基于教区周围存在的宗教、文化、种族、群体和性别多样性的现实。该教堂的教学和行政人员由穆斯林和印度教徒组成。学生来自不同的社会文化背景。包容和宽容的价值观被纳入了佩森特伦的课程。该地区的多元文化教育已成为适应其所在的印度教环境的战略工具。佩桑特伦教学生如何在日常生活中实施多元化和包容性的伊斯兰教学。
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Pub Date : 2020-09-09DOI: 10.21274/epis.2020.15.1.145-175
Herdi Sahrasad
This article examines dynamics of Islamic discourses in Post-New Order Indonesia, focusing on the birth of Jaringan Islam Liberal/JIL (Islamic Liberalism Network). The network which emerged in 2001 was a result of informal meeting and group discussions of young intellectuals at Jl. Utan Kayu 68 H, East Jakarta who later agreed to establish the JIL. Since its earliest foundation, the networks has been at the forefront to attack Islamic extremist and fundamentalist groups while calling for Islamic liberalism. This article tries to portray the emergence of the JIL and its liberalism agenda and offers the contestation on Islamic liberalism in Indonesia. As for the latter, it not only encapsulates responses of fundamentalist groups, but also important Muslim organisation, like the traditionalist Nahdlatul Ulama/NU and the Modernist Muhammadiyah, and important Indonesian Muslim thinkers. This article further argues that Islamic liberalism that takes its root to Muslim activism during the New Order Indonesia has shaken the basic foundation of a religion as introducing liberalism in Islamic discourses. It has invited contestation and responses for a significant Muslim group, including the two-most important Indonesian Muslim organisations, the NU and the Muhammadiyah. As this article further demonstrates, the contestation is mainly because of different opinions among Muslims on the limit of reason to understand religion.
本文检视后新秩序印尼的伊斯兰话语动态，重点关注Jaringan Islam Liberal/JIL(伊斯兰自由主义网络)的诞生。2001年出现的网络是年轻知识分子在Jl.的非正式会议和小组讨论的结果。Utan Kayu, 68 H，东雅加达，后来同意建立JIL。自成立以来，该网络一直站在打击伊斯兰极端主义和原教旨主义团体的最前线，呼吁伊斯兰自由主义。本文试图描述JIL的出现及其自由主义议程，并提出关于印尼伊斯兰自由主义的争论。至于后者，它不仅囊括了原教旨主义团体的反应，也囊括了重要的穆斯林组织，如传统主义的伊斯兰教士联合会(Nahdlatul Ulama/NU)和现代主义的穆罕默德派(Muhammadiyah)，以及重要的印尼穆斯林思想家。本文进一步认为，印尼新秩序时期根植于穆斯林激进主义的伊斯兰自由主义，在伊斯兰话语中引入自由主义，动摇了宗教的基本基础。它引起了一个重要的穆斯林团体的争论和回应，其中包括两个最重要的印度尼西亚穆斯林组织，NU和Muhammadiyah。正如本文进一步论证的那样，这场争论主要是因为穆斯林之间对理解宗教的理性限度的不同意见。
{"title":"YOUTH MOVEMENT AND ISLAMIC LIBERALISM IN INDONESIA","authors":"Herdi Sahrasad","doi":"10.21274/epis.2020.15.1.145-175","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21274/epis.2020.15.1.145-175","url":null,"abstract":"This article examines dynamics of Islamic discourses in Post-New Order Indonesia, focusing on the birth of Jaringan Islam Liberal/JIL (Islamic Liberalism Network). The network which emerged in 2001 was a result of informal meeting and group discussions of young intellectuals at Jl. Utan Kayu 68 H, East Jakarta who later agreed to establish the JIL. Since its earliest foundation, the networks has been at the forefront to attack Islamic extremist and fundamentalist groups while calling for Islamic liberalism. This article tries to portray the emergence of the JIL and its liberalism agenda and offers the contestation on Islamic liberalism in Indonesia. As for the latter, it not only encapsulates responses of fundamentalist groups, but also important Muslim organisation, like the traditionalist Nahdlatul Ulama/NU and the Modernist Muhammadiyah, and important Indonesian Muslim thinkers. This article further argues that Islamic liberalism that takes its root to Muslim activism during the New Order Indonesia has shaken the basic foundation of a religion as introducing liberalism in Islamic discourses. It has invited contestation and responses for a significant Muslim group, including the two-most important Indonesian Muslim organisations, the NU and the Muhammadiyah. As this article further demonstrates, the contestation is mainly because of different opinions among Muslims on the limit of reason to understand religion.","PeriodicalId":31250,"journal":{"name":"Episteme Jurnal Pengembangan Ilmu Keislaman","volume":"15 1","pages":"145-175"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-09-09","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41877809","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-07-06DOI: 10.21274/epis.2020.15.1.99-119
R. Rahmatullah
This article examines a debate on gender equality, which is considered by some to be in conflict with the Qur’an, an-Nisa [4]:11. Using a philosophical approach and analyzing Sa‘ id Ramadan al-Buti’s concept of inheritance in his Al-Mar’ah Bayna Tughyan al-Nizam al-Gharbi wa Lata’if al-Tashri’ al-Rabbani, this paper tries to refute this allegation and offers a more gender-friendly interpretation. For al-Buti, the verse has actually liberated women because the provisions are caused by the responsibilities imposed by Islam on men as prospective husbands, not on women. On the contrary, if women are more empowered than men, that becomes a moral issue, not a shari’a one. Women have been given freedom by the shari’a in order to determine their choice to participate in bringing about stability in life. A condition that women are more empowered than men will not be the cause of changes in the shari’a’s provisions concerning inheritance.
这篇文章探讨了一场关于性别平等的辩论，一些人认为这与《古兰经》安·尼萨[4]：11相冲突。本文运用哲学方法，分析赛义德·拉马丹·布蒂在《al-Mar’ah Bayna Tughyan al-Nizam al-Gharbi wa Lata'if al-Tashri’al-Rabbani》中的继承观，试图反驳这一指控，并提供一种更为性别友好的解释。对al-Buti来说，这首诗实际上解放了女性，因为这些规定是由伊斯兰教强加给作为未来丈夫的男性而非女性的责任造成的。相反，如果女性比男性更有权力，这将成为一个道德问题，而不是伊斯兰教法问题。伊斯兰教法赋予妇女自由，以决定她们参与实现生活稳定的选择。妇女比男子更有权力的条件不会导致伊斯兰教法关于继承的规定发生变化。
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This article examines dynamics of Islamic discourses in Post-New Order Indonesia, focusing on the birth of Jaringan Islam Liberal/JIL (Islamic liberalism network). The network which emerged in 2001 was a result of informal meeting and group discussions of young intellectuals at Jalan Utan Kayu 68 H, East Jakarta who later agreed to establish the JIL. Since its earliest foundation, the networks has been at the forefront to attack Islamic extremist and fundamentalist groups while calling for Islamic liberalism. This article tries portray the emergence of the JIL and its liberalism agenda and offers the contestation on Islamic liberalism in Indonesia. As for the latter, it not only encapsulates responses of fundamentalism groups, but also important Muslim organisation, like the traditionalist Nahdlatul Ulama/NU and the Modernist Muhammadiyah, and important Indonesian Muslim thinkers. This article further argues that Islamic liberalism that takes its root to Muslim activism during the New Order Indonesia has shaken the basic foundation of religion as introducing liberalism in Islamic discourses. It has invited contestation and responses for a significant Muslim groups, including the two-most important Indonesian Muslim organisations, the NU and the Muhammadiyah. As this article further demonstrates, the contestation is mainly because of different opinions among Muslims on the limit of reason to understand religion.
本文检视后新秩序印尼的伊斯兰话语动态，重点关注Jaringan Islam Liberal/JIL(伊斯兰自由主义网络)的诞生。该网络于2001年出现，是东雅加达Jalan Utan Kayu 68 H的年轻知识分子非正式会议和小组讨论的结果，他们后来同意建立JIL。自成立以来，该网络一直站在打击伊斯兰极端主义和原教旨主义团体的最前线，呼吁伊斯兰自由主义。本文试图描述JIL的出现及其自由主义议程，并提出关于印尼伊斯兰自由主义的争论。至于后者，它不仅囊括了原教旨主义团体的反应，也囊括了重要的穆斯林组织，如传统主义的伊斯兰教士联合会(Nahdlatul Ulama/NU)和现代主义的穆罕默德派(Muhammadiyah)，以及重要的印尼穆斯林思想家。本文进一步认为，印尼新秩序时期根植于穆斯林激进主义的伊斯兰自由主义，在伊斯兰话语中引入自由主义，动摇了宗教的基本基础。它引起了一个重要的穆斯林团体的争论和回应，其中包括两个最重要的印度尼西亚穆斯林组织，NU和Muhammadiyah。正如本文进一步论证的那样，这场争论主要是因为穆斯林之间对理解宗教的理性限度的不同意见。
{"title":"THE UTAN KAYU COMMUNITIES: The Liberal Islam and Its Responses to Islamic Fundamentalism","authors":"Herdi Sahrasad","doi":"10.21274/EPIS.2020.15.1","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21274/EPIS.2020.15.1","url":null,"abstract":"This article examines dynamics of Islamic discourses in Post-New Order Indonesia, focusing on the birth of Jaringan Islam Liberal/JIL (Islamic liberalism network). The network which emerged in 2001 was a result of informal meeting and group discussions of young intellectuals at Jalan Utan Kayu 68 H, East Jakarta who later agreed to establish the JIL. Since its earliest foundation, the networks has been at the forefront to attack Islamic extremist and fundamentalist groups while calling for Islamic liberalism. This article tries portray the emergence of the JIL and its liberalism agenda and offers the contestation on Islamic liberalism in Indonesia. As for the latter, it not only encapsulates responses of fundamentalism groups, but also important Muslim organisation, like the traditionalist Nahdlatul Ulama/NU and the Modernist Muhammadiyah, and important Indonesian Muslim thinkers. This article further argues that Islamic liberalism that takes its root to Muslim activism during the New Order Indonesia has shaken the basic foundation of religion as introducing liberalism in Islamic discourses. It has invited contestation and responses for a significant Muslim groups, including the two-most important Indonesian Muslim organisations, the NU and the Muhammadiyah. As this article further demonstrates, the contestation is mainly because of different opinions among Muslims on the limit of reason to understand religion.","PeriodicalId":31250,"journal":{"name":"Episteme Jurnal Pengembangan Ilmu Keislaman","volume":"15 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-06-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67938645","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-06-16DOI: 10.21274/epis.2020.15.1.1-21
A. Hamdi
The post-New Order Indonesian politics has provided a political opportunity structure for the state towards democratization. It has a double-edged sword: on the one hand democratization could lead to the civic engagement, but on the other hand, it provides a hot bed for the flourishing of anti-civic organization. As for the latter, following the fall of authoritarian regime of new Order in 1998, Indonesians have also witnessed the birth of transnational Islamist and radical organizations threatening the state’s integrity and peaceful coexistence of the citizens. Amid the public appearance of these radical organization, an issue of ideological infiltration and sabotage of radical organization upon mainstreaming moderate Muslim organizations, such as Nahdlatul Ulama and Muhammadiyah do exist. This article tries to reveal the impacts of a such infiltration practices and the extent that radical narratives win the minds and hearts of important Muslim leaders. Taking a closer a look to Muslim leaders in Sampang district in the island of Madura, the centrum of traditionalist Muslim in Indonesian Islamo-landscape, the article finds out that intolerant and radical ideologies do resonate clearly among the leaders. This finding resort as an alarm and counter-narrative to the long-admired Islamic traditionalism as an important backbone for moderate Islam in Indonesia.
{"title":"RADICALISING THE TRADITIONALISTS","authors":"A. Hamdi","doi":"10.21274/epis.2020.15.1.1-21","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21274/epis.2020.15.1.1-21","url":null,"abstract":"The post-New Order Indonesian politics has provided a political opportunity structure for the state towards democratization. It has a double-edged sword: on the one hand democratization could lead to the civic engagement, but on the other hand, it provides a hot bed for the flourishing of anti-civic organization. As for the latter, following the fall of authoritarian regime of new Order in 1998, Indonesians have also witnessed the birth of transnational Islamist and radical organizations threatening the state’s integrity and peaceful coexistence of the citizens. Amid the public appearance of these radical organization, an issue of ideological infiltration and sabotage of radical organization upon mainstreaming moderate Muslim organizations, such as Nahdlatul Ulama and Muhammadiyah do exist. This article tries to reveal the impacts of a such infiltration practices and the extent that radical narratives win the minds and hearts of important Muslim leaders. Taking a closer a look to Muslim leaders in Sampang district in the island of Madura, the centrum of traditionalist Muslim in Indonesian Islamo-landscape, the article finds out that intolerant and radical ideologies do resonate clearly among the leaders. This finding resort as an alarm and counter-narrative to the long-admired Islamic traditionalism as an important backbone for moderate Islam in Indonesia.","PeriodicalId":31250,"journal":{"name":"Episteme Jurnal Pengembangan Ilmu Keislaman","volume":"15 1","pages":"1-21"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-06-16","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48781195","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-06-15DOI: 10.21274/epis.2020.15.1.75-97
E. Rusydiyah
The development of social media technology provides people with more accessible information about religious knowledge. Everyone can learn the religion from social media, particularly Youtube. This phenomenon seems to force young Nahdlatul Ulama (NU) kiais (religious experts) such as Gus Baha, Gus Miftah, and Gus Muwafiq to be more adaptive and familiar to social media platform, like Youtube. This makes them close to being called “the millennial kiais.” Using a phenomenological approach based on observations on Youtube, this paper examines the performance of millennial kiais in carrying out the process of dakwah (Islamic proselytization) and in becoming role models for social education as they do. The educational interaction carried out by these millennial kiais on Youtube seems to be very effective in attracting the interest of wider citizens. The number of their viewers reaches between four to eight million in one year. The number of videos viewed is around one hundred. The model of social education introduced by these millennial kiais is analyzed through the Bandura theory which starts through a process of stimulation and observation and is followed by a process in mental cognition, which creates motivation and demands a response by clicking the likes button and subscribing comments. The response marks the beginning of a constant change of behavior.
{"title":"THE MILLENNIAL KIAIS","authors":"E. Rusydiyah","doi":"10.21274/epis.2020.15.1.75-97","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21274/epis.2020.15.1.75-97","url":null,"abstract":"The development of social media technology provides people with more accessible information about religious knowledge. Everyone can learn the religion from social media, particularly Youtube. This phenomenon seems to force young Nahdlatul Ulama (NU) kiais (religious experts) such as Gus Baha, Gus Miftah, and Gus Muwafiq to be more adaptive and familiar to social media platform, like Youtube. This makes them close to being called “the millennial kiais.” Using a phenomenological approach based on observations on Youtube, this paper examines the performance of millennial kiais in carrying out the process of dakwah (Islamic proselytization) and in becoming role models for social education as they do. The educational interaction carried out by these millennial kiais on Youtube seems to be very effective in attracting the interest of wider citizens. The number of their viewers reaches between four to eight million in one year. The number of videos viewed is around one hundred. The model of social education introduced by these millennial kiais is analyzed through the Bandura theory which starts through a process of stimulation and observation and is followed by a process in mental cognition, which creates motivation and demands a response by clicking the likes button and subscribing comments. The response marks the beginning of a constant change of behavior.","PeriodicalId":31250,"journal":{"name":"Episteme Jurnal Pengembangan Ilmu Keislaman","volume":"23 22","pages":"75-97"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-06-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41266575","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-01-03DOI: 10.21274/epis.2019.14.2.419-438
N. Syam
This paper examines the contribution of sociology to the Islamic proselytization. In the context of epistemology, it has the opportunity to develop based on five aspects: factors, systems, interpretative, developmentalism and participatory. The five principles can be developed based on sociological theories. Among these theories, for example are the phenomenology of Islamic proselytization, the social construction of Islamic proselytization, dramaturgy of Islamic proselytization, hermeneutics of Islamic proselytization, communicative acts of Islamic proselytization, and ethnomethodology of Islamic proselytization. Through a sociological approach, the Islamic proselytization will be able to develop more quickly. In further, it can be said that the inclusion of social science is a form of pattern of science development based on the integration of science, namely the phenomenon of Islamic proselytization as an object of study and utilizing other sciences as an approach.
{"title":"FORMULATING PRINCIPLES OF ISLAMIC PROSELYTIZATION: A Sociological Contribution","authors":"N. Syam","doi":"10.21274/epis.2019.14.2.419-438","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21274/epis.2019.14.2.419-438","url":null,"abstract":"This paper examines the contribution of sociology to the Islamic proselytization. In the context of epistemology, it has the opportunity to develop based on five aspects: factors, systems, interpretative, developmentalism and participatory. The five principles can be developed based on sociological theories. Among these theories, for example are the phenomenology of Islamic proselytization, the social construction of Islamic proselytization, dramaturgy of Islamic proselytization, hermeneutics of Islamic proselytization, communicative acts of Islamic proselytization, and ethnomethodology of Islamic proselytization. Through a sociological approach, the Islamic proselytization will be able to develop more quickly. In further, it can be said that the inclusion of social science is a form of pattern of science development based on the integration of science, namely the phenomenon of Islamic proselytization as an object of study and utilizing other sciences as an approach.","PeriodicalId":31250,"journal":{"name":"Episteme Jurnal Pengembangan Ilmu Keislaman","volume":"14 1","pages":"419-438"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-01-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44436401","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-12-31DOI: 10.21274/epis.2019.14.2.269-288
Waryono Abdul Ghafur, Z. Prasojo, Mohammed Sahrin Bin Haji Masri
This article examines the theological polemics between Islam and Christianity focusing on the prophetic attribution of Isa al-Masih in Islamic tradition. It takes a close look at the Qur’anic construction upon the Prophet Isa al-Masih as a human being who served as a messenger of God, while briefly comparing the Islamic construction to the Christian tradition projecting Isa-al-Masih as the son of God. Rather than emphasising differences between the two traditions, this article, through the Quranic concept kalimatun sawa’ (the shared principle or meeting point), sheds a new light on a shared belief between Islam and Christian traditions. Both Islam and Christianity believe that Isa al-Masih is the saviour for humanity, the liberator for the weak and the oppressed. The Qur’an maintains Isa al-Masih as one of the ulul azmi meaning that the prophets who successfully liberated his people.
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Pub Date : 2019-12-31DOI: 10.21274/epis.2019.14.2.289-303
Ahmad Sidqi
This article discusses the philosophical dimension of post-modern societies. It examines the champion of rationalities of modern human beings and contends its contemporary limits. It argues that the modern rational philosophies that over-simplify the meaning “being” in metaphysical form has led to the civilizational crisis. In religious dimension, modern human has been sacrificing their inner spiritual dimension of humanity. As a response to this crisis, modernity has initiated the birth of “spiritual turn” that modern human tries to reinvent their spirituality, mainly through Islamic Sufism. This article further examines the significance of Sufi concepts of the 14th century Sufi master Ibn Atha`illah (1259-1310). Examining his Sufi concepts from the lights of post-modern philosophy as panacea for modern diseases, this article found that the concept of spiritual knowledge (ma’rifat) is an essential concept as transcending the limits of rationality and materiality of modern philosophy
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