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Sentimental Collaborations: Mourning and Middle-Class Identity in Nineteenth-Century America by Mary Louise Kete (review) 《伤感的合作:19世纪美国的哀悼与中产阶级身份》玛丽·路易斯·凯特著(书评)
Pub Date : 2016-01-06 DOI: 10.5860/choice.38-2603
Elizabeth Dill
death offered uniformly positive reports of Concord's sage (276). Later biographers emphasized Emerson's "adaptations" of the thinking ofworld famous philosophers such as Plato, Coleridge, and Goethe (277). The psychological portrait of Emerson, published by Professor Stephen Whicher in 1953, still remains influential today. Bosco argues that "serious study" remains to be completed on the part of Emerson's late career that has been lost to the "present generation" mostly due to Whicher's influence of valuing only Emerson's work from the period 1830-1860 (277-79, 283). Fortunately the new volume, The Later Lectures ofRalph WaUh Emerson, 1843— 1871 will include lectures from the final productive decade of his life. Scholars may question the extent of the editing performed by the Emerson family because of Emerson's aphasia. However, cautions regarding the editing may be brought out without causing the work to be disregarded. The scholars who contributed to The Historical Guide have enriched the read-
死亡为康科德的圣人提供了一致的正面报道(276)。后来的传记作家强调爱默生“改编”了柏拉图、柯勒律治和歌德等世界著名哲学家的思想(277)。斯蒂芬·威彻教授于1953年出版的《爱默生的心理画像》至今仍有影响。博斯克认为,“认真研究”爱默生的晚期职业生涯仍有待完成,这部分职业生涯已被“当代人”所遗忘,主要是因为威彻尔只重视爱默生1830-1860年期间的作品(277- 779,283)。幸运的是,新的一卷,拉尔夫·沃·爱默生的后期讲座,1843年至1871年将包括讲座从他的生命的最后一个富有成效的十年。由于爱默生患有失语症,学者们可能会质疑爱默生家族编辑的程度。然而,关于编辑的注意事项可以在不引起工作被忽视的情况下提出。为《历史指南》撰稿的学者们丰富了这本书
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引用次数: 0
The Futurist Moment: Avant-Garde, Avant Guerre, and the Language of Rupture by Marjorie Perloff (review) 《未来主义的时刻:前卫、前卫与决裂的语言》作者:马乔里·佩洛夫(书评)
Pub Date : 2016-01-06 DOI: 10.2307/1347451
Patricia D. Hopkins
being open to the past Roderick is eager to hand on (177-78); no mention is made of the horror of that past. Dimmesdale's final speech and revelation is heralded as a catalyst for community redemption (106-07); no mention is made of the deep ironies of his speech, and of his abandonment of Hester. And since Pease wants to use Ishmael to underscore "the fundamental problem for a society which has lost sight of a shared covenant" (275), no mention is made of Ishmael's bond with Queequeg. Finally, consider this reading of The Leatherstocking Tales: "By converting those pre-Revolutionary years into a historical period in which Americans were affiliated with the last of a noble Indian line, Cooper enabled Americans to imagine the American nation as the beginning of a new cultural line which included all Americans as its heirs" (21-22). Cooper certainly did not envision a culture in which all races were peacefully compacted together. Pease's "all Americans" apparently does not include Indians, nor members of other races. Pease's new treatment of the American Renaissance is, in fact, unfortunately traditional in its lack of attention to the cultural work of Native Americans, Blacks, and women, all of whom offered more inclusive "visionary compacts" than those of their white male contemporaries. The lack of attention to nineteenth-century women writers is especially surprising, since Pease co-edited The American Renaissance Reconsidered (1985), in which appears Jane P. Tompkins' "The Other American Renaissance." Tompkins reinterprets the period's popular "sentimental" novels as literature which spoke to the real needs of its culturally oppressed female audience, an audience in the main not spoken to by the writers Pease assesses. The various sins of commission and omission mentioned above would be more forgivable, were not their author so sure of his righteousness. Like some other new historicists, Pease is quick to attack others for "appropriating" earlier culture-bound literature into their own present ideology (48), but refuses to acknowledge that his own interpretation is also an ideological appropriation, inevitably biased in its interests. I find his attack on F. O. Matthiessen particularly offensive, since Matthiessen at least makes his political agenda plain throughout his brilliantly sustained study. The contemporary critical establishment, however, has not been offended by Visionary Compacts: its back jacket boasts blurbs of praise from Geoffrey Hartman, Richard Poirier, Lawrence Buell, and Joseph Riddle. Perhaps the reader should heed the words of these authorities, rather than of this reviewer.
罗德里克渴望继承过去(177-78);对那段恐怖的过去只字未提。丁梅斯代尔最后的演讲和启示被誉为社区救赎的催化剂(106-07);却没有提到他那极具讽刺意味的话,也没有提到他对海丝特的抛弃。由于皮斯想用以实玛利来强调“一个失去了共同契约的社会的根本问题”(275),所以没有提到以实玛利与魁魁格的关系。最后,考虑一下对《皮袜故事》的解读:“库珀把革命前的那些年转换成美国人隶属于一个高贵的印第安人家族的最后一个历史时期,使美国人能够把美国想象成一个新的文化家族的开端,这个文化家族把所有的美国人都当作它的继承人”(21-22)。库珀当然没有设想所有种族和平共处的文化。皮斯的“所有美国人”显然不包括印第安人,也不包括其他种族的成员。不幸的是,皮斯对美国文艺复兴的新看法实际上是传统的,因为它缺乏对印第安人、黑人和妇女的文化工作的关注,而这些人都比同时代的白人男性提供了更具包容性的“有远见的契约”。尤其令人惊讶的是,对19世纪女作家缺乏关注,因为皮斯与人合编了《重新考虑美国文艺复兴》(1985),其中出现了简·p·汤普金斯的《另一个美国文艺复兴》。汤普金斯将这一时期流行的“感伤”小说重新诠释为一种文学,它迎合了文化上受压迫的女性读者的真实需求,而这些读者主要不是皮斯所评估的作家所面对的。如果不是作者对自己的正义如此确信,上面提到的各种犯罪和疏忽将是更可原谅的。像其他一些新历史主义者一样,皮斯很快就攻击了其他人,因为他们“挪用”了早期与文化有关的文学,并将其融入到自己当前的意识形态中(48),但他拒绝承认自己的解释也是一种意识形态挪用,不可避免地偏向于自己的利益。我觉得他对f.o.马西森的攻击尤其令人反感,因为马西森至少在他精彩而持续的研究中清楚地表明了他的政治议程。然而,当代评论界并没有被《幻想契约》所冒犯:它的封底吹嘘着杰弗里·哈特曼、理查德·普瓦里尔、劳伦斯·布尔和约瑟夫·里德尔对它的赞扬。也许读者应该听从这些权威人士的话,而不是我这个评论家的话。
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引用次数: 0
Eighteenth Century English Literature and History: A Team-Teaching Model 18世纪英国文学与历史:团队教学模式
Pub Date : 2016-01-06 DOI: 10.1353/RMR.1980.0056
Richard H. Dammers, E. A. Reitan
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引用次数: 1
Retired Dreams: Dom Casmurro, Myth and Modernity by Paul B. Dixon (review) 《隐退的梦想:Dom Casmurro、神话与现代性》,作者:保罗·迪克森(书评)
Pub Date : 2016-01-06 DOI: 10.1353/RMR.1990.0022
Susan Canty Quinlan
sends the reader spinning from Aristotle to Oliver North, Restoration drama to film, body art to Shakespeare, and more. In placing his study in the context of late twentieth-century literary theory and cultural criticism, Blau relies heavily on the work of such figures as Barthes, Benjamin, Foucault, and Lacan (to cite only the most frequently quoted writers); this tendency alone contributes significantly to the book's complexity. The end result is a sometimes brilliant, sometimes mystifying text that some readers may simply find unreadable. Yet Blau's text forces his readers—the book's audience—to test out the very roles for an audience that he attempts to describe. The nature of the book and its theoretical framework make it impossible for Blau to offer definitive conclusions from these meditations. But the book does offer a compelling new analysis of some venerable critical problems. Although Blau often focuses upon traditional dramatic texts from ancient Greece and Renaissance England, his work is especially good in exploring the role of the audience in modern and contemporary drama and in performance art and experimental theatre. Blau's treatment of Bertolt Brecht and Antonin Artaud as precursors of poststructuralism is also insightful: "What has since been elaborated by Foucault and Derrida was more than latent in Brecht and Artaud: there is a sense in which power lives by theater, the duplicity ofmere appearance, by which the audience is deprived of power" (42). Finally, Blau makes some stimulating points about the audience created by the entertainment industry through its endless statistical analyses and its packaging and repackaging of art as a commodity. All in all, The Audience is a fascinating but often an overwhelmingly difficult book to read. Steeped as it is in contemporary critical theory and cultural critique, much of the book is probably not accessible to scholars and teachers of a traditional ilk. Literary scholars may also find the work disappointing since Blau never adequately deals with the connection between audience and readers. Still, the book is an important and insightful contribution to performance theory and cultural criticism.
让读者从亚里士多德转到奥利弗·诺斯,从复辟时期的戏剧转到电影,从人体艺术转到莎士比亚等等。在将他的研究置于20世纪晚期文学理论和文化批评的背景下,布劳严重依赖于巴特、本雅明、福柯和拉康等人物的作品(仅引用最常被引用的作家);单是这种倾向就极大地增加了这本书的复杂性。最终的结果是一个有时辉煌,有时神秘的文本,一些读者可能会发现根本无法阅读。然而,布劳的文本迫使他的读者——这本书的读者——去测试他试图描述的读者所扮演的角色。这本书的性质和它的理论框架使得布劳不可能从这些思考中得出明确的结论。但这本书确实对一些古老的关键问题提供了令人信服的新分析。虽然布劳经常关注古希腊和文艺复兴时期英国的传统戏剧文本,但他的作品尤其擅长探索观众在现当代戏剧、表演艺术和实验戏剧中的角色。布劳将布莱希特(Bertolt Brecht)和安东宁·亚图(Antonin Artaud)视为后结构主义先驱的论述也很有见地:“福柯和德里达所阐述的内容在布莱希特和亚图身上不仅仅是潜在的:有一种感觉,权力通过戏剧而存在,仅仅是外表的两重性,观众被剥夺了权力”(42)。最后,Blau通过无休止的统计分析和将艺术作为一种商品的包装和再包装,对娱乐产业所创造的受众提出了一些令人兴奋的观点。总而言之,《听众》是一本引人入胜的书,但往往是一本极其难读的书。这本书浸透了当代批判理论和文化批判,很多传统的学者和教师可能读不懂。文学学者可能也会觉得这部作品令人失望,因为布劳从来没有充分处理观众和读者之间的联系。尽管如此,这本书对表演理论和文化批评做出了重要而深刻的贡献。
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引用次数: 0
This Loving Darkness: The Cinema and Spanish Writers 1920-1936 by C.B. Morris (review) 《爱的黑暗:1920-1936年的电影与西班牙作家》作者:C.B.莫里斯
Pub Date : 2016-01-06 DOI: 10.2307/1347380
Dennis West
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引用次数: 0
German Hollywood Presence and Parnassus: Central European Exiles and American Filmmaking 德国好莱坞的存在与帕那萨斯:中欧流亡者与美国电影制作
Pub Date : 2016-01-06 DOI: 10.2307/1347327
Hans-Bernhard Moeller
The limited Douglas Sirk renaissance of the 1970s among American film students and German cineastes, promoted by New Wave filmmaker Rainer Werner Fassbinder's 1971 reassessment of the older director (95-106), confirms that the exile position of many Germanspeaking film directors, artists, scenarists, and freelancers active in Southern California after 1933 is widely unappreciated. Neither in Fassbinder's praise nor in German studies, such as Ulrich GregorEnno Patalas' standard Geschichte des Films 1895-1960, is Sirk identified as director Detlef Hans Sierk (also Detlev Sierck) of Central European cinema fame in the 1930s. Similar name changes -director Kurt Bernhardt to Curtis Bernhardt, Hermann Kosterlitz to Henry Koster, composer Franz Wachsmann to Franz Waxman -suggest immediate assimilation of Hitler refugees in their American film haven. And this assimilation more than the German tone and film genre marked their contributions to American filmmaking. The German-speaking exiles' presence was, however, felt in their motifs, formal characteristics, and casting, as well as in directing and acting. During cold wars and open conflicts, there are obvious limits to practically realizing the ideal of an exclusively exile film project, i.e., a film created by German emigre alone. Such independent cinema activity in countries antagonistic to Germany had little chance of succeeding. Who would distinguish exile-German from German Reichs national, or friendly from enemy alien? Successful independent film work by exiles did not even emerge from pre-war locales of German film exile on the continent, from Paris, London, Zurich, and Amsterdam, where German refugees congregated before 1939. The exception appears to be Gustav von Wangenheim's anti-Nazi film Kdmpfer, or Fighters. Its year of production in the U.S.S.R., 1936, preceded World War II. This film profiles Bulgarian Communist George Dimitroff, who nearly reduced Goering to a ranting maniac in 1933 before the Supreme Court of Leipzig when the Nazi leader attempted to implicate the Bulgarian in the Reichstag fire. In Hollywood, the transatlantic center for German film exiles and the Parnassus of German exile literature from 1940 on, a similar production failed to reach the American public. The late and famous German exile playwright Carl Zuckmayer noted that a Hauptmann von Kopenick, or Captain ofKoepenick, remake originated as a totally German exile project. Under the same title, German director Richard
新浪潮电影导演雷纳·沃纳·法斯宾德1971年对老导演(95-106)的重新评价推动了20世纪70年代道格拉斯·西尔克在美国电影学生和德国电影爱好者中的有限复兴,这证实了1933年后活跃在南加州的许多德语电影导演、艺术家、剧作家和自由职业者的流亡地位普遍不受重视。无论是在法斯宾德的赞扬中,还是在德国的研究中,比如乌尔里希·格雷戈里诺·帕塔拉斯的标准《1895-1960年电影研究》中,西尔克都没有被认定为20世纪30年代中欧电影的著名导演Detlef Hans Sierk(也叫Detlev Sierck)。类似的名字变化——导演Kurt Bernhardt变成Curtis Bernhardt, Hermann Kosterlitz变成Henry Koster,作曲家Franz Wachsmann变成Franz Waxman——暗示了希特勒难民在美国电影天堂的迅速同化。这种同化比德国的基调和电影类型更标志着他们对美国电影制作的贡献。然而,讲德语的流亡者的存在,在他们的主题,形式特征,演员,以及导演和表演中都能感受到。在冷战和公开冲突期间,要在实践中实现一个完全由流亡人士创作的电影项目的理想,即一部由德国流放者单独创作的电影,显然是有局限性的。这种独立电影活动在与德国敌对的国家几乎没有成功的机会。谁能区分流亡的德国人和德意志帝国的国民,或者友好的和敌对的外国人?流亡者成功的独立电影作品甚至没有出现在战前德国电影流亡者在欧洲大陆的地点,从巴黎、伦敦、苏黎世和阿姆斯特丹,德国难民聚集在1939年之前。唯一的例外似乎是古斯塔夫·冯·旺根海姆的反纳粹电影《战士》。它在苏联的生产年份是第二次世界大战之前的1936年。这部电影讲述了1933年在莱比锡最高法院前,当纳粹领导人试图将保加利亚人与国会大厦大火联系起来时,保加利亚共产党人乔治·迪米特洛夫几乎把戈林变成了一个咆哮的疯子。好莱坞是德国流亡者的跨大西洋中心,也是1940年以来德国流亡者文学的帕纳萨斯(Parnassus),类似的作品未能进入美国公众。已故著名的德国流亡剧作家卡尔·祖克迈耶指出,《科普尼克的上尉》的翻拍完全是源于德国的流亡计划。同名之下,德国导演理查德
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引用次数: 1
Thomas Mann and Italy by Ilsedore B. Jonas (review) 《托马斯·曼与意大利》作者:伊尔塞多·b·乔纳斯
Pub Date : 2016-01-06 DOI: 10.1353/RMR.1980.0051
Madison U. Sowell
I. B. Jonas's detailed study of Italy's influence on Thomas Mann and the German author's influence on Italian literature maximizes the southern country's importance to the northern novelist and viceversa. The work is divided into five chapters — Mann's Encounters with the Italian World, Reflections of Italy in Mann's Works, Mann's Influence on Italian Literature, and Results of the Investigation of Mann's Relationship with Italy — followed by a chronological table of Mann's trips to Italy, extensive notes, a useful bibliography, an index of persons, and eight pages of photographs. From 1895 to 1954 Mann made over twenty separate trips to Italy. His initial reaction to the colorful Italian scene was reserved, but his reserve gradually turned into a fascination with the Latin culture. In Death in Venice, as in the earlier novella Tonio Kroger and the sketch Gladius Dei, the south comes to represent sensuality and the north asceticism. An Italian setting is absent from The Magic Mountain, but the figure of Lodovico Settembrini (undoubtedly based on the historical Luigi Settembrini) introduces the motif of Italian liberalism and humanism. Settembrini's admiration for Carducci, Mazzini, and Garibaldi and his references to Dante, Petrarch, Brunetto Latini, Pietro Aretino, and Giacomo Leopardi testify to Mann's familiarity with Italian literature. In Mario and the Magician the scene is once again Italian, and the author's anti-Fascist sentiments are in the foreground; the character Cipolla, furthermore, is modelled on Boccaccio's Frate Cipolla. Adrian Leverkühn, in Doctor Faustus, travels to Italy in search of freedom. In this and all Mann's works containing descriptions of Italy the author draws on his personal recollections to capture the southern scenes. Until Mann received the 1929 Nobel Prize, Italian interest in him was minimal. In the 1930's and 1940's Lavinia Mazzucchetti, Italy's chief Mann scholar, was most responsible for directing southern attention to the German writer. In 1952 Mann received the Feltrinelli Prize. Italian literature of our era has taken French and American authors as models, but the German traditions has rarely exerted extensive influence over Italy. Jonas's main contribution is her demonstration that Italian influence on Mann was much greater than previously thought.
乔纳斯对意大利对托马斯·曼的影响以及德国作家对意大利文学的影响的详细研究,最大限度地说明了南方国家对北方小说家的重要性,反之亦然。全书分为五章——曼与意大利世界的邂逅、曼作品中对意大利的反思、曼对意大利文学的影响、曼与意大利关系的调查结果——接着是曼前往意大利的时间顺序表、大量注释、有用的参考书目、人物索引和八页照片。从1895年到1954年,曼恩先后二十多次前往意大利。他最初对丰富多彩的意大利景色的反应是保留的,但这种保留逐渐变成了对拉丁文化的迷恋。在《威尼斯之死》中,就像早期的中篇小说《托尼奥·克罗格》和小品《神角斗士》一样,南方代表肉欲,北方代表苦行。《魔山》中没有意大利的背景,但洛多维科·塞坦布里尼的形象(无疑是基于历史上的路易吉·塞坦布里尼)引入了意大利自由主义和人文主义的主题。塞坦布里尼对卡杜奇、马志尼和加里波第的崇拜,以及他对但丁、彼特拉克、布鲁内托·拉蒂尼、彼得罗·阿雷蒂诺和贾科莫·莱奥帕尔迪的引用,证明了曼对意大利文学的熟悉。在《马里奥与魔术师》中,场景再次出现在意大利,作者的反法西斯情绪是最重要的;此外,契波拉这个角色也是以薄伽丘的《契波拉之父》为原型的。在《浮士德博士》中,阿德里安·勒弗尔克恩前往意大利寻求自由。在这本书和曼恩所有描写意大利的作品中,作者利用他的个人回忆来捕捉南方的景色。在曼获得1929年诺贝尔奖之前,意大利人对他的兴趣微乎其微。在20世纪30年代和40年代,意大利主要的曼恩学者拉维尼娅·马祖凯蒂(Lavinia Mazzucchetti)主要负责将南方的注意力引向这位德国作家。1952年,曼恩获得了菲尔特里内利奖。我们这个时代的意大利文学以法国和美国作家为榜样,但德国传统很少对意大利产生广泛的影响。乔纳斯的主要贡献在于她证明了意大利对曼恩的影响比我们之前认为的要大得多。
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引用次数: 0
White Writing: On the Culture of Letters in South Africa by J. M. Coetzee (review) 《白色书写:论南非的文学文化》j·m·库切著(书评)
Pub Date : 2016-01-06 DOI: 10.1353/RMR.1989.0019
Barbara Temple-Thurston
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引用次数: 1
Bitches and Sad Ladies: An Anthology of Fiction by and About Women by Pat Rotter (review) 《婊子和悲伤的女人:帕特·罗特关于女性的小说选集》(书评)
Pub Date : 2016-01-06 DOI: 10.1353/RMR.1977.0025
Lois A. Marchino
(New York: Dell Publishing Company, 1976. 445 pages, $225.) When I suggested to a friend that she consider Bitches and Sad Ladies for a course in contemporary women writers, she sighed, "I'd never get it past my curriculum committee with a tide like that." While I deplore such lexical prudery (and the committee would presumably be even more indignant at the language in many of the stories, especially coming from female writers), the phrase is not felicitous, particularly because the stories concern women who are too fully human to be simplistically labeled. Pat Rotter begins her brief preface by defining a bitch as "a woman who takes care of herself and seeks her identity from within," while a sad lady "needs to be taken care of" and destroys herself by wanting "to bury herself in a man." Most of the main characters are a blend of both, and more.
纽约:戴尔出版公司,1976。445页,225美元。)当我向一位朋友建议她把《婊子和悲伤的女人》作为当代女作家的课程时,她叹了口气,“在这样的潮流下,我的课程委员会永远不会通过。”虽然我谴责这种词汇上的拘谨(委员会可能会对许多故事中的语言更加愤慨,尤其是来自女性作家的语言),但这个短语并不恰当,尤其是因为这些故事涉及的女性太过人性化,无法被简单地贴上标签。帕特·罗特在她简短的序言中把bitch定义为“一个照顾自己,从内心寻求自我认同的女人”,而一个悲伤的女人“需要被照顾”,想要“把自己埋在一个男人身上”,从而毁灭了自己。大多数主要角色都是两者的混合体,甚至更多。
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引用次数: 0
Female Adolescence: Psychoanalytic Reflections on Literature by Katherine Dalsimer (review) 《女性青春期:对文学的精神分析思考》凯瑟琳·达尔西默著(书评)
Pub Date : 2016-01-06 DOI: 10.1353/RMR.1987.0048
Lois A. Marchino
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引用次数: 0
期刊
Rocky Mountain Review of Language and Literature
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