Pub Date : 2022-02-25DOI: 10.22363/2313-1438-2022-24-1-7-15
Swati Parashar, D. Kazarinova
Gender issues and feminist studies are rare in Russian Political Science. This gap is surprising given the increasing international recognition of womens rights, as well as growing interest in mainstreaming gender equality norms and removing key obstacles to womens advancement. This special issue addresses this gap by bringing together studies that use feminist optics to examine a variety of political spaces, including those where feminism has not yet become an ideological mainstream. Presenting the contributions and the core ideas that unite them, we discussed with Professor Swati Parashar non-Western feminisms and problematic legacies of Western feminisms. Guiding our conversation were questions such as: What is feminism today? What is feminist foreign policy and what is its potential? In what ways can gender equality quotas contribute to the political empowerment of women? How can international organizations encourage diversity in womens representations from the Global South?
{"title":"Introducing the Special Issue: Interview with Swati Parashar about Women and Feminism in Global Politics","authors":"Swati Parashar, D. Kazarinova","doi":"10.22363/2313-1438-2022-24-1-7-15","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.22363/2313-1438-2022-24-1-7-15","url":null,"abstract":"Gender issues and feminist studies are rare in Russian Political Science. This gap is surprising given the increasing international recognition of womens rights, as well as growing interest in mainstreaming gender equality norms and removing key obstacles to womens advancement. This special issue addresses this gap by bringing together studies that use feminist optics to examine a variety of political spaces, including those where feminism has not yet become an ideological mainstream. Presenting the contributions and the core ideas that unite them, we discussed with Professor Swati Parashar non-Western feminisms and problematic legacies of Western feminisms. Guiding our conversation were questions such as: What is feminism today? What is feminist foreign policy and what is its potential? In what ways can gender equality quotas contribute to the political empowerment of women? How can international organizations encourage diversity in womens representations from the Global South?","PeriodicalId":32346,"journal":{"name":"RUDN Journal of Political Science","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-02-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48275906","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-02-25DOI: 10.22363/2313-1438-2022-24-1-107-119
N. Kolesnik
The research of the feminization of administrative politics is important to understand the transformation of power and the overall development of the Russian society amidst political, economic and social instability. This article presents the study results for the administrative elite in ten Russian regions (Moscow, St. Petersburg, Leningrad, Rostov, Kaliningrad, Kostroma and Novosibirsk Oblasts, Khabarovsk and Stavropol Krais, Republic of Dagestan). The analysis of the socio-demographic characteristics of the administrative elite showed no significant differences between men and women in terms of age, birthplace, as well as the type and the place where first (and subsequent) higher education was received. Studying the career trajectories of women in the ministerial elite showed that they most often occupy elite positions, like men, in middle age, but less often come from economic and security structures; horizontal and vertical movements mostly take place within the same professional institution - executive power agencies. The author identified regional governments with similar gender specifics (relative gender parity and relative gender imbalance). The study revealed that more feminized governments are formed in bordering and economically successful regions, while gender imbalance is most characteristic for the governments of economically dependent regions and those located in the south of the Russian Federation (with some exceptions).
{"title":"“Fragile representation” or Women in Big Politics: The Case of the Administrative Elite","authors":"N. Kolesnik","doi":"10.22363/2313-1438-2022-24-1-107-119","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.22363/2313-1438-2022-24-1-107-119","url":null,"abstract":"The research of the feminization of administrative politics is important to understand the transformation of power and the overall development of the Russian society amidst political, economic and social instability. This article presents the study results for the administrative elite in ten Russian regions (Moscow, St. Petersburg, Leningrad, Rostov, Kaliningrad, Kostroma and Novosibirsk Oblasts, Khabarovsk and Stavropol Krais, Republic of Dagestan). The analysis of the socio-demographic characteristics of the administrative elite showed no significant differences between men and women in terms of age, birthplace, as well as the type and the place where first (and subsequent) higher education was received. Studying the career trajectories of women in the ministerial elite showed that they most often occupy elite positions, like men, in middle age, but less often come from economic and security structures; horizontal and vertical movements mostly take place within the same professional institution - executive power agencies. The author identified regional governments with similar gender specifics (relative gender parity and relative gender imbalance). The study revealed that more feminized governments are formed in bordering and economically successful regions, while gender imbalance is most characteristic for the governments of economically dependent regions and those located in the south of the Russian Federation (with some exceptions).","PeriodicalId":32346,"journal":{"name":"RUDN Journal of Political Science","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-02-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46325662","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-02-25DOI: 10.22363/2313-1438-2022-24-1-120-135
A. Volkova, G. Lukyanova, T. A. Kulakova
Digital vigilantism can be defined as the coordinated actions of civic groups in virtual space (not excluding the possibility of going offline) in response to imaginary or real actions of third parties or as the expression of outrage at a real-world event recorded and uploaded online. Digital vigilantism serves as an informalised institution of online civil society, regulating behaviour and punishing citizens for actions or intentions that are inappropriate from the vigilantes point of view. In modern Russia, movements that were formed as a result of the interactions between NGOs, individual activists and the authorities, that are now acting as auxiliary institutions, become quite popular. This phenomenon suggests the spread of guided vigilantism. The authors argue that the governmental structures recognize the impossibility of solving some conflict situations within formal institutions and therefore legitimize their regulation through network interactions. This article focuses on the gender aspects of digital vigilantism in Russia. In order to analyze gender characteristics of Russian vigilante communities, the authors collected the data on the subscribers of six online communities using the VKontakte API (application programming interface): StopHam, Lev Protiv, Khrushi Protiv, Sorok Sorokov, Anti-Dealer and Sober Yard. A dataset of 818 927 records was generated, which included basic socio-demographic information about the users (ID, user-specified name, gender, age, city). Analyzing the posts and comments uploaded over the last two years and the database of subscribers of typical vigilante communities in the VKontakte social network (2900 subscriptions), the authors were able to come closer to understanding users motivations, define the social portrait of a typical digital vigilante and identify gender characteristics of the movement. Research outcomes confirm the problematic persistence of gender asymmetry and the inheritance of enduring cultural stereotypes regarding the correlation between the female and the male, even concerning such a new form of civic activism in Russia as digital vigilantism.
{"title":"Gender Dimension of Digital Vigilantism in Russia","authors":"A. Volkova, G. Lukyanova, T. A. Kulakova","doi":"10.22363/2313-1438-2022-24-1-120-135","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.22363/2313-1438-2022-24-1-120-135","url":null,"abstract":"Digital vigilantism can be defined as the coordinated actions of civic groups in virtual space (not excluding the possibility of going offline) in response to imaginary or real actions of third parties or as the expression of outrage at a real-world event recorded and uploaded online. Digital vigilantism serves as an informalised institution of online civil society, regulating behaviour and punishing citizens for actions or intentions that are inappropriate from the vigilantes point of view. In modern Russia, movements that were formed as a result of the interactions between NGOs, individual activists and the authorities, that are now acting as auxiliary institutions, become quite popular. This phenomenon suggests the spread of guided vigilantism. The authors argue that the governmental structures recognize the impossibility of solving some conflict situations within formal institutions and therefore legitimize their regulation through network interactions. This article focuses on the gender aspects of digital vigilantism in Russia. In order to analyze gender characteristics of Russian vigilante communities, the authors collected the data on the subscribers of six online communities using the VKontakte API (application programming interface): StopHam, Lev Protiv, Khrushi Protiv, Sorok Sorokov, Anti-Dealer and Sober Yard. A dataset of 818 927 records was generated, which included basic socio-demographic information about the users (ID, user-specified name, gender, age, city). Analyzing the posts and comments uploaded over the last two years and the database of subscribers of typical vigilante communities in the VKontakte social network (2900 subscriptions), the authors were able to come closer to understanding users motivations, define the social portrait of a typical digital vigilante and identify gender characteristics of the movement. Research outcomes confirm the problematic persistence of gender asymmetry and the inheritance of enduring cultural stereotypes regarding the correlation between the female and the male, even concerning such a new form of civic activism in Russia as digital vigilantism.","PeriodicalId":32346,"journal":{"name":"RUDN Journal of Political Science","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-02-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42727697","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-02-25DOI: 10.22363/2313-1438-2022-24-1-42-52
H. A. Abbasov
The global political elite has developed a pragmatic approach to addressing gender justice issues based on rationality and patriarchy, which hinders the activities of women. There is an urgent need to develop and implement the most efficient, inclusive and emancipatory practices in the light of experience. This article reveals an understanding of the content and meaning of feminist foreign policy in the context of official international content. It assesses the impact of UNSCR 1325 on the development of feminist foreign policy and gender justice. The author concludes that certain fundamental limitations of the document prevent the achievement of real goals lobbied by international organizations and feminist scientists, as well as the deconstruction of gender mainstreamin.
{"title":"Feminist Foreign Policy and Gender Justice on the International Agenda","authors":"H. A. Abbasov","doi":"10.22363/2313-1438-2022-24-1-42-52","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.22363/2313-1438-2022-24-1-42-52","url":null,"abstract":"The global political elite has developed a pragmatic approach to addressing gender justice issues based on rationality and patriarchy, which hinders the activities of women. There is an urgent need to develop and implement the most efficient, inclusive and emancipatory practices in the light of experience. This article reveals an understanding of the content and meaning of feminist foreign policy in the context of official international content. It assesses the impact of UNSCR 1325 on the development of feminist foreign policy and gender justice. The author concludes that certain fundamental limitations of the document prevent the achievement of real goals lobbied by international organizations and feminist scientists, as well as the deconstruction of gender mainstreamin.","PeriodicalId":32346,"journal":{"name":"RUDN Journal of Political Science","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-02-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46084377","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-02-25DOI: 10.22363/2313-1438-2022-24-1-53-63
A. Leenders
In most academic discourses, United Nations (UN) programs and initiatives to promote digitalization and womens rights are studied as distinct fields. Less attention has been paid to UN efforts to promote gender equality and protect womens rights by promoting digitalization. The article addresses some of the gaps in the contemporary research of the role of modern international intergovernmental organizations in womens rights protection amidst modern technological development. The study reveals the influence of digitalization on ameliorating the position of women in modern societies and formulates the assessment of the gender gap in using the ICT technologies, as well as analyzes how UN specialized divisions act to ensure digital gender equality. The author concludes that the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) approved by the UN in 2015 do not pay enough attention to the importance of digitalization for ensuring the rights of women.
{"title":"How Can UN Digital Policy Enable the Rights of Women?","authors":"A. Leenders","doi":"10.22363/2313-1438-2022-24-1-53-63","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.22363/2313-1438-2022-24-1-53-63","url":null,"abstract":"In most academic discourses, United Nations (UN) programs and initiatives to promote digitalization and womens rights are studied as distinct fields. Less attention has been paid to UN efforts to promote gender equality and protect womens rights by promoting digitalization. The article addresses some of the gaps in the contemporary research of the role of modern international intergovernmental organizations in womens rights protection amidst modern technological development. The study reveals the influence of digitalization on ameliorating the position of women in modern societies and formulates the assessment of the gender gap in using the ICT technologies, as well as analyzes how UN specialized divisions act to ensure digital gender equality. The author concludes that the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) approved by the UN in 2015 do not pay enough attention to the importance of digitalization for ensuring the rights of women.","PeriodicalId":32346,"journal":{"name":"RUDN Journal of Political Science","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-02-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44161985","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-02-25DOI: 10.22363/2313-1438-2022-24-1-25-41
Valentina I. Uspenskaya, N. Kozlova
Feminist foreign policy (FFP) is a relatively new approach in the theory of international relations. Disclosing the heuristic potential of the concept is especially relevant due to the new political challenges of international conflicts that have different consequences for men and women. For the first time in Russian political science, this article analyzes the conceptual history of the FFP and the factors that influenced the implementation of this concept at the global level. The research is based on the publications and works of women, historical documents of international womens forums, scientific works on feminism theory and the international relations theory, policy papers of political parties, speeches of political leaders, government documents on the conduct of the FFP, UN resolutions. In addition to general scientific methods, the authors use the comparative-historical and systemic methods. The article presents the intellectual origins of the FFP, the role of the womens suffrage and pacifist movements in the development of the concept, the importance of women/gender/feminist academic research for the conceptualization of the FFP, as well as the contribution of politicians from leading world powers to the development of the concept. The authors analyze in detail the Hillary Doctrine and the UN feminist resolutions as forerunners of the official introduction of the term FFP into the theory and practice of international relations. The article assesses the potential of the FFP as an international strategy for gender equality and sustainable development. The authors conclude that a feminist political perspective works hand in hand with the vision of sustainable development policies and represents an increasingly relevant concept and practice that can be a strategic step towards the culture of peace.
{"title":"Feminist Foreign Policy: Selected Issues of Conceptualization and Implementation","authors":"Valentina I. Uspenskaya, N. Kozlova","doi":"10.22363/2313-1438-2022-24-1-25-41","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.22363/2313-1438-2022-24-1-25-41","url":null,"abstract":"Feminist foreign policy (FFP) is a relatively new approach in the theory of international relations. Disclosing the heuristic potential of the concept is especially relevant due to the new political challenges of international conflicts that have different consequences for men and women. For the first time in Russian political science, this article analyzes the conceptual history of the FFP and the factors that influenced the implementation of this concept at the global level. The research is based on the publications and works of women, historical documents of international womens forums, scientific works on feminism theory and the international relations theory, policy papers of political parties, speeches of political leaders, government documents on the conduct of the FFP, UN resolutions. In addition to general scientific methods, the authors use the comparative-historical and systemic methods. The article presents the intellectual origins of the FFP, the role of the womens suffrage and pacifist movements in the development of the concept, the importance of women/gender/feminist academic research for the conceptualization of the FFP, as well as the contribution of politicians from leading world powers to the development of the concept. The authors analyze in detail the Hillary Doctrine and the UN feminist resolutions as forerunners of the official introduction of the term FFP into the theory and practice of international relations. The article assesses the potential of the FFP as an international strategy for gender equality and sustainable development. The authors conclude that a feminist political perspective works hand in hand with the vision of sustainable development policies and represents an increasingly relevant concept and practice that can be a strategic step towards the culture of peace.","PeriodicalId":32346,"journal":{"name":"RUDN Journal of Political Science","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-02-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46516287","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-12-15DOI: 10.22363/2313-1438-2021-23-4-560-569
D. A. Dumler
Libertarianism is a new ideological trend, popular among young people. We try to find out whether libertarianism rises as independent political movement or it is the reaction on the fall of popularity of traditional political parties. For that purpose, the author made the comparative analysis of the program documents of the Libertarian Party of Russia with the classical works of the American libertarians and analyzed the published interview both of the party leaders/activists and of the experts. The author used the interview which he took from some activists in order to clarify the political identification of the Russian libertarians. The political identity of libertarians is characterized by the broadest possible interpretation of personal and economic freedom. Libertarians believe that such freedom is compatible with law and legality and is opposite to anarchy. At the same time, they avoid definitions and norms that could constrain freedom by both the state and the adherents of certain, including liberal, values and slogans. This broad approach makes it difficult to politically identify libertarians, but contributes to their attractiveness among young people.
{"title":"Political and Civic Identity of Libertarians in Contemporary Russia: Problems and Perspectives","authors":"D. A. Dumler","doi":"10.22363/2313-1438-2021-23-4-560-569","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.22363/2313-1438-2021-23-4-560-569","url":null,"abstract":"Libertarianism is a new ideological trend, popular among young people. We try to find out whether libertarianism rises as independent political movement or it is the reaction on the fall of popularity of traditional political parties. For that purpose, the author made the comparative analysis of the program documents of the Libertarian Party of Russia with the classical works of the American libertarians and analyzed the published interview both of the party leaders/activists and of the experts. The author used the interview which he took from some activists in order to clarify the political identification of the Russian libertarians. The political identity of libertarians is characterized by the broadest possible interpretation of personal and economic freedom. Libertarians believe that such freedom is compatible with law and legality and is opposite to anarchy. At the same time, they avoid definitions and norms that could constrain freedom by both the state and the adherents of certain, including liberal, values and slogans. This broad approach makes it difficult to politically identify libertarians, but contributes to their attractiveness among young people.","PeriodicalId":32346,"journal":{"name":"RUDN Journal of Political Science","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-12-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48334267","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-12-15DOI: 10.22363/2313-1438-2021-23-4-545-559
Y. Nisnevich
After the collapse of the Soviet Union, the power in post-Soviet Russia was seized by the leaders of the democratic movement - first wave democrats, and the more progressive Soviet nomenclature. As a result of the miscalculations made by the leaders of the democratic movement, the representatives of the Soviet nomenclature soon started displacing the first wave democrats and the reformers of the Gaidar call from the Russian governmental bodies in order to gain full control over the governance in the country. This appeared to be a manifestation of the more general and fundamental process, where the Russian nomenclature separated from the democratic movement, emerging as a new ruling stratum - the immediate heir to the Soviet nomenclature. The turning point, which accelerated the separation and the retreat of the Russian nomenclature from liberal and democratic principles of the countrys modernization, was the beginning of the Chechen tragedy in 1994. Not only did the Chechen events separate the Russian nomenclature and the democratic movement but also split the democratic movement itself. The goal of the article is to examine the transformation of the relationship between the democratic movement and the soviet and, later on, Russian nomenclature during the revolutionary changes of the early 1990s.
{"title":"The Revolution is Over, Forget It: To the 30th Anniversary of the Russian Federation","authors":"Y. Nisnevich","doi":"10.22363/2313-1438-2021-23-4-545-559","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.22363/2313-1438-2021-23-4-545-559","url":null,"abstract":"After the collapse of the Soviet Union, the power in post-Soviet Russia was seized by the leaders of the democratic movement - first wave democrats, and the more progressive Soviet nomenclature. As a result of the miscalculations made by the leaders of the democratic movement, the representatives of the Soviet nomenclature soon started displacing the first wave democrats and the reformers of the Gaidar call from the Russian governmental bodies in order to gain full control over the governance in the country. This appeared to be a manifestation of the more general and fundamental process, where the Russian nomenclature separated from the democratic movement, emerging as a new ruling stratum - the immediate heir to the Soviet nomenclature. The turning point, which accelerated the separation and the retreat of the Russian nomenclature from liberal and democratic principles of the countrys modernization, was the beginning of the Chechen tragedy in 1994. Not only did the Chechen events separate the Russian nomenclature and the democratic movement but also split the democratic movement itself. The goal of the article is to examine the transformation of the relationship between the democratic movement and the soviet and, later on, Russian nomenclature during the revolutionary changes of the early 1990s.","PeriodicalId":32346,"journal":{"name":"RUDN Journal of Political Science","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-12-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46322364","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-12-15DOI: 10.22363/2313-1438-2021-23-4-521-524
L. Fadeeva
L.A. Fadeeva is the author of numerous publications and key co-author of fundamental encyclopedias published by the Russian Academy of Sciences (Identity: The Individual, Society and Politics. An Encyclopedia, 2017) and the Russian Political Science Association (Trends and problems of the development of Russian political science in the global context: Tradition, reception and innovation, 2018), representing the leading scientific school for identity studies in Russia (see: Perm School of Political Science: Sources, Development, Content, 2019), who has served multiple times as guest editor for the thematic issues of the best Russian political science journals on this topic (Political science (RU), 2020, No. 4). In this introductory article, our guest editor L.A. Fadeeva presents the materials of the current issue of our journal, interpreting their cross-cutting themes as the politicization of the non-political through the prism of identity processes at the macro-regional, regional and national levels.
L.A.法捷娃是众多出版物的作者，也是俄罗斯科学院（Identity：the Individual，Society and Politics。An Encyclopedia，2017）和俄罗斯政治科学协会（Russian Political Science Association，2018）出版的基础百科全书的主要合著者，代表俄罗斯领先的身份研究科学学院（见：彼尔姆政治学学院：来源、发展、内容，2019），曾多次担任俄罗斯最佳政治学期刊主题期刊的客座编辑（政治学（RU），2020，第4号）。在这篇介绍性文章中，我们的客座编辑L.A.Fadeeva介绍了本期杂志的材料，将其贯穿各领域的主题解释为通过宏观区域、区域和国家层面的身份认同过程将非政治性政治化。
{"title":"Identity in the Political Constructions of Modernity: Editorial Introduction","authors":"L. Fadeeva","doi":"10.22363/2313-1438-2021-23-4-521-524","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.22363/2313-1438-2021-23-4-521-524","url":null,"abstract":"L.A. Fadeeva is the author of numerous publications and key co-author of fundamental encyclopedias published by the Russian Academy of Sciences (Identity: The Individual, Society and Politics. An Encyclopedia, 2017) and the Russian Political Science Association (Trends and problems of the development of Russian political science in the global context: Tradition, reception and innovation, 2018), representing the leading scientific school for identity studies in Russia (see: Perm School of Political Science: Sources, Development, Content, 2019), who has served multiple times as guest editor for the thematic issues of the best Russian political science journals on this topic (Political science (RU), 2020, No. 4). In this introductory article, our guest editor L.A. Fadeeva presents the materials of the current issue of our journal, interpreting their cross-cutting themes as the politicization of the non-political through the prism of identity processes at the macro-regional, regional and national levels.","PeriodicalId":32346,"journal":{"name":"RUDN Journal of Political Science","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-12-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47945522","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-12-15DOI: 10.22363/2313-1438-2021-23-4-659-674
I. Pomiguev, E. Salakhetdinov
The paper analyses the politics of memory of the World War II (WWII) in socialist Yugoslavia and compares the corresponding commemorative practices in the post-Yugoslav republics. The focus is on the design of holidays and memorial dates that reflect the symbolic and valuable attitudes of society, as well as the trajectory of nation-building. The formation of the state metanarrative in post-war Yugoslavia was closely related to the monopolisation of the leadership roles of the national liberation war by the communists, who united the six South Slavic nations in their struggle against the Nazi invaders. The state holidays and memorial days were derived from the history of resistance to foreign occupiers and internal enemies in order to legitimise and strengthen the triumph of the new socialist order. Alternative Yugoslavian non-communist movements, especially the Ustash and Chetniks who were potentially capable of competing in the symbolic field, were declared class enemies, reactionary elements, and quislings. As the processes of disintegration increased in socialist Yugoslavia, there were several attempts to revise its ideological attitudes and symbolic heritage of WWII. Nevertheless, as the study shows these attempts became, rather, a marginal phenomenon, and most post-Yugoslav states retained the commemorative, albeit de-ideologised, practices of the previous period.
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