Pub Date : 2021-08-07DOI: 10.18196/JHI.V10I1.10795
Sylvia Roennfeld, Y. Permatasari, V. Kyrychenko
This research analyzed the PSI political campaign strategy in gaining votes from overseas voters by taking the case of PSI’s victory in the 2019 general election in New Zealand. The main question in this paper is how the PSI political campaign strategy in New Zealand could win votes in the 2019 general election? To tackle this question, we used a communication strategy theory that emphasizes the vision and mission criteria, programs and activities, objectives and results, audience selection, message formulation, identification of message carriers, and communication/media mechanisms. This research utilized a qualitative method with two data collection techniques—primary and secondary. This research aims to examine the political campaign strategy of PSI in the 2019 general election in gaining overseas voters, specifically focusing on the winning of PSI in New Zealand. This study also aims to draw the campaign strategy, message processing and communication media used to attract overseas voters to gain victory.
{"title":"The Communication Strategy of the Indonesian Solidarity Party (PSI) in the 2019 General Election Political Campaign in New Zealand","authors":"Sylvia Roennfeld, Y. Permatasari, V. Kyrychenko","doi":"10.18196/JHI.V10I1.10795","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.18196/JHI.V10I1.10795","url":null,"abstract":"This research analyzed the PSI political campaign strategy in gaining votes from overseas voters by taking the case of PSI’s victory in the 2019 general election in New Zealand. The main question in this paper is how the PSI political campaign strategy in New Zealand could win votes in the 2019 general election? To tackle this question, we used a communication strategy theory that emphasizes the vision and mission criteria, programs and activities, objectives and results, audience selection, message formulation, identification of message carriers, and communication/media mechanisms. This research utilized a qualitative method with two data collection techniques—primary and secondary. This research aims to examine the political campaign strategy of PSI in the 2019 general election in gaining overseas voters, specifically focusing on the winning of PSI in New Zealand. This study also aims to draw the campaign strategy, message processing and communication media used to attract overseas voters to gain victory.","PeriodicalId":31816,"journal":{"name":"Jurnal Hubungan Internasional","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-08-07","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45874744","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-08-07DOI: 10.18196/JHI.V10I1.10500
Muhammad Yamin, A. Darmawan, S. Rosyadi
This article is part of an international relations study conducted by the authors. This study aims to illustrate the extent to which Indonesia can get out of the “entanglement” of the COVID-19 pandemic, especially in the tourism industry sector. Another purpose of writing this article is to analyze the Indonesian government’s role in using the term “new normal” and its relation to sustainable tourism during the COVID-19 pandemic has not ended. Tourism during the COVID-19 pandemic is the focus of the discussion of this article because it is one of the industries most harmed by this pandemic. Globally the loss of world tourism reaches US$22 billion. This figure will continue to increase as long as this pandemic cannot be controlled through vaccines and drugs. No exception for Indonesia, which lost the country’s original income from this sector, reaching tens of trillions of rupiah in just four months since WHO announced COVID-19 as a global pandemic. The new normal situation during the ongoing COVID-19 pandemic is an opportunity as well as a challenge for world tourism in general and Indonesian tourism in particular. The change in lifestyle and habits of the community in traveling directly or indirectly has “hit” this industry very hard. Undeniably, reactivating tourism industry activities do have considerable risk, but on the other hand, many sectors depend on this industry. Cleanliness, Health, Safety, Environment Sustainability (CHSE) strategy conducted by the Indonesian government is one of the efforts in re-mobilizing Indonesia’s tourism sector amid the COVID-19 pandemic, as well as the opportunity to apply three main principles of sustainable tourism in the new normal era, namely involving the social sector in policy engagement, maintaining the sustainability of natural resources and making sustainable development a synonym of economic growth.
{"title":"Analysis of Indonesian Tourism Potentials Through the Sustainable Tourism Perspective in the New Normal Era","authors":"Muhammad Yamin, A. Darmawan, S. Rosyadi","doi":"10.18196/JHI.V10I1.10500","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.18196/JHI.V10I1.10500","url":null,"abstract":"This article is part of an international relations study conducted by the authors. This study aims to illustrate the extent to which Indonesia can get out of the “entanglement” of the COVID-19 pandemic, especially in the tourism industry sector. Another purpose of writing this article is to analyze the Indonesian government’s role in using the term “new normal” and its relation to sustainable tourism during the COVID-19 pandemic has not ended. Tourism during the COVID-19 pandemic is the focus of the discussion of this article because it is one of the industries most harmed by this pandemic. Globally the loss of world tourism reaches US$22 billion. This figure will continue to increase as long as this pandemic cannot be controlled through vaccines and drugs. No exception for Indonesia, which lost the country’s original income from this sector, reaching tens of trillions of rupiah in just four months since WHO announced COVID-19 as a global pandemic. The new normal situation during the ongoing COVID-19 pandemic is an opportunity as well as a challenge for world tourism in general and Indonesian tourism in particular. The change in lifestyle and habits of the community in traveling directly or indirectly has “hit” this industry very hard. Undeniably, reactivating tourism industry activities do have considerable risk, but on the other hand, many sectors depend on this industry. Cleanliness, Health, Safety, Environment Sustainability (CHSE) strategy conducted by the Indonesian government is one of the efforts in re-mobilizing Indonesia’s tourism sector amid the COVID-19 pandemic, as well as the opportunity to apply three main principles of sustainable tourism in the new normal era, namely involving the social sector in policy engagement, maintaining the sustainability of natural resources and making sustainable development a synonym of economic growth.","PeriodicalId":31816,"journal":{"name":"Jurnal Hubungan Internasional","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-08-07","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41993575","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-06-25DOI: 10.20473/JHI.V14I1.25547
Muhammad Samy, Jayanti Aarnee Kusumadewi
Sitting between two world’s biggest oceans and bussiest shipping lanes, Indonesia’s geographic positioning has given it a very strategic leverage. Such potential is then stressed out during the era of President Joko Widodo with his vision of Global Maritime Fulcrum. One of the crucial aspects needed for optimalization in order for this idea to be achived is security. Indonesian waters have been known to be quite hostile due to the ploriferation of non-traditional threats such as piracy, terrorism, and transnational crimes. A series of maritime defense diplomacy thus have been initiated and intensified—along with other means—to counter them, both bilateral and multilateral in form. This article would elaborate more on the manifestation and implications of those actions made, and why Indonesia specifically focused more on Its maritime defense diplomacy. Based on the findings, it is then revealed that such diplomatic move can be owed to Indonesia’s lacking defense system—making diplomacy a rational alternative to compensate for Its flaw in capacity.
{"title":"Diplomasi Pertahanan Maritim Indonesia dalam Menghadapi Ancaman Keamanan Non-tradisional Upaya Mewujudkan Visi Poros Maritim Dunia","authors":"Muhammad Samy, Jayanti Aarnee Kusumadewi","doi":"10.20473/JHI.V14I1.25547","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.20473/JHI.V14I1.25547","url":null,"abstract":"Sitting between two world’s biggest oceans and bussiest shipping lanes, Indonesia’s geographic positioning has given it a very strategic leverage. Such potential is then stressed out during the era of President Joko Widodo with his vision of Global Maritime Fulcrum. One of the crucial aspects needed for optimalization in order for this idea to be achived is security. Indonesian waters have been known to be quite hostile due to the ploriferation of non-traditional threats such as piracy, terrorism, and transnational crimes. A series of maritime defense diplomacy thus have been initiated and intensified—along with other means—to counter them, both bilateral and multilateral in form. This article would elaborate more on the manifestation and implications of those actions made, and why Indonesia specifically focused more on Its maritime defense diplomacy. Based on the findings, it is then revealed that such diplomatic move can be owed to Indonesia’s lacking defense system—making diplomacy a rational alternative to compensate for Its flaw in capacity.","PeriodicalId":31816,"journal":{"name":"Jurnal Hubungan Internasional","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-06-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48846893","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-06-25DOI: 10.20473/JHI.V14I1.19670
Yasmin Nur Habibah, Januar Aditya Pratama, Teduh Gentar Alam
This paper is aimed to find the potential trends of the protectionism of countries and their independence on global economic chains in the midst of the COVID-19 outbreak. Securitization is a state action to increase the status of an issue into an existential threat. In accordance with the theory of securitization, since the spread of COVID-19 becomes a pandemic and threatens health security of the people, countries take part in securitization actions through the application of rules on limiting medical industry transactions, whose products are urgently needed by other countries together with the securitization of the COVID-19 pandemic issues. Thus, the authors examine the acts of securitization from case studies of three countries: Britain, France, and the United States, as samples from countries supporting neoliberal order who has done this action. So, it is known that during the pandemic, countries in the world failed to maintain their liberal economic practices. Then, weaknesses are found in the global liberal economic system, where the dependency of the production and distribution chains on one another can lead to vulnerability to unilateral termination by several involved countries which prioritize their national interests and re-implement economic nationalism.
{"title":"Sekuritisasi Pandemi COVID-19 dan Tatanan Neoliberal: Menuju Deliberalisasi Ekonomi Global?","authors":"Yasmin Nur Habibah, Januar Aditya Pratama, Teduh Gentar Alam","doi":"10.20473/JHI.V14I1.19670","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.20473/JHI.V14I1.19670","url":null,"abstract":"This paper is aimed to find the potential trends of the protectionism of countries and their independence on global economic chains in the midst of the COVID-19 outbreak. Securitization is a state action to increase the status of an issue into an existential threat. In accordance with the theory of securitization, since the spread of COVID-19 becomes a pandemic and threatens health security of the people, countries take part in securitization actions through the application of rules on limiting medical industry transactions, whose products are urgently needed by other countries together with the securitization of the COVID-19 pandemic issues. Thus, the authors examine the acts of securitization from case studies of three countries: Britain, France, and the United States, as samples from countries supporting neoliberal order who has done this action. So, it is known that during the pandemic, countries in the world failed to maintain their liberal economic practices. Then, weaknesses are found in the global liberal economic system, where the dependency of the production and distribution chains on one another can lead to vulnerability to unilateral termination by several involved countries which prioritize their national interests and re-implement economic nationalism.","PeriodicalId":31816,"journal":{"name":"Jurnal Hubungan Internasional","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-06-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43997809","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-06-25DOI: 10.20473/JHI.V14I1.19847
Ligar Yogaswara
This paper analyzes how ASEAN can deal with the haze problem caused by its member countries and then cross their borders so that it becomes a common focus in ASEAN countries. Then ASEAN made an agreement for its member countries with the aim of overcoming the haze problem which was referred to in the ASEAN Agreement on Transboundary Haze Pollution. Based on the question of the effectiveness of the agreement, the authors assume that the agreement is considered ineffective in solving the haze problem in the Southeast Asia Region. The reason for this is considered to be due to a set of norms adopted by ASEAN member countries in the ASEAN Way. These norms then make member countries solve problems by adhering to the principles of the ASEAN Way including non-intervention, consensus and so on. Responding to problems in developing countries in ASEAN which tend to prioritize their economy, making environmental problems such as smog tend to be sidelined. Therefore, this paper will explain more about the effectiveness of the ASEAN Agreement on Transboundary Haze Pollution in particular to address the haze problem in ASEAN member countries based on the ASEAN way.
{"title":"ASEAN Aggrement on Transboundary Haze Pollution. Effective ?","authors":"Ligar Yogaswara","doi":"10.20473/JHI.V14I1.19847","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.20473/JHI.V14I1.19847","url":null,"abstract":"This paper analyzes how ASEAN can deal with the haze problem caused by its member countries and then cross their borders so that it becomes a common focus in ASEAN countries. Then ASEAN made an agreement for its member countries with the aim of overcoming the haze problem which was referred to in the ASEAN Agreement on Transboundary Haze Pollution. Based on the question of the effectiveness of the agreement, the authors assume that the agreement is considered ineffective in solving the haze problem in the Southeast Asia Region. The reason for this is considered to be due to a set of norms adopted by ASEAN member countries in the ASEAN Way. These norms then make member countries solve problems by adhering to the principles of the ASEAN Way including non-intervention, consensus and so on. Responding to problems in developing countries in ASEAN which tend to prioritize their economy, making environmental problems such as smog tend to be sidelined. Therefore, this paper will explain more about the effectiveness of the ASEAN Agreement on Transboundary Haze Pollution in particular to address the haze problem in ASEAN member countries based on the ASEAN way.","PeriodicalId":31816,"journal":{"name":"Jurnal Hubungan Internasional","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-06-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45095012","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-06-25DOI: 10.20473/JHI.V14I1.21645
Anggraini Ika Sasmita
Indonesia is considered as a maritime state due to the fact the 2/3 of its territory is covered by the sea. Indonesian waters hold a high potential for maritime resources. With this potential comes a challenge for Indonesia to manage and protect its maritime resources from foreign actors that try to enter Indonesian waters and exploit the resources in it illegally or conduct illegal fishing. Vietnam has become the country of origin for most of the perpetuators of illegal fishing from 2018-2019. This research aims to explain the efforts of Indonesia through maritime diplomacy to in order to tackle the issue of illegal fishing that has been conducted by Vietnamese fishing ships. This article will use the UNCLOS 1982 convention as a legal basis and the concepts of maritime security and maritime diplomacy as a theoretical basis to explain Indonesia’s maritime borders and efforts to assert sovereignty over Indonesian maritime territory. A descriptive research method will be used in this article. This article views that Indonesia’s maritime diplomacy effort is still in compliance with UNCLOS 1982 and the theory of maritime diplomacy which includes the following: 1) cooperative diplomacy which is conducted through bilateral cooperation; 2) persuasive diplomacy through displaying presence in maritime territory; 3) coercive diplomacy through sinking of Vietnamese fishing ships.
{"title":"Diplomasi Maritim Indonesia dalam Kasus Illegal Fishing oleh Nelayan Vietnam Tahun 2018-2019","authors":"Anggraini Ika Sasmita","doi":"10.20473/JHI.V14I1.21645","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.20473/JHI.V14I1.21645","url":null,"abstract":"Indonesia is considered as a maritime state due to the fact the 2/3 of its territory is covered by the sea. Indonesian waters hold a high potential for maritime resources. With this potential comes a challenge for Indonesia to manage and protect its maritime resources from foreign actors that try to enter Indonesian waters and exploit the resources in it illegally or conduct illegal fishing. Vietnam has become the country of origin for most of the perpetuators of illegal fishing from 2018-2019. This research aims to explain the efforts of Indonesia through maritime diplomacy to in order to tackle the issue of illegal fishing that has been conducted by Vietnamese fishing ships. This article will use the UNCLOS 1982 convention as a legal basis and the concepts of maritime security and maritime diplomacy as a theoretical basis to explain Indonesia’s maritime borders and efforts to assert sovereignty over Indonesian maritime territory. A descriptive research method will be used in this article. This article views that Indonesia’s maritime diplomacy effort is still in compliance with UNCLOS 1982 and the theory of maritime diplomacy which includes the following: 1) cooperative diplomacy which is conducted through bilateral cooperation; 2) persuasive diplomacy through displaying presence in maritime territory; 3) coercive diplomacy through sinking of Vietnamese fishing ships.","PeriodicalId":31816,"journal":{"name":"Jurnal Hubungan Internasional","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-06-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48559723","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-06-25DOI: 10.20473/JHI.V14I1.19621
Andy Fernanda Probotrianto
The Arctic Circle, without a doubt, has turned into a region of various complexities and holds a huge prominence in the contemporary world; especially if one link it with discourses regarding energy, resources, and maritime issues which have helped in triggering wide international contestations. These discourses, consequently, are getting more proliferated as the polar ice melting. However, the existing paradigm carried about within the research of the region tends to be ignorant of those whom are marginalized, yet distinctly significant to the shaping of the Arctic environment, under the shadows of nation-states and high politics agendas: the indigenous peoples. This article, therefore, would contribute to the political discourse of the Arctic by elaborating the perspective of indigenous people in regards of the ongoing dynamics. Utilizing Critical Cosmopolitanism as a normative basis, as well as taking the approach offered by Critical Geopolitics, this writing will try to deconstruct how the nation state’s prolonged hegemony impacting the Arctic Circle, displaying the significance held by indigenous communities, as well as factors leading to its heighten representation—with a more through focus on Inuit Peoples in regard of their population and prominence within the discourse. This article reveals that the shifting global paradigm which, in time, echoing Cosmopolitanism values, such as inclusivity, paves a way to the growing representation to the indigenous peoples.
{"title":"Masyarakat Adat dan Diskursus Representasi di Lingkar Artik: Tinjauan Kosmopolitanisme dan Geopolitik Kritis","authors":"Andy Fernanda Probotrianto","doi":"10.20473/JHI.V14I1.19621","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.20473/JHI.V14I1.19621","url":null,"abstract":"The Arctic Circle, without a doubt, has turned into a region of various complexities and holds a huge prominence in the contemporary world; especially if one link it with discourses regarding energy, resources, and maritime issues which have helped in triggering wide international contestations. These discourses, consequently, are getting more proliferated as the polar ice melting. However, the existing paradigm carried about within the research of the region tends to be ignorant of those whom are marginalized, yet distinctly significant to the shaping of the Arctic environment, under the shadows of nation-states and high politics agendas: the indigenous peoples. This article, therefore, would contribute to the political discourse of the Arctic by elaborating the perspective of indigenous people in regards of the ongoing dynamics. Utilizing Critical Cosmopolitanism as a normative basis, as well as taking the approach offered by Critical Geopolitics, this writing will try to deconstruct how the nation state’s prolonged hegemony impacting the Arctic Circle, displaying the significance held by indigenous communities, as well as factors leading to its heighten representation—with a more through focus on Inuit Peoples in regard of their population and prominence within the discourse. This article reveals that the shifting global paradigm which, in time, echoing Cosmopolitanism values, such as inclusivity, paves a way to the growing representation to the indigenous peoples.","PeriodicalId":31816,"journal":{"name":"Jurnal Hubungan Internasional","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-06-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42066393","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-06-25DOI: 10.20473/JHI.V14I1.13310
Agneta Kristalia Tedjo, Mohammad Ramadhan, Muhammad Daffa Dirgantara, R. Bahari
Gender equality has become a topic that people discuss about a lot over the last few years. A condition where women and men should have equal position on every aspect of life is indeed should be realized in everywhere part of the world, including India. Therefore, this article will discuss an overview of the condition of gender equality in India and how the situation of women there. India was named by the Tom Reuters Foundation as the 4th most dangerous country in the world. One of the many factors why this is happen because of the existence of cultural traditions that have deeply rooted for generations. Because of that, it is necessary to discuss further the importance of gender equality in India. It will be explained about the solution of the culture that have deeply rooted in India, especially the culture that bring harm to women. Education is one aspect that is used to reduce any discrimination that is exist in India. The main goal of India in education is to overcome high illiteracy rate and also educational inequality for women. It will also be discussed, what are the roles of outsiders involved in the realization of gender equality in India. How conventions such as the Convention on Elimination of the All Forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW) also play a role in helping India achieve gender equality and fulfillment of human rights, especially for women. . As well as how the role of the Indian government to create a good environment for women.
{"title":"Tantangan Budaya dalam Mewujudkan Kesetaraan Gender di India dan Solusinya","authors":"Agneta Kristalia Tedjo, Mohammad Ramadhan, Muhammad Daffa Dirgantara, R. Bahari","doi":"10.20473/JHI.V14I1.13310","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.20473/JHI.V14I1.13310","url":null,"abstract":"Gender equality has become a topic that people discuss about a lot over the last few years. A condition where women and men should have equal position on every aspect of life is indeed should be realized in everywhere part of the world, including India. Therefore, this article will discuss an overview of the condition of gender equality in India and how the situation of women there. India was named by the Tom Reuters Foundation as the 4th most dangerous country in the world. One of the many factors why this is happen because of the existence of cultural traditions that have deeply rooted for generations. Because of that, it is necessary to discuss further the importance of gender equality in India. It will be explained about the solution of the culture that have deeply rooted in India, especially the culture that bring harm to women. Education is one aspect that is used to reduce any discrimination that is exist in India. The main goal of India in education is to overcome high illiteracy rate and also educational inequality for women. It will also be discussed, what are the roles of outsiders involved in the realization of gender equality in India. How conventions such as the Convention on Elimination of the All Forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW) also play a role in helping India achieve gender equality and fulfillment of human rights, especially for women. . As well as how the role of the Indian government to create a good environment for women.","PeriodicalId":31816,"journal":{"name":"Jurnal Hubungan Internasional","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-06-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45583151","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-06-25DOI: 10.20473/jhi.v14i1.20845
Monica Vira Ajeng Kristanti
Southeast Asia is one of the regions that has a fairly high rate of labor migration, both as a contributor and a recipient country. However, this is not equated with strict regulations and laws. Violations of the rights of migrant workers are common in several countries. Unfortunately, ASEAN as a regional regional organization has not been able to provide targeted advocacy. The Transnational Advocacy Network (TAN) is here to provide recommendations and advocacy to migrant workers across countries. In this article, the transnational advocacy network that will be studied further is the Global Alliance Against Trafficking in Women (GAATW) which has been actively advocating and providing policy recommendations to five countries in Southeast Asia, namely Indonesia, Singapore, Cambodia, the Philippines, and Thailand. The research method used in this study is a qualitative method using secondary data. In this study, we can see how GAATW cooperates with several migrant worker unions in these countries, either by conducting research, advocating for victims, or by publishing publications aimed at the public and the government.
{"title":"Jaringan Advokasi Transnasional (GAATW) dalam Penyelesaian Isu Migrasi Pekerja Perempuan dan Perdagangan Manusia di Asia Tenggara","authors":"Monica Vira Ajeng Kristanti","doi":"10.20473/jhi.v14i1.20845","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.20473/jhi.v14i1.20845","url":null,"abstract":"Southeast Asia is one of the regions that has a fairly high rate of labor migration, both as a contributor and a recipient country. However, this is not equated with strict regulations and laws. Violations of the rights of migrant workers are common in several countries. Unfortunately, ASEAN as a regional regional organization has not been able to provide targeted advocacy. The Transnational Advocacy Network (TAN) is here to provide recommendations and advocacy to migrant workers across countries. In this article, the transnational advocacy network that will be studied further is the Global Alliance Against Trafficking in Women (GAATW) which has been actively advocating and providing policy recommendations to five countries in Southeast Asia, namely Indonesia, Singapore, Cambodia, the Philippines, and Thailand. The research method used in this study is a qualitative method using secondary data. In this study, we can see how GAATW cooperates with several migrant worker unions in these countries, either by conducting research, advocating for victims, or by publishing publications aimed at the public and the government.","PeriodicalId":31816,"journal":{"name":"Jurnal Hubungan Internasional","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-06-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49595264","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-06-25DOI: 10.20473/JHI.V14I1.21043
Noudy Naufal
India’s decision to withdraw from Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP) has been one of the shocking event in the development of international trade. Not only obstructing many regionalist agenda between India and the whole of Asia-Pacific region, this decision is considered to be in the exact opposite of India’s attempts to direct its foreign policy towards its eastern neighbours, especially on the East and Southeast Asia, through India’s participations in several free trade agreements. This thesis will attempt to explain India’s withdrawal from RCEP negotiation by looking at domestic factors. It argues that domestic pressures are the main factors for India to withdraw from RCEP’s negotiation rounds. In this research, the author will use conceptual framework developed by Thomas Risse-Kappen to classify the influences of domestic actors on foreign policy of a country based on its political system and societal groups to understand more the influences of domestic actors to Indian foreign policy. This research also shows that apart from domestic stakeholders perceptions that the country’s membership in the RCEP doesn’t benefit their economic interests, huge pressures came especially from Hindu nationalist groups, especially from Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS), as the core mass support of the current government’s party under the premiership of Narendra Modi (Bharatiya Janata Party – BJP), has been one of the major domestic pressures to understand the roots on India’s withdrawal from RCEP’s negotiation rounds.
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