Pub Date : 2022-06-29DOI: 10.20473/jhi.v15i1.33711
Renatha Ayu Rossdiana
Globalisasi telah menyebabkan pergerakan manusia antar negara semakin intensif dengan berbagai kondisi termasuk gelombang pengungsi. Sebagai negara transit, karena belum menandatangani konvensi pengungsi 1951, Indonesia tidak memiliki kewajiban dalam menangani pengungsi tersebut. Namun, pemerintah memberikan perhatian pada pengungsi anak utamanya dalam akses pendidikan. Pertanyaan yang dielaborasi dalam tulisan ini yaitu sejauh mana pendidikan pengungsi anak mendapat penyelesaian yang konstruktif dari pemerintah Indonesia. Kesimpulan tulisan ini yaitu pendekatan humanitarian merupakan alasan penting dibalik kebijakan Indonesia. Hal ini juga terkait dengan globalisasi yang mendorong nilai kemanusiaan semakin menjadi salah satu unsur penting dalam pengambilan kebijakan suatu negara. Dalam hal pendidikan pengungsi anak, Indonesia menaruh perhatian karena telah meratifikasi Deklarasi Umum Hak Asasi Manusia dan the United Nations Convention on the Rights of Child 1989. Dengan dukungan dari pemerintah lokal, UNHCR dan IOM, penanganan pendidikan ini cukup mendapat penyelesaian yang konstruktif. Terkait kebaruan, penulis mengelaborasi kondisi pengungsi anak, tantangan, sinergitas berbagai aktor dalam memfasilitasi akses pendidikan berupa sekolah formal maupun non formal yang ditekankan melalui prinsip humaniter yang sejauh ini belum dibahas dalam publikasi lainnya yang kebanyakan fokus pada aspek hukumnya yang secara konseptual belum menyentuh ranah hubungan internasional terutama prinsip kemanusiaan.
{"title":"Masa Depan di Perbatasan : Pendekatan Humanitarian Pendidikan Pengungsi Anak di Indonesia","authors":"Renatha Ayu Rossdiana","doi":"10.20473/jhi.v15i1.33711","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.20473/jhi.v15i1.33711","url":null,"abstract":"Globalisasi telah menyebabkan pergerakan manusia antar negara semakin intensif dengan berbagai kondisi termasuk gelombang pengungsi. Sebagai negara transit, karena belum menandatangani konvensi pengungsi 1951, Indonesia tidak memiliki kewajiban dalam menangani pengungsi tersebut. Namun, pemerintah memberikan perhatian pada pengungsi anak utamanya dalam akses pendidikan. Pertanyaan yang dielaborasi dalam tulisan ini yaitu sejauh mana pendidikan pengungsi anak mendapat penyelesaian yang konstruktif dari pemerintah Indonesia. Kesimpulan tulisan ini yaitu pendekatan humanitarian merupakan alasan penting dibalik kebijakan Indonesia. Hal ini juga terkait dengan globalisasi yang mendorong nilai kemanusiaan semakin menjadi salah satu unsur penting dalam pengambilan kebijakan suatu negara. Dalam hal pendidikan pengungsi anak, Indonesia menaruh perhatian karena telah meratifikasi Deklarasi Umum Hak Asasi Manusia dan the United Nations Convention on the Rights of Child 1989. Dengan dukungan dari pemerintah lokal, UNHCR dan IOM, penanganan pendidikan ini cukup mendapat penyelesaian yang konstruktif. Terkait kebaruan, penulis mengelaborasi kondisi pengungsi anak, tantangan, sinergitas berbagai aktor dalam memfasilitasi akses pendidikan berupa sekolah formal maupun non formal yang ditekankan melalui prinsip humaniter yang sejauh ini belum dibahas dalam publikasi lainnya yang kebanyakan fokus pada aspek hukumnya yang secara konseptual belum menyentuh ranah hubungan internasional terutama prinsip kemanusiaan.","PeriodicalId":31816,"journal":{"name":"Jurnal Hubungan Internasional","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-06-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42739417","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-06-29DOI: 10.20473/jhi.v15i1.33644
Heriawan
This article explores the implication of China’s increasing maritime capability and what its means for the world peace. Is China’s maritime expansion a threat or a peaceful one? In this article, the author scrutinies the recent debates and its problematic interpretation of China’s maritime rise through the perspective of integrative review and neoclassical realism approach. First, this article describes the concept of rising power in International Relations and provide an overview of South China Sea (SCS) dispute state-of-the-conflict. Second, it would provide a thorough discussion of the China’s behaviour and intention in the disputed sea. The discussion extends over several prominent concepts: Rising Power, Global & Regional Order, Strategic Orientation, and National Conception. To conclude, this article argues the ever-expanding China maritime strength has given advantages to China’s claim in the disputed sea. China’s strategy pushing the limit of aggressiveness under the threshold of war. At the same time reassuring other countries through various cooperative and economical means.
{"title":"The Ever-growing China’s Maritime Rise and South China Sea Dispute: A Literature Review","authors":"Heriawan","doi":"10.20473/jhi.v15i1.33644","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.20473/jhi.v15i1.33644","url":null,"abstract":"This article explores the implication of China’s increasing maritime capability and what its means for the world peace. Is China’s maritime expansion a threat or a peaceful one? In this article, the author scrutinies the recent debates and its problematic interpretation of China’s maritime rise through the perspective of integrative review and neoclassical realism approach. First, this article describes the concept of rising power in International Relations and provide an overview of South China Sea (SCS) dispute state-of-the-conflict. Second, it would provide a thorough discussion of the China’s behaviour and intention in the disputed sea. The discussion extends over several prominent concepts: Rising Power, Global & Regional Order, Strategic Orientation, and National Conception. To conclude, this article argues the ever-expanding China maritime strength has given advantages to China’s claim in the disputed sea. China’s strategy pushing the limit of aggressiveness under the threshold of war. At the same time reassuring other countries through various cooperative and economical means.","PeriodicalId":31816,"journal":{"name":"Jurnal Hubungan Internasional","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-06-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45543014","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-06-29DOI: 10.20473/jhi.v15i1.29111
Qory Fizrianti Sitepu, Aisyah Ananda Agsmy
Sejak akhir tahun 2019, Tiongkok menjadi salah satu negara pendonor utama yang memberikan bantuan kemanusiaan pada sektor kesehatan di tengah pandemi COVID-19. Bantuan kemanusiaan tersebut lebih diperuntukkan bagi negara-negara berkembang yang terdampak terutama sejak negara-negara maju menerapkan nasionalisme vaksin. Melalui bantuan tersebut, terma diplomasi medis muncul ke permukaan untuk menjelaskan upaya politik yang dilakukan Tiongkok dengan melakukan donasi, memberi bantuan alat kesehatan, keperluan medis, dan kebutuhan kesehatan lainnya kepada negara maupun disalurkan melalui organisasi internasional. Akan tetapi, diplomasi medis dinilai memiliki relevansi dengan Health Silk Road (HSR) sebagai proposal kebijakan di bawah Belt Road Initiative (BRI) dengan fokus pada sektor kesehatan, sehingga motif politik tidak terlepas dalam penerapannya. Kajian ini bertujuan untuk menjawab mengapa Tiongkok menggunakan diplomasi medis sebagai salah satu alat untuk mendukung proyek BRI dengan menggunakan metode studi kepustakaan berbasis pada teori diplomasi medis sebagai soft power serta diplomasi medis sebagai salah satu dimensi dari kebijakan luar negeri. Hasil analisis menunjukkan bahwa Tiongkok menggunakan diplomasi medis sebagai soft power dan alat pendukung proyek kebijakan luar negeri Tiongkok (BRI) akibat absensi negara-negara maju yang memiliki kapabilitas untuk menangani pandemi Covid-19 secara tanggap.
{"title":"Pandemi COVID-19 dan Diplomasi Medis Tiongkok: Manifestasi Nilai Kemanusiaan atau Kepentingan Politik","authors":"Qory Fizrianti Sitepu, Aisyah Ananda Agsmy","doi":"10.20473/jhi.v15i1.29111","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.20473/jhi.v15i1.29111","url":null,"abstract":"Sejak akhir tahun 2019, Tiongkok menjadi salah satu negara pendonor utama yang memberikan bantuan kemanusiaan pada sektor kesehatan di tengah pandemi COVID-19. Bantuan kemanusiaan tersebut lebih diperuntukkan bagi negara-negara berkembang yang terdampak terutama sejak negara-negara maju menerapkan nasionalisme vaksin. Melalui bantuan tersebut, terma diplomasi medis muncul ke permukaan untuk menjelaskan upaya politik yang dilakukan Tiongkok dengan melakukan donasi, memberi bantuan alat kesehatan, keperluan medis, dan kebutuhan kesehatan lainnya kepada negara maupun disalurkan melalui organisasi internasional. Akan tetapi, diplomasi medis dinilai memiliki relevansi dengan Health Silk Road (HSR) sebagai proposal kebijakan di bawah Belt Road Initiative (BRI) dengan fokus pada sektor kesehatan, sehingga motif politik tidak terlepas dalam penerapannya. Kajian ini bertujuan untuk menjawab mengapa Tiongkok menggunakan diplomasi medis sebagai salah satu alat untuk mendukung proyek BRI dengan menggunakan metode studi kepustakaan berbasis pada teori diplomasi medis sebagai soft power serta diplomasi medis sebagai salah satu dimensi dari kebijakan luar negeri. Hasil analisis menunjukkan bahwa Tiongkok menggunakan diplomasi medis sebagai soft power dan alat pendukung proyek kebijakan luar negeri Tiongkok (BRI) akibat absensi negara-negara maju yang memiliki kapabilitas untuk menangani pandemi Covid-19 secara tanggap.","PeriodicalId":31816,"journal":{"name":"Jurnal Hubungan Internasional","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-06-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45668988","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-06-29DOI: 10.20473/jhi.v15i1.33817
Muhammad Ilham Ramandha Adamy
Australia’s decision to enter the AUKUS has caused some controversies among regional powers, especially noting the heightened Indo-Pacific discourse lately. But AUKUS isn’t a mere alliance against revisionist power, it has much deeper dan greater significance on Australia’s defence policies. This paper argues that AUKUS reflect the dilemmatic sub-strategic cultures within Australia’s defence policy considerations against the changing strategic environment in Indo-Pacific, the self-reliance and strategic dependence. Strategically, AUKUS presented Australia the opportunity to participate and shaping the Indo-Pacific under US-led initiative and act as technology catalysator on defence sector. Operationally, the nuclear-powered procurement under AUKUS will significantly boost Australia’s submarine fleet capability in sea denial and sea control mission as a part of larger coalition. Using strategic culture lens and studying primary and secondary documents in a qualitative work, the analysis of this paper concludes that AUKUS reflected the return and reinforced pattern of strategic dependence within Australia’s defence policy in the age of Indo-Pacific.
{"title":"AUKUS and Australia’s Nuclear-Powered Submarine: A Reinforced Strategic Culture","authors":"Muhammad Ilham Ramandha Adamy","doi":"10.20473/jhi.v15i1.33817","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.20473/jhi.v15i1.33817","url":null,"abstract":"Australia’s decision to enter the AUKUS has caused some controversies among regional powers, especially noting the heightened Indo-Pacific discourse lately. But AUKUS isn’t a mere alliance against revisionist power, it has much deeper dan greater significance on Australia’s defence policies. This paper argues that AUKUS reflect the dilemmatic sub-strategic cultures within Australia’s defence policy considerations against the changing strategic environment in Indo-Pacific, the self-reliance and strategic dependence. Strategically, AUKUS presented Australia the opportunity to participate and shaping the Indo-Pacific under US-led initiative and act as technology catalysator on defence sector. Operationally, the nuclear-powered procurement under AUKUS will significantly boost Australia’s submarine fleet capability in sea denial and sea control mission as a part of larger coalition. Using strategic culture lens and studying primary and secondary documents in a qualitative work, the analysis of this paper concludes that AUKUS reflected the return and reinforced pattern of strategic dependence within Australia’s defence policy in the age of Indo-Pacific.","PeriodicalId":31816,"journal":{"name":"Jurnal Hubungan Internasional","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-06-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43059570","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-06-29DOI: 10.20473/jhi.v15i1.31254
Yang Kharisma Febreani
This study will discuss efforts to strengthen ASEAN Plus Three (APT) cooperation in dealing with the mitigation of negative economic impacts resulting from the Covid-19 pandemic which will be explained using the concept of Economic Regionalism. The scope of this research is limited to the policies carried out by ASEAN Plus Three (APT) to help maintain economic and financial stability, as well as new breakthroughs in the digital economy in the Southeast Asia region. The results of this study are that the policies undertaken by APT in dealing with negative economic impacts are divided into three, namely the Chiang Mai Initiative Multilateralization (CMIM), Macroeconomic Research Office (AMRO), and the Asian Bond Market Initiative (ABMI). The strengthening of regional cooperation has had a positive impact on efforts to recover the economy in the Southeast Asia region.
{"title":"Penguatan Kerjasama ASEAN Plus Three (APT) untuk Penanganan dan Mitigasi Dampak Negatif Ekonomi dari Pandemi Covid-19","authors":"Yang Kharisma Febreani","doi":"10.20473/jhi.v15i1.31254","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.20473/jhi.v15i1.31254","url":null,"abstract":"This study will discuss efforts to strengthen ASEAN Plus Three (APT) cooperation in dealing with the mitigation of negative economic impacts resulting from the Covid-19 pandemic which will be explained using the concept of Economic Regionalism. The scope of this research is limited to the policies carried out by ASEAN Plus Three (APT) to help maintain economic and financial stability, as well as new breakthroughs in the digital economy in the Southeast Asia region. The results of this study are that the policies undertaken by APT in dealing with negative economic impacts are divided into three, namely the Chiang Mai Initiative Multilateralization (CMIM), Macroeconomic Research Office (AMRO), and the Asian Bond Market Initiative (ABMI). The strengthening of regional cooperation has had a positive impact on efforts to recover the economy in the Southeast Asia region.","PeriodicalId":31816,"journal":{"name":"Jurnal Hubungan Internasional","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-06-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49365743","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-06-29DOI: 10.20473/jhi.v15i1.33766
Sabda Ningsih
Tulisan ini meneliti terkait kontrol anti – doping WADA dan alasan PBSI patuh terhadap kode anti – doping WADA. WADA sebagai NGO yang mengontrol norma anti – doping dalam olahraga seharusnya memiliki akuntabilitas yang lemah dalam menundukkan negara kecuali adanya kepentingan yang ditawarkan. Oleh karenanya, WADA sebagai NGO memberikan penawaran menarik kepada negara dan lembaga olahraga. Ini berkaitan dengan komersialisme olahraga dan globalisasi. Komersialisme olahrga sendiri merupakan strategi yang sengaja diformulasikan WADA agar negara beserta lembaga olahraga tertarik untuk berada dibawah kontrol anti – doping WADA sebagai NGO. Selanjutnya, globalisasi mendorong negara untuk masuk dalam permainan olaharaga demi menunjukkan eksistensinya sebagai sebuah negara. Maka temuan dalam tulisan ini menyatakan bahwa, kepentingan PBSI sebagai alasan untuk tunduk kepada anti – doping WADA dilandasi pada adanya komersialisme olahraga seperti mengejar sponsorship dan bonus dari pertandingan yang diberikan lembaga penyelenggara. Mengingat sponsor dan bonus dari turnamen bisa didapatkan dengan keaktifan PBSI mengirimkan perwakilannya di turnamen dan untuk mengikuti turnamen harus mematuhi WADA yang menaungi organisasi penyelenggara olahraga. Patuhnya PBSI juga difaktori citra bersih dari doping agar mereka tidak terbuang dari pergaulan olahraga dan menjagta reputasi bulutangkis Indonesia yang telah dibangun oleh generasi PBSI sebelum adanya WADA.
{"title":"Sektor Privat sebagai Otoritas Moral Alasan dibalik Kepatuhan PBSI terhadap Peraturan Anti – Doping WADA","authors":"Sabda Ningsih","doi":"10.20473/jhi.v15i1.33766","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.20473/jhi.v15i1.33766","url":null,"abstract":"Tulisan ini meneliti terkait kontrol anti – doping WADA dan alasan PBSI patuh terhadap kode anti – doping WADA. WADA sebagai NGO yang mengontrol norma anti – doping dalam olahraga seharusnya memiliki akuntabilitas yang lemah dalam menundukkan negara kecuali adanya kepentingan yang ditawarkan. Oleh karenanya, WADA sebagai NGO memberikan penawaran menarik kepada negara dan lembaga olahraga. Ini berkaitan dengan komersialisme olahraga dan globalisasi. Komersialisme olahrga sendiri merupakan strategi yang sengaja diformulasikan WADA agar negara beserta lembaga olahraga tertarik untuk berada dibawah kontrol anti – doping WADA sebagai NGO. Selanjutnya, globalisasi mendorong negara untuk masuk dalam permainan olaharaga demi menunjukkan eksistensinya sebagai sebuah negara. Maka temuan dalam tulisan ini menyatakan bahwa, kepentingan PBSI sebagai alasan untuk tunduk kepada anti – doping WADA dilandasi pada adanya komersialisme olahraga seperti mengejar sponsorship dan bonus dari pertandingan yang diberikan lembaga penyelenggara. Mengingat sponsor dan bonus dari turnamen bisa didapatkan dengan keaktifan PBSI mengirimkan perwakilannya di turnamen dan untuk mengikuti turnamen harus mematuhi WADA yang menaungi organisasi penyelenggara olahraga. Patuhnya PBSI juga difaktori citra bersih dari doping agar mereka tidak terbuang dari pergaulan olahraga dan menjagta reputasi bulutangkis Indonesia yang telah dibangun oleh generasi PBSI sebelum adanya WADA.","PeriodicalId":31816,"journal":{"name":"Jurnal Hubungan Internasional","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-06-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46075144","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-06-29DOI: 10.20473/jhi.v15i1.33787
Probo Darono Yakti
The conflict between the Hutu and Tutsi tribes that occurred in Rwanda at the end of the 20th century opened the eyes of the international community that ethnic issues could escalate into a political issue which encouraged the crime of genocide. This politicization led to the deaths of more than 800 thousand Tutsis due to planned mass killings by the Hutu government. This justifies Gilroy and Wright's argument about ethnic politicization which can form an exclusive feeling in talking about one's nationality within the state. Likewise with Yun and Synder's opinion about racial issues affecting people's political preferences on a large scale and tend to see negative forms of nationalism when viewed from ethnicity. By using a discourse analysis and qualitative-explanatory research approach, a comprehensive approach is obtained to understand the problem in its entirety and explore the research questions: how to explain the conflict in Rwanda between the Hutu and Tutsi tribes from the aspect of politicizing the identity issue in the era of postcolonialism? In this paper, a number of issues will be raised, namely the fundamental differences between the Hutu and Tutsi, the chronology of the conflicts between the two tribes, the spread of these problems into regional conflicts, investigating the causes, settlement methods, and post-conflict life in Rwanda. So that it concludes that it is true that there is ethnic politicization in Rwanda. The importance of this paper is to be a lesson for other regions of the world that experience the same problems and can offer options for methods of conflict resolution as has been done by Rwanda: reconciliation, accommodation, and the Gacaca system. These four methods require a long process and a sense of relief from each individual community to forgive the actions of their own neighbors who become murderers for their own neighbors. So it is important to make lessons for conflicts based on other ethnic differences.
{"title":"The 1994 Hutu and Tutsi Ethnopolitics Conflict in Rwanda: Genocide Revenge Settlement Through the Gacaca Reconciliation System","authors":"Probo Darono Yakti","doi":"10.20473/jhi.v15i1.33787","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.20473/jhi.v15i1.33787","url":null,"abstract":"The conflict between the Hutu and Tutsi tribes that occurred in Rwanda at the end of the 20th century opened the eyes of the international community that ethnic issues could escalate into a political issue which encouraged the crime of genocide. This politicization led to the deaths of more than 800 thousand Tutsis due to planned mass killings by the Hutu government. This justifies Gilroy and Wright's argument about ethnic politicization which can form an exclusive feeling in talking about one's nationality within the state. Likewise with Yun and Synder's opinion about racial issues affecting people's political preferences on a large scale and tend to see negative forms of nationalism when viewed from ethnicity. By using a discourse analysis and qualitative-explanatory research approach, a comprehensive approach is obtained to understand the problem in its entirety and explore the research questions: how to explain the conflict in Rwanda between the Hutu and Tutsi tribes from the aspect of politicizing the identity issue in the era of postcolonialism? In this paper, a number of issues will be raised, namely the fundamental differences between the Hutu and Tutsi, the chronology of the conflicts between the two tribes, the spread of these problems into regional conflicts, investigating the causes, settlement methods, and post-conflict life in Rwanda. So that it concludes that it is true that there is ethnic politicization in Rwanda. The importance of this paper is to be a lesson for other regions of the world that experience the same problems and can offer options for methods of conflict resolution as has been done by Rwanda: reconciliation, accommodation, and the Gacaca system. These four methods require a long process and a sense of relief from each individual community to forgive the actions of their own neighbors who become murderers for their own neighbors. So it is important to make lessons for conflicts based on other ethnic differences.","PeriodicalId":31816,"journal":{"name":"Jurnal Hubungan Internasional","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-06-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44822084","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-06-01DOI: 10.18196/jhi.v11i1.12066
Sidik Jatmika, Nanang Sumanang, A. P. Marlinda, Chalilla Raihan Nabilazka, M. Jatmika
This article focuses on conflict resolution in Aceh, Indonesia, and Bangsamoro, Phillipines, as a comparative study. The two different regions have at least two similar characteristics: both are recognised by central government as widely autonomous provinces compared to other provinces, and both have same problems with revolutionary groups that attempt to withdraw from central government. This qualitative research aims to examine conflict resolution process and result in both local governments. The main objective is to identify similarities rational choice (survival, security, economy/welfare, prestige, and influence) especially how political elites would still feel enjoy to conduct those agreements in both regions. The findings confirm that both GAM (Aceh) and MILF (Bangsamoro) have similar political preference sequence, but such of MNLF factions still continues their military movements. It is argued that Aceh-Indonesia conflict resolution could not automatically be applied in the Bangsamoro-Philippines issue.
{"title":"Why Aceh-Indonesia Conflict Resolution can’t be Copy-Paste in Bangsamoro-Philippines Issue?","authors":"Sidik Jatmika, Nanang Sumanang, A. P. Marlinda, Chalilla Raihan Nabilazka, M. Jatmika","doi":"10.18196/jhi.v11i1.12066","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.18196/jhi.v11i1.12066","url":null,"abstract":"This article focuses on conflict resolution in Aceh, Indonesia, and Bangsamoro, Phillipines, as a comparative study. The two different regions have at least two similar characteristics: both are recognised by central government as widely autonomous provinces compared to other provinces, and both have same problems with revolutionary groups that attempt to withdraw from central government. This qualitative research aims to examine conflict resolution process and result in both local governments. The main objective is to identify similarities rational choice (survival, security, economy/welfare, prestige, and influence) especially how political elites would still feel enjoy to conduct those agreements in both regions. The findings confirm that both GAM (Aceh) and MILF (Bangsamoro) have similar political preference sequence, but such of MNLF factions still continues their military movements. It is argued that Aceh-Indonesia conflict resolution could not automatically be applied in the Bangsamoro-Philippines issue. ","PeriodicalId":31816,"journal":{"name":"Jurnal Hubungan Internasional","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43718347","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-04-18DOI: 10.18196/jhi.v11i1.12533
Muhammad Zahrul Anam, A. Munir, Radiva Rusyda Hidayat
Malaysia is one of the main destination countries for Indonesian migrant workers (PMI). Although their contribution is large for developing the two countries, PMI, especially women workers in the informal sector, still experience violence and discrimination. Protection efforts through diplomacy between the two countries have not effectively protected PMI in Malaysia without involving non-state actors. Muhammadiyah as a religion-based non-state actor, has been heavily involved in alleviating the problems of vulnerable groups, including PMI in Malaysia. However, only a few studies specifically discuss Muhammadiyah diplomacy’s role in protecting PMI in Malaysia. This article aims to explain the role of Muhammadiyah diaspora diplomacy toward protecting PMI in Malaysia as part of the Muhammadiyah internationalization agenda through Pimpinan Cabang Istimewa Muhammadiyah (PCIM). The data used in this article came from secondary data that explored the frequency of reporting about PCIM Malaysia activities in four selected online media. The media included two national media, Antara and Tribune, and two Islamic media, Suara Muhammadiyah and Republika. This article also utilized primary data from interviews with PCIM and Pimpinan Cabang Istimewa ‘Aisyiyah Malaysia, which were analyzed using NVivo 12 software. This article argued that PCIM Malaysia carried out diaspora diplomacy to PMI in Malaysia through mediation, advocacy, representation, and Muhammadiyah internationalization.
{"title":"Muhammadiyah Diaspora Diplomacy in Protecting Indonesian Migrant Workers in Malaysia","authors":"Muhammad Zahrul Anam, A. Munir, Radiva Rusyda Hidayat","doi":"10.18196/jhi.v11i1.12533","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.18196/jhi.v11i1.12533","url":null,"abstract":"Malaysia is one of the main destination countries for Indonesian migrant workers (PMI). Although their contribution is large for developing the two countries, PMI, especially women workers in the informal sector, still experience violence and discrimination. Protection efforts through diplomacy between the two countries have not effectively protected PMI in Malaysia without involving non-state actors. Muhammadiyah as a religion-based non-state actor, has been heavily involved in alleviating the problems of vulnerable groups, including PMI in Malaysia. However, only a few studies specifically discuss Muhammadiyah diplomacy’s role in protecting PMI in Malaysia. This article aims to explain the role of Muhammadiyah diaspora diplomacy toward protecting PMI in Malaysia as part of the Muhammadiyah internationalization agenda through Pimpinan Cabang Istimewa Muhammadiyah (PCIM). The data used in this article came from secondary data that explored the frequency of reporting about PCIM Malaysia activities in four selected online media. The media included two national media, Antara and Tribune, and two Islamic media, Suara Muhammadiyah and Republika. This article also utilized primary data from interviews with PCIM and Pimpinan Cabang Istimewa ‘Aisyiyah Malaysia, which were analyzed using NVivo 12 software. This article argued that PCIM Malaysia carried out diaspora diplomacy to PMI in Malaysia through mediation, advocacy, representation, and Muhammadiyah internationalization.","PeriodicalId":31816,"journal":{"name":"Jurnal Hubungan Internasional","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-04-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42666723","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-04-18DOI: 10.18196/jhi.v11i1.13087
Raden Mas Try Ananto Djoko Wicaksono, F. B. Hirawan, S. K. Ragamustari
Amid a global rush for vaccines, Indonesia has had to compete with other countries to secure vaccines to protect its people from the infection of COVID-19. For its survival, Indonesia's vaccine diplomacy deemed it necessary to remain strategically neutral to prevent Indonesia from being one side of global power. The question in this research is how Indonesia’s effort to procure COVID-19 vaccine while maintaining ‘Free and Active’ foreign policy in bilateral, regional and multilateral and why ‘Free and Active’ foreign policy became important for Indonesia in conducting vaccine diplomacy. The study's aims to examine Indonesia's effort to procure COVID-19 vaccine while maintaining free and active principles and analyze the importance of free and active vaccine diplomacy to ensure the country's independence. This study uses qualitative study methods in research design with data collection techniques from primary (official reports and government records) and secondary data (books, journals, and online media). The research shows Indonesia's effort to procure the COVID-19 vaccine in three ways, namely bilateral (Australia, China, Russia, UK, and the US), regional (ASEAN and IORA), and multilateral (UN and Covax-AMC EG) cooperation with six types of vaccines has secure in Indonesia. China readily supported Indonesia in turning into a vaccine manufacturing hub for Southeast Asia. In this regard, the pandemic would possibly, facilitate Jakarta's nearer ties with Beijing. Thus, free and active foreign policy becomes important for Indonesia in vaccine diplomacy because it balances the national interest.
{"title":"An Analysis of Indonesia’s Free and Active COVID-19 Vaccine Diplomacy","authors":"Raden Mas Try Ananto Djoko Wicaksono, F. B. Hirawan, S. K. Ragamustari","doi":"10.18196/jhi.v11i1.13087","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.18196/jhi.v11i1.13087","url":null,"abstract":"Amid a global rush for vaccines, Indonesia has had to compete with other countries to secure vaccines to protect its people from the infection of COVID-19. For its survival, Indonesia's vaccine diplomacy deemed it necessary to remain strategically neutral to prevent Indonesia from being one side of global power. The question in this research is how Indonesia’s effort to procure COVID-19 vaccine while maintaining ‘Free and Active’ foreign policy in bilateral, regional and multilateral and why ‘Free and Active’ foreign policy became important for Indonesia in conducting vaccine diplomacy. The study's aims to examine Indonesia's effort to procure COVID-19 vaccine while maintaining free and active principles and analyze the importance of free and active vaccine diplomacy to ensure the country's independence. This study uses qualitative study methods in research design with data collection techniques from primary (official reports and government records) and secondary data (books, journals, and online media). The research shows Indonesia's effort to procure the COVID-19 vaccine in three ways, namely bilateral (Australia, China, Russia, UK, and the US), regional (ASEAN and IORA), and multilateral (UN and Covax-AMC EG) cooperation with six types of vaccines has secure in Indonesia. China readily supported Indonesia in turning into a vaccine manufacturing hub for Southeast Asia. In this regard, the pandemic would possibly, facilitate Jakarta's nearer ties with Beijing. Thus, free and active foreign policy becomes important for Indonesia in vaccine diplomacy because it balances the national interest.","PeriodicalId":31816,"journal":{"name":"Jurnal Hubungan Internasional","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-04-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48736145","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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