Pub Date : 2022-05-30DOI: 10.22363/2313-1438-2022-24-2-279-290
Joachim A. Diec, R. Savenkov
Modern Polish political scene is characterized by both the divisions within the ruling rightwing and, what is more important, with the alt-right, which stick to populism in terms of the determination to defend the country’s sovereignty. On the other hand, the “Confederation”, the alternative right wing, with an even greater emphasis on sovereignty, is moving towards less conflicts with the country’s most important foreign partners. This article presents the foreign policy positions of the largest right-wing national populism movements in contemporary Poland. The authors analyzed the program documents of the leading right-wing populist groups, mainly of the United Right camp, over the past twenty years. The article highlights the main ideas and problematic points, including those regarding the relations with the European Union and the Russian Federation.
{"title":"Two Trends of Conservative Nationalism in Contemporary Poland: Foreign Policy Aspect","authors":"Joachim A. Diec, R. Savenkov","doi":"10.22363/2313-1438-2022-24-2-279-290","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.22363/2313-1438-2022-24-2-279-290","url":null,"abstract":"Modern Polish political scene is characterized by both the divisions within the ruling rightwing and, what is more important, with the alt-right, which stick to populism in terms of the determination to defend the country’s sovereignty. On the other hand, the “Confederation”, the alternative right wing, with an even greater emphasis on sovereignty, is moving towards less conflicts with the country’s most important foreign partners. This article presents the foreign policy positions of the largest right-wing national populism movements in contemporary Poland. The authors analyzed the program documents of the leading right-wing populist groups, mainly of the United Right camp, over the past twenty years. The article highlights the main ideas and problematic points, including those regarding the relations with the European Union and the Russian Federation.","PeriodicalId":32346,"journal":{"name":"RUDN Journal of Political Science","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-05-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48703657","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-05-30DOI: 10.22363/2313-1438-2022-24-2-187-199
M. Lebedeva
Since the second half of the XX century, the importance of social and humanitarian resources has been increasing. This process intensified in the XXI century, which is reflected in the sphere of international security. The study analyzes the mechanisms through which the social and humanitarian resources affect international security problems, solving or escalating them. If the Copenhagen School began to include the social and humanitarian phenomena in the security sphere, this research focuses on how social and humanitarian resources are used in the security sphere (including in the military field). At the same time, it claims that the growing involvement of social and humanitarian resources in security issues does not mean a decrease in the importance of military and political instruments. The author considers the evolution of the use of social and humanitarian resources in the field of international security from the Cold War period to the present. They show that, in general, the social and humanitarian resources are becoming more diverse in their tools, as well as more and more important in solving international security problems. They note that in conflict situations social and humanitarian resources are used in two ways: 1) for the peaceful settlement of conflicts and 2) in order to win. In addition to conflicts, social and humanitarian resources can also be applied to such areas of international security as terrorism, migration, biogenic threats, threats related.
{"title":"Humanitarian and Social Components of International Security","authors":"M. Lebedeva","doi":"10.22363/2313-1438-2022-24-2-187-199","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.22363/2313-1438-2022-24-2-187-199","url":null,"abstract":"Since the second half of the XX century, the importance of social and humanitarian resources has been increasing. This process intensified in the XXI century, which is reflected in the sphere of international security. The study analyzes the mechanisms through which the social and humanitarian resources affect international security problems, solving or escalating them. If the Copenhagen School began to include the social and humanitarian phenomena in the security sphere, this research focuses on how social and humanitarian resources are used in the security sphere (including in the military field). At the same time, it claims that the growing involvement of social and humanitarian resources in security issues does not mean a decrease in the importance of military and political instruments. The author considers the evolution of the use of social and humanitarian resources in the field of international security from the Cold War period to the present. They show that, in general, the social and humanitarian resources are becoming more diverse in their tools, as well as more and more important in solving international security problems. They note that in conflict situations social and humanitarian resources are used in two ways: 1) for the peaceful settlement of conflicts and 2) in order to win. In addition to conflicts, social and humanitarian resources can also be applied to such areas of international security as terrorism, migration, biogenic threats, threats related.","PeriodicalId":32346,"journal":{"name":"RUDN Journal of Political Science","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-05-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45159444","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-05-30DOI: 10.22363/2313-1438-2022-24-2-291-302
V. Avatkov, A. I. Sbitneva
Turkish foreign policy, largely characterized as political selfishness, reflects the set of ideological concepts known as the new Turkish nationalism, which makes the country a rather difficult partner to deal with. This article examines the problem of the new Turkish nationalism. It focuses particularly on the Turkish-centric integration under the “neo-Ottoman” foreign policy as a new form of Turkish nationalism, which is especially evident on the space of the so-called “Turkic world”. The authors analyze the main features of Turkish nationalism in the econom ic, political, cultural, and educational spheres. They note that in the humanitarian sphere Turkey continues to focus on the “common Turkic” institutions as well as the ideas of the pan-Turkism ideologists of the past amidst the urge for unification. Moreover, the article considers the concept of Turkey’s self-perception as a “hub”, which generally occurs in all the above-mentioned areas. At the same time, all cases under study are affected by the populist expressions of the Turkish political elite about the unity of the Turks of the world.
{"title":"New Nationalism of Turkish Republic","authors":"V. Avatkov, A. I. Sbitneva","doi":"10.22363/2313-1438-2022-24-2-291-302","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.22363/2313-1438-2022-24-2-291-302","url":null,"abstract":"Turkish foreign policy, largely characterized as political selfishness, reflects the set of ideological concepts known as the new Turkish nationalism, which makes the country a rather difficult partner to deal with. This article examines the problem of the new Turkish nationalism. It focuses particularly on the Turkish-centric integration under the “neo-Ottoman” foreign policy as a new form of Turkish nationalism, which is especially evident on the space of the so-called “Turkic world”. The authors analyze the main features of Turkish nationalism in the econom ic, political, cultural, and educational spheres. They note that in the humanitarian sphere Turkey continues to focus on the “common Turkic” institutions as well as the ideas of the pan-Turkism ideologists of the past amidst the urge for unification. Moreover, the article considers the concept of Turkey’s self-perception as a “hub”, which generally occurs in all the above-mentioned areas. At the same time, all cases under study are affected by the populist expressions of the Turkish political elite about the unity of the Turks of the world.","PeriodicalId":32346,"journal":{"name":"RUDN Journal of Political Science","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-05-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46311267","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-05-30DOI: 10.22363/2313-1438-2022-24-2-221-233
E. Burmistrova
The migration crisis has become a trigger activating radical right-wing forces and movements. Contemporary right-wing forces, seeking to distinguish themselves from extremist right-wing movements, are resorting to populism, updating their political agenda: they use traditional conservative values in their rhetoric, but give them a new interpretation. In particular, the traditional values are complemented by gender equality and minority rights. The article analyses the transformation of the right-wing family agenda in the new social and political context, based on the conceptualisation of radical right-wing populism by H.-G. Betz and C. Mudde. The author considers the case of the French National Rally, examining the speeches of party leaders, party programmes and media materials through discourse analysis. The author identifies two trends: (1) since the 1980s, the traditional anti-migrant rhetoric of the right has been extended to include the family agenda, and the category of family as the core of the nation was gradually transformed into a tool to protect the nation from external influence; (2) party renewal under the leadership of Marine Le Pen entailed the updating of the family agenda to include protection of women’s rights, the modern interpretation of family, actualization of issues of European and national identity, including the interpretation of the women’s role as active protectors of national identity. In the author’s view, this process fits into the overall efforts of right-wing radicals to move into the political mainstream and the emergence of right-wing populism.
{"title":"Traditional Values in the Discourse of the French Populist Radical Right: The Case of the National Rally","authors":"E. Burmistrova","doi":"10.22363/2313-1438-2022-24-2-221-233","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.22363/2313-1438-2022-24-2-221-233","url":null,"abstract":"The migration crisis has become a trigger activating radical right-wing forces and movements. Contemporary right-wing forces, seeking to distinguish themselves from extremist right-wing movements, are resorting to populism, updating their political agenda: they use traditional conservative values in their rhetoric, but give them a new interpretation. In particular, the traditional values are complemented by gender equality and minority rights. The article analyses the transformation of the right-wing family agenda in the new social and political context, based on the conceptualisation of radical right-wing populism by H.-G. Betz and C. Mudde. The author considers the case of the French National Rally, examining the speeches of party leaders, party programmes and media materials through discourse analysis. The author identifies two trends: (1) since the 1980s, the traditional anti-migrant rhetoric of the right has been extended to include the family agenda, and the category of family as the core of the nation was gradually transformed into a tool to protect the nation from external influence; (2) party renewal under the leadership of Marine Le Pen entailed the updating of the family agenda to include protection of women’s rights, the modern interpretation of family, actualization of issues of European and national identity, including the interpretation of the women’s role as active protectors of national identity. In the author’s view, this process fits into the overall efforts of right-wing radicals to move into the political mainstream and the emergence of right-wing populism.","PeriodicalId":32346,"journal":{"name":"RUDN Journal of Political Science","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-05-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47511238","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-02-25DOI: 10.22363/2313-1438-2022-24-1-136-147
I. Amiantova, Nikoloz Bitsadze
The current study focuses on the key elements limiting the political representation of women in the modern world. In order to eliminate discrimination, some countries introduce gender quotas for political participation. Studying the legal framework of modern Georgia shows that, despite the existing common legal basis for the equality of women and men, the reality in political life is different. The lack of effective quota mechanisms significantly weakens the realization of womens civil and political rights. Stereotypical attitudes and perceptions about the role of women in society are the main barriers to recruiting in the political and administrative deployment. Considering the gender aspect of political representation as a complex problem necessitated a systematic approach. The historical and comparative method was used to study the evolution of gender equality. A separate group of methods used in the article was made up of the political and legal analysis of empirical database national statistics. The article shows how the Georgian Parliament affects the position of women in politics by introducing mandatory quotas for national and local government elections, increasing the likelihood of women running, being elected and appointed.
{"title":"Gender Quotas for Political Participation and the Case of Georgia","authors":"I. Amiantova, Nikoloz Bitsadze","doi":"10.22363/2313-1438-2022-24-1-136-147","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.22363/2313-1438-2022-24-1-136-147","url":null,"abstract":"The current study focuses on the key elements limiting the political representation of women in the modern world. In order to eliminate discrimination, some countries introduce gender quotas for political participation. Studying the legal framework of modern Georgia shows that, despite the existing common legal basis for the equality of women and men, the reality in political life is different. The lack of effective quota mechanisms significantly weakens the realization of womens civil and political rights. Stereotypical attitudes and perceptions about the role of women in society are the main barriers to recruiting in the political and administrative deployment. Considering the gender aspect of political representation as a complex problem necessitated a systematic approach. The historical and comparative method was used to study the evolution of gender equality. A separate group of methods used in the article was made up of the political and legal analysis of empirical database national statistics. The article shows how the Georgian Parliament affects the position of women in politics by introducing mandatory quotas for national and local government elections, increasing the likelihood of women running, being elected and appointed.","PeriodicalId":32346,"journal":{"name":"RUDN Journal of Political Science","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-02-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47601647","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-02-25DOI: 10.22363/2313-1438-2022-24-1-148-165
Liubov Ya. Prokopenko
Since the early 2000s, the expansion of womens representation at all levels of government in South Africa and several Southern African states has become one of the main features of the formation of political leadership. There are both legal and institutional preconditions for this, such as the creation of quota systems for womens representation in elective positions. The author notes the breakdown in the stereotype that women can be engaged exclusively in the social sphere (education, health care, problems of youth and children). African women successfully occupy the posts of ministers for foreign affairs, defense, security and finance. They make a significant contribution to the development of foreign and domestic policy, as well as to the solution of socio-economic problems. Based on the analysis made through functional, comparative and psycho-biographical methodological approaches, the author describes the main reasons for the insufficient level of political participation of women in some countries: the ongoing conflict between the principle of gender equality and the traditional order; the system of informal relations in politics; the low level of political literacy and the financial and economic status of women; as well as violence. Another important factor is the insufficient level of intra-party democracy. The author concludes that the representation of women in politics is only one (though very important) part of resolving the gender equality issue. The author argues that the further expansion of gender equality in Southern African politics will be facilitated by creating equal conditions for men and women to stand for election, implying real democratic principles within political parties, as well as developing a political culture that excludes the creation of preconditions for discrimination by gender.
{"title":"Gender Equality in the Political Landscape of Southern African Countries: Progress and Problems of Evolvement","authors":"Liubov Ya. Prokopenko","doi":"10.22363/2313-1438-2022-24-1-148-165","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.22363/2313-1438-2022-24-1-148-165","url":null,"abstract":"Since the early 2000s, the expansion of womens representation at all levels of government in South Africa and several Southern African states has become one of the main features of the formation of political leadership. There are both legal and institutional preconditions for this, such as the creation of quota systems for womens representation in elective positions. The author notes the breakdown in the stereotype that women can be engaged exclusively in the social sphere (education, health care, problems of youth and children). African women successfully occupy the posts of ministers for foreign affairs, defense, security and finance. They make a significant contribution to the development of foreign and domestic policy, as well as to the solution of socio-economic problems. Based on the analysis made through functional, comparative and psycho-biographical methodological approaches, the author describes the main reasons for the insufficient level of political participation of women in some countries: the ongoing conflict between the principle of gender equality and the traditional order; the system of informal relations in politics; the low level of political literacy and the financial and economic status of women; as well as violence. Another important factor is the insufficient level of intra-party democracy. The author concludes that the representation of women in politics is only one (though very important) part of resolving the gender equality issue. The author argues that the further expansion of gender equality in Southern African politics will be facilitated by creating equal conditions for men and women to stand for election, implying real democratic principles within political parties, as well as developing a political culture that excludes the creation of preconditions for discrimination by gender.","PeriodicalId":32346,"journal":{"name":"RUDN Journal of Political Science","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-02-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48127956","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-02-25DOI: 10.22363/2313-1438-2022-24-1-166-174
V. Utkina, A. Efimova
Ghanaian civil service is a classic example of a gender pyramid where top positions tend to be occupied by men, while women (more than 50%) face gender discrimination. Gender stereotypes about women are a major barrier to womens career advancement in Ghanaian civil service. Based on a series of in-depth interviews with women in the Ghanaian public authorities, we identified the main problems women face in the Ghanaian civil service, such as patriarchal practices, gender discrimination, and harassment, including sexual harassment. Our study aims to show the practitioners why it is hardly possible to call public service a comfortable job for women in Ghana.
{"title":"Career Barriers in Ghana: Evidence from Female Civil Servants","authors":"V. Utkina, A. Efimova","doi":"10.22363/2313-1438-2022-24-1-166-174","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.22363/2313-1438-2022-24-1-166-174","url":null,"abstract":"Ghanaian civil service is a classic example of a gender pyramid where top positions tend to be occupied by men, while women (more than 50%) face gender discrimination. Gender stereotypes about women are a major barrier to womens career advancement in Ghanaian civil service. Based on a series of in-depth interviews with women in the Ghanaian public authorities, we identified the main problems women face in the Ghanaian civil service, such as patriarchal practices, gender discrimination, and harassment, including sexual harassment. Our study aims to show the practitioners why it is hardly possible to call public service a comfortable job for women in Ghana.","PeriodicalId":32346,"journal":{"name":"RUDN Journal of Political Science","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-02-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43400544","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-02-25DOI: 10.22363/2313-1438-2022-24-1-64-89
A. Gnedash
In the 21st century, the feminist movement continues to be one of the largest socio-political movements, which acquired a new consolidation platform via the Internet and new ways for mobilization via social media. The conceptualization of fourth-wave feminism is an exceptionally relevant topic for research, taking into account the results of the Womens March and #MeToo movements, the actualization of feminist and gender equality issues in the digital social and political agenda, as well as the discourse around the situation with womens rights and freedoms in Afghanistan. Social media democratized feminism and created precedents of converting feminist political capital from online to offline activities (examples are discussed in the article). To assess the extent, content and potential of fourth-wave feminism, the article presents the results of a Big Data study: network data upload from the social network Twitter for the keyword women (including more than 1,000,000 tweets and retweets). Using the methods of network, relational and discourse analysis the author analyzed the datasets obtained (at 5 control points), visualized social graphs, identified and described the opinion leaders (and the content that they formed) in the political discourse of the fourth-wave feminism on the Internet and described the dynamics of key discursive topics. As a result of the study, the author concluded how the issue of Afghan womens rights entered the political discourse of fourth-wave feminism and how and why it was replaced by the issue of the Texas abortion law. The article ends in a conclusion about the prospects for the development of the discourse of fourth-wave feminism.
{"title":"The Fourth Wave of Feminism: Political Discourse and Opinion Leaders in Twitter","authors":"A. Gnedash","doi":"10.22363/2313-1438-2022-24-1-64-89","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.22363/2313-1438-2022-24-1-64-89","url":null,"abstract":"In the 21st century, the feminist movement continues to be one of the largest socio-political movements, which acquired a new consolidation platform via the Internet and new ways for mobilization via social media. The conceptualization of fourth-wave feminism is an exceptionally relevant topic for research, taking into account the results of the Womens March and #MeToo movements, the actualization of feminist and gender equality issues in the digital social and political agenda, as well as the discourse around the situation with womens rights and freedoms in Afghanistan. Social media democratized feminism and created precedents of converting feminist political capital from online to offline activities (examples are discussed in the article). To assess the extent, content and potential of fourth-wave feminism, the article presents the results of a Big Data study: network data upload from the social network Twitter for the keyword women (including more than 1,000,000 tweets and retweets). Using the methods of network, relational and discourse analysis the author analyzed the datasets obtained (at 5 control points), visualized social graphs, identified and described the opinion leaders (and the content that they formed) in the political discourse of the fourth-wave feminism on the Internet and described the dynamics of key discursive topics. As a result of the study, the author concluded how the issue of Afghan womens rights entered the political discourse of fourth-wave feminism and how and why it was replaced by the issue of the Texas abortion law. The article ends in a conclusion about the prospects for the development of the discourse of fourth-wave feminism.","PeriodicalId":32346,"journal":{"name":"RUDN Journal of Political Science","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-02-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46578823","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-02-25DOI: 10.22363/2313-1438-2022-24-1-16-24
A. Kuteleva
Any universal definitions of feminism - as well as what constitutes feminist theory, political strategy, and related practices - are problematic. The patriarchal relations that feminists oppose have different configurations depending on the social, economic, cultural and political contexts. Consequently, there are various feminisms: multiple syntheses of local and universal knowledge. This article analyzes the conceptual and political rifts within the global feminism associated with the hegemony of western ideas and its criticism by transnational and postcolonial feminists and examines the postsocialist transformations and localizations of feminism and, in particular, the evolution of feminist ideas in post-soviet Russia.
{"title":"The Multiplicity of Feminism: Syntheses of the Local and the Universal","authors":"A. Kuteleva","doi":"10.22363/2313-1438-2022-24-1-16-24","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.22363/2313-1438-2022-24-1-16-24","url":null,"abstract":"Any universal definitions of feminism - as well as what constitutes feminist theory, political strategy, and related practices - are problematic. The patriarchal relations that feminists oppose have different configurations depending on the social, economic, cultural and political contexts. Consequently, there are various feminisms: multiple syntheses of local and universal knowledge. This article analyzes the conceptual and political rifts within the global feminism associated with the hegemony of western ideas and its criticism by transnational and postcolonial feminists and examines the postsocialist transformations and localizations of feminism and, in particular, the evolution of feminist ideas in post-soviet Russia.","PeriodicalId":32346,"journal":{"name":"RUDN Journal of Political Science","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-02-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47991971","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-02-25DOI: 10.22363/2313-1438-2022-24-1-90-106
Gleb S. Brekhov
As an ideology, anarchism has many currents formed through its symbiosis with various socio-political philosophies, including feminism. In the modern world, due to the growing support for feminism in Western countries, the study of anarcha-feminism as one of the most active anarchist movements seems to be useful for understanding the socio-political situation in Europe and the United States. The article examines the position of women in the anarchism ideology upon the development of the anarcha-feminist movement from the 19th century to the present day. Based on the works of the classics of anarcha-feminism (E. Goldman, W. De Claire) and modern research (D. Koval, M. Rachmaninova), the author conducted a comparative retrospective analysis of the relationship between anarchism and feminism within a single socio-political trend. The study revealed that despite the ideological similarity of anarchism and feminism in matters of equality and attitude to power, in classical anarchism women were assigned a rather insignificant, and even deprived, role. The fusion of feminism and anarchism, which came as a response to the unfair position of women in society, led to a change in the status of women in the understanding of anarchists, and also gave impetus to the development of modern anarcha-feminism (La Rivolta!, Eskalera Karakola, Wemoons Army, Radical cheerleading) including more and more men in the movement.
作为一种意识形态，无政府主义通过与包括女权主义在内的各种社会政治哲学的共生而形成了许多流派。在现代世界，由于女权主义在西方国家得到越来越多的支持，研究无政府女权主义作为最活跃的无政府主义运动之一，似乎有助于理解欧洲和美国的社会政治状况。本文从19世纪至今的无政府女权主义运动的发展历程出发，考察了女性在无政府主义意识形态中的地位。本文以古德曼(E. Goldman)、德克莱尔(W. De Claire)等无政府女性主义经典著作和科瓦尔(D. Koval)、拉赫玛尼诺娃(M. Rachmaninova)等现代研究为基础，对单一社会政治思潮下的无政府主义与女性主义的关系进行了比较回顾性分析。研究表明，尽管无政府主义和女权主义在平等和对权力的态度方面有着相似的意识形态，但在古典无政府主义中，女性被赋予了一个相当微不足道的角色，甚至被剥夺了角色。女权主义与无政府主义的融合是对妇女在社会中不公平地位的回应，导致了无政府主义者对妇女地位的理解的变化，也推动了现代无政府女权主义的发展(La Rivolta!、埃斯卡莱拉·卡拉科拉、妇女军、激进啦啦队)，包括越来越多的男性参加了这场运动。
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