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Dinamika Politik Malaysia: United Malays National Organization (UMNO) & Pengunduran Diri Mahatir Mohamad di 2016
Pub Date : 2017-01-31 DOI: 10.55745/jpp.v2i1.11
Jovan Prima Firmansyah
This paper review United Malays National Organization (UMNO) and Mahatir Mohamad resignation from it in 2016. UMNO as a dominant political party in Malaysian politics have high role in shaping the country. Since establishment in 1946, UMNO have role on Malaysia's independence, this the role of it's presidents and as Malaysia Prime Minister (PM) show that it's an interesting subject to observe. Mahatir Mohamad as UMNO's president & Malaysia PM (1981-2003) made a decision that create attention. His resignation from UMNO in 2016 is a challenge to it for the political dynamics of the conuntry. He use it to push UMNO as a dominant political party on 1 Malaysia Development Berhad (1MDB) case durin PM Najib Razak rule.
本文回顾了马来人民族统一组织(巫统)和马哈蒂尔·穆罕默德于2016年辞职。巫统作为马来西亚政治中的主导政党,在塑造国家方面发挥着重要作用。自1946年成立以来,巫统在马来西亚独立中发挥了作用,这是它的主席和马来西亚总理的角色,表明这是一个有趣的观察主题。马哈蒂尔·穆罕默德作为巫统主席兼马来西亚总理(1981-2003)做出了一个引起关注的决定。他在2016年从巫统辞职,是对巫统政治动态的挑战。在纳吉布执政期间,他利用它推动巫统作为一个主导政党处理一个马来西亚发展有限公司(1MDB)案件。
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引用次数: 0
Dinamika Politik Lokal Dalam Pemilihan Kepala Daerah (PILKADA) 地方领导人选举中的地方政治动态(皮尔卡达)
Pub Date : 2016-06-29 DOI: 10.55745/jpp.v1i1.4
Rajaner P Simarmata
The Political dynamics are very tighly linked to the issue of participation and democracy. The dynamics of local politics in the elections is the reciprocal interactions between interest groups participating in the organization of the election process that describes the values of democracy and accountability. In simple terms it can be said that political life namely by choosing the leadership of the State and directly of indirectly, influence goverment policies (public policy). Organizing the elections simultaneously in 2015have passed and still leave notes various problems related to the dynamics and the participation of local politics, namely (1) the level of voter participation in the election implementation simultaneously (2) the number of candidates who follow the elections (3) Related to Independent candidate (4) the proportion win lose political parties in nominating the candidate pair (5) Conflict/election diputes/ To solve these problems the goverment and parliament attempts to complete for improving the implementation of the elections simultaneously in 2017, throught a revision of the election law changes that resulted in 22 points. Howeverm the revision has not been able to reach a fundamental problem, namely the governance of political parties and increased voter turnout throught increased voter satisfacion toward the elections and the election far voters effects. So that the same problems wil still arise in the simultaneous election in 2017.
政治动态与参与和民主问题密切相关。选举中地方政治的动态是参与组织选举过程的利益集团之间的相互作用,这种相互作用描述了民主和问责制的价值。简单来说,可以这样说,政治生活即通过选择国家领导人而直接或间接地影响政府的政策(公共政策)。2015年同时组织的选举已经过去了,仍然留下了与当地政治的动态和参与有关的各种问题。即(1)选民参与选举同时实施的水平(2)跟随选举的候选人数量(3)与独立候选人有关(4)政党在提名候选人对中的胜败比例(5)冲突/选举纠纷/为了解决这些问题,政府和议会试图在2017年完成改善选举同时实施的工作。通过修改选举法,获得了22分。然而,通过提高选民对选举的满意度和选举对选民的影响,未能解决根本问题,即政党治理和选民投票率的提高。因此,同样的问题仍将出现在2017年的同期选举中。
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引用次数: 1
Komparatif: Koalisi Pemerintahan Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono dan Jokowi Dalam Mengelola Koalisi 比较:sulos Bambang Yudhoyono政府联盟和Jokowi管理联盟
Pub Date : 2016-06-29 DOI: 10.55745/jpp.v1i1.5
Efriza Efriza
This article discusses the powers of the President-Parliament based on the leadership of the President SBY and Jokowi, who often get caught up in the tension between agencies as a consequence of a fusion between the presidential system and multi-party which allegedly will lead to a deadlock in decision-making to a goverment crisis but found it does not happen conflict leading up to the crisis of governance as in the era of President Abdurrahman Wahid, is caused by a variety of regulations supporting post-ammandement 1945 and accomodating leadership in managing the "fat" coalition as a consequence between reality an choices.
本文以总统和佐科维的领导为基础,讨论了总统-议会的权力,由于总统制和多党制的融合,他们经常陷入机构之间的紧张关系,据称这将导致政府危机决策的僵局,但发现它并没有发生像总统阿卜杜勒拉赫曼瓦希德时代那样导致治理危机的冲突。是由各种各样的规章制度造成的,这些规章制度支持1945年后的《宪法修正案》,并在管理“肥胖”联盟方面适应领导,这是现实与选择之间的结果。
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引用次数: 0
Evaluasi Peran Partai Politik dalam Pemilihan Kepala Daerah Secara Langsung Tahun 2015 2015年直接评估该党在地区领导人选举中的作用
Pub Date : 2016-06-29 DOI: 10.55745/jpp.v1i1.3
Rahadi Budi Prayitno
Fenomena menarik penyelenggaraan Pemilihan Kepada Daerah (pilkada) tahun 2015, kerja keras dari beberapa partai politik dalam mendukung pasangan calon Kepala Daerah dan Wakil Kepala Daerah, ternyata tidak begitu berpengaruh pada pemilih untuk menjatuhkan pilihanya. Dalam arti bekerjanya mesin partai tidak dapat menjamin menang atau kalah dari pasangan calon yang diusungnya. Akan tetapi kemenangan masing-masing pasangan calon dalam pilkada lebih ditentukan oleh branding pribadinya (kharismatik masing-masing pasangan calon) daripada dominasi partai yang mengusungnya. Salah satu yang dicemaskan adalah terjadinya aliansi politik dan pelaku bisni yang di kemudian hari berdampak pada kebijakan publik yang diarahkan pada kebijakan sempit yang kepentingan pengusaha atau kelompok. Jika hal tersebut terjadi maka apa yang dihasilkan oleh pilkada adalah hasil dari proses negosiasi kepentingan, dengan segala konsekuensi yang akan muncul. Pemilihan Kepada Daerah secara langsung selanjutnya diwujudkan dengan diundangkanya Undang-undang Nomor 32 Tahun 2004. Menurut Undang-Undang, Nomor 32 tahun 2004, Kepala Daerah adalah Kepala Pemerintahan Daerah yang dipilih secara demokratis. Pemilihan secara demokratis terhadap Kepala Daerah tersebut dilakukan oleh rakyat secara langsung, mengingat bahwa tugas dan wewenang DPRD Kepala Daerah dan Wakil Kepala Daerah dipilih secara langsung oleh rakyat yang persyaratan dan tata caranya ditetapkan dalam peraturan perundang-undangan. Pasangan calon Kepala Daerah dan Wakil Kepala Daerah dapat dicalonkan baik oleh partai politik atau gabungan partai politik peserta pemilu yang mempunyai sejumlah kursi tertentu dalam DPRD dan atau memperoleh dukungan suara dalam pemilu legisiatif dalam jumlah tertentu.
2015年,一些政党在支持副州长和副州长方面的不懈努力吸引了该地区(pilkada)。从引擎的运作来看,政党不能保证其现有伙伴的胜利或失败。然而,在选举中每一对候选人的胜利更多地取决于他的个人品牌(每一对候选人的魅力),而不是支持他的政党的统治。一个问题是,政治联盟和企业参与者在未来的影响下,以针对商人或企业利益的狭隘政策为导向的公共政策。如果这种情况发生,那么皮尔卡达的结果就是利益谈判过程的结果,随之而来的所有后果。随着2004年第32条第32款的投票结果直接落实。根据2004年第32号宪法,县长是民主选举产生的地方政府的负责人。人民直接选举国家元首,因为地方长官和副总统的职责和权力是由在立法法规中规定的人民直接选择的。选区领袖和副总统候选人可以由政党或参加者的政党联合提名,他们有一定的席位,也可以在一定数量的立法选举中获得选票。
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引用次数: 1
Peran Partai Politik Dan Media Massa Dalam Proses Demokratisasi Di Indonesia Era Reformasi 在印度尼西亚改革时代,政党和媒体在民主化进程中的作用
Pub Date : 2016-06-29 DOI: 10.55745/jpp.v1i1.6
M. S. Rahman
Peran Partai Politik Dan Media Massa Dalam Proses Demokratisasi Di Indonesia Era ReformasiPartai politik sebagai aspek yang penting didalam sebuah tatanan demokrasi memiliki peranan yang besar dalam proses peningkatan kesadaran berpartisipasi didalam politik juga sebagai infrastruktur politik. Partai Politik justru tidak diarahkan untuk menjalankan fungsi-fungsi kepartaian yang sesungguhnya, melainkan semata-mata untuk mendukung kekuasaan Orde Baru dan mengesampingkan peran rakyat dalam proses pengambilan keputusan.Salah satu masalah mendasar dan prinsip yang dituntut untuk berubah dari rezim orba ke rezim reformasi adalah memberikan kesempatan yang luas secara demokratis bagi warga negara untuk terlibat dalam proses pengambilan keputusan politik untuk memilih pemimpinnya, baik pada tingkat nasional maupun lokal.Ada faktor eksternal yang luput dari kriteria terebut. yakni posisi media massa, yang akan berpengaruh pada pelaksanaan pemilu yang demokraatis. Meskipun media massa ini disebut independen tetapi dalam banyak hal ereka lebih atau sangat menonjolkan bentuk afiliasinya dengan partai paolitik yang dipimpin oleh induk semangnya.
在印度尼西亚的民主化进程中,政党和新闻媒体在民主化进程中所起的作用,在提高参与政治和政治基础设施的认识进程中发挥了重要作用。政党的目的不是要执行真正的议会职能,而是要支持新秩序,把人民在决策过程中的作用置于次要地位。从奥巴政权过渡到改革政权所要求的根本和原则之一是让公民有广泛的民主机会参与政治决策过程,在国家和地方一级选举领导人。任何外部因素都不符合标准。这就是大众传媒的立场,这将影响民主化的选举。虽然这种媒体被称为独立的,但在许多方面,它更像是独立的,或者特别强调它与其领导人领导的政党保利党有关联。
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引用次数: 0
Partisipasi Politik Generasi Y jelang Pilkada DKI JKT 2017
Pub Date : 2016-06-29 DOI: 10.55745/jpp.v1i1.2
Amalia Syauket
Generasi Y adalah generasi yang lahir antara 1977-1997, generasi ini disebut sebagai The Echo of The Baby Boom. Generasi yang didalamnya memiliki ciri-ciri kareakter model pilihan, bebas, jejaring, kecepatan dan integritas untuk menikmati percakapan yang menyenangkan dan inovatif. Karena intensitas mereka dengan menggunakan internet dan sosial media cukup tinggi, generasi ini dilekatkan sebagai Net Generation atau generasi digital. Pada fenomena pemilihan Bakal Calon Gubernur Jakarta pada Pilkada 2017, anak-anak muda dari kalangan generasi Y tergabung dalam relawan teman ahok, mampu memperlihatkan potensi mereka melalui partisipasi politik. Jumlah penduduk DKI Jakarta 2017 diproyeksikan mencapai lebih dari 10,37 juta juwa. Jumlah terbesar berada dalam kelompok umur 25 hingga 34 tahun. Penduduk usia produktif ini mencapai lebih dari 71% diperkirakan hampir 8 juta penduduk menjadi calon pemilih dan sekitar 13% dari calon pemilih ialah calon pemilih pemula (first time voter) yang akan memiliki hak suara untuk pertama kalinya dalam pilkad DKI Jakarta 2017. Merekalah yang akan menjadi salah satu penentu kemenangan claon gubernur di pilkada DKI Jakarta mendatang. Pada pilkada DKI Jkt 2017 sedang terjadi fenomena yang luar biasa yang merupakan awal dari perubahan dahsyat yang akan terjadi di Indonesia, yaitu "perang antar generasi", yaitu pihak partai politik yang secara demografi disebut generasi baby boomer, sedangkan Teman Ahok dan Basuki Tjahya Purnama (BTP) adalah representasi dari generasi Y dan X. Fenomena ini juga merupakan bentuk partisipasi politik generasi muda-generasi Y berupa perlawanan sekaligus kritik substantif, belum perlawanan sistematis terhadap partai politik yang dikuasai kaum oligarki. Relawan Teman Ahok dan BTP adalah fenomena masa depan yang sudah hadir sekarang, sementara generasi baby boomer sisa masa lalu yang kebetuan masih hadir sekarang.
Y一代出生在1997年至1997年间,这一代被称为“婴儿潮回声”。这一代人具备选择、自由、网络、速度和完整性的特点,以便进行令人愉快和创新的对话。由于使用互联网和社交媒体的强度相当高,这一代人被视为网络一代或数字一代。在2017年皮尔卡达市即将当选的雅加达州长现象中,来自Y一代的年轻人加入了ahok志愿者组织,通过政治参与来显示他们的潜力。预计2017年雅加达DKI人口将超过1037万juwa。最大的数字是25到34岁的人群。该人口生产率将超过71%,估计将有近800万选民成为选民,约13%的选民将在2017年雅加达的pilkad DKI中首次拥有选举权。他们将决定未来雅加达皮尔卡达市州长克伦的胜利。2017年mla选举isd Jkt发生了不寻常的现象是印尼会发生巨大变化的开始,即“世代”,即一方政党间的战争被称为婴儿潮一代人口而言,而当时的朋友和Basuki Tjahya满月(BTP)是Y和X世代的代表。这一现象也是一种政治参与muda-generasi Y一代的抵抗和实质性的批评,目前还没有对寡头统治的政党有系统的抗战。Ahok和BTP志愿者是一种已经存在的未来现象,而婴儿潮一代过去自由的一代现在仍然存在。
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引用次数: 0
Peran Media Massa Online & Media Sosial (Medsos) Pada Pemilihan Kepala Daerah (PILKADA) Daerah Khusus Ibukota (DKI) Jakarta 2017 msm和社交媒体(Medsos)在首都首都皮尔卡达(DKI)选举中所起的作用
Pub Date : 2016-06-29 DOI: 10.55745/jpp.v1i1.1
Jovan Prima Firmansyah
This paper review role of mass media online and social median on 2017 Pilkada DKI Jakarta as a momentum of participatory democracy. Mass media online adn social media has benn growing rapidly in Indonesia on the internet era. Its nature that unlimited by time and space on giving information has transformed as one of the campaign media. On Pikada DKI Jakarta 2017, it;s area is the highest among other places on using mass media online and social media in Indonesia. It;s an interesting subject to observe due to optimization by DKI Jakarta people. Usage of it could enhance voter rasionality and criticsm as a process of political participation on shaping participatory democracy.
本文回顾大众媒体、网路与社会中位在2017年雅加达Pilkada DKI作为参与式民主的动力所扮演的角色。在互联网时代,印尼的大众在线媒体和社交媒体发展迅速。其不受时间和空间限制的信息传递性质已经转变为竞选媒体之一。在2017年的Pikada DKI雅加达,它的地区是印度尼西亚使用大众媒体在线和社交媒体最多的地方。由于DKI Jakarta人员的优化,这是一个值得观察的有趣主题。使用它可以增强选民的理性和批评,作为塑造参与式民主的政治参与过程。
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引用次数: 0
STRATEGI PEMENANGAN PASANGAN ADE UU SUKAESIH-DARMADJI PRAWIRASETIA (ASIH-KATADJI) DALAM PEMILU WALI KOTA BANJAR PERIODE 2013-2018 规划世界战略在2013-2018年旗帜国家会议上的新的适当优先事项(ASI-KATADJI)
Pub Date : 2015-02-12 DOI: 10.14710/POLITIKA.5.1.2014.115-135
Wiwin Widiastuti
Research that was headlined Strategy Winning Couples Ade Uu Sukaesih-Darmadji (Asih-Katadji) in Elections the Mayor of Banjar a period of 2013-2018 is done in the city of Banjar of West Java. The study is done because researchers were interested in strategies couples asih-katdji in winning the election the Mayor of Banjar. Reason researchers uninterested because of Ade Uu sukaesih is the wife of the Mayor of Banjar who was served. The study is done by using the method research qualitative. The informer done with the methods purposive of sampling by choosing the informant who know that strategy in winning couples asih-katadji in elections the mayor of banjar. The result of field research proves that couples asih-katadji do marketing strategy push by means of direct contact through various events like the general meeting of party, entertainment stage, declaration partai the coalition, and the rally. Marketing strategy other is pass through the influence of a figure or a particular group as a team of success. In strategy pass marketing is done by using services coalition party, volunteers Restu, volunteers asih and volunteers adji. Besides two strategies push marketing, and pass used also strategy pull marketing by using services media including free media and paid  media. Research is unique, because there are other factors that supports a pair of asih-katadji. Factors it is the length of the campaign, the role of Guardian City Banjar who performs style blusukan at eighteen location every day, to remind the people of the merits of a trustee city that is the husband of Ade Uu sukaesih. In addition, the mayor of Banjar is also involved in any process from the beginning of nominating to be chosen.
在2013-2018年班贾尔市市长选举中,题为“战略获胜夫妇”的研究在西爪哇省班贾尔市进行。之所以进行这项研究,是因为研究人员对赢得班贾尔市长选举的策略夫妇asih-katdji很感兴趣。原因研究人员不感兴趣,因为Ade Uu sukaesih是班贾尔市长的妻子。本研究采用研究定性的方法进行。告密者通过选择知道在选举中获胜夫妇asih-katadji策略的告密者来完成抽样的方法,即班贾尔市长。实地调研结果证明,夫妻二人通过政党大会、娱乐舞台、联盟宣誓会、集会等多种活动,以直接接触的方式进行营销策略推送。营销策略另一种是通过一个人物或一个特定群体的影响取得团队的成功。在策略上,通过服务联盟党、志愿者Restu、志愿者asih和志愿者adji进行营销。除了推式营销两种策略外,还采用了拉式营销策略,利用服务媒体包括免费媒体和付费媒体。研究是独一无二的,因为还有其他因素支持一对asih-katadji。因素是竞选活动的持续时间,每天在18个地点表演风格腮波坎的守护者城市班加尔的角色,提醒人们一个受托人城市的优点,这是阿德·乌·苏卡伊什的丈夫。此外,班贾尔市长也参与了从提名开始到当选的任何过程。
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引用次数: 1
IMPLEMENTASI PERJANJIAN PERBATASAN RI – RDTL DALAM UPAYA PENYELESAIAN MASALAH PERBATASAN (Studi Kasus di Kabupaten TTU – RI dengan Distrik Oecusse-RDTL) RI边界协议在边境解决工作中实施(TTU区个案研究与oecusserdtl区)
Pub Date : 2015-02-12 DOI: 10.14710/POLITIKA.5.1.2014.100-114
Yakobus Kolne
Recent observation regarding the reality of people’s living in the border region of the Republic of Indonesia-Timor Leste revealed the facts that they are still facing many problems directly related to all aspects of life that requires the government to take action through the implementation of the state border treaty policy in accordance with the community desire and expectation for sa conducive environment to the life of the nation and the state. The purpose of this study were: 1) to describe the implementation of border treaty between Indonesia and Timor Leste in the resolution of border problems in the District of Oecusse, TTU and 2) to describe and interpret the factors supporting and inhibiting the implementation of the border agreement in resolving the border issues. The method of this study was descriptive qualitative approach. The informants in this study were: Deputy Governor of NTT, TTU Regent, TTU Vice Regent, head of the BPP of TTU and Pamtas RI- Timor Leste Task Force, selected by purposive technique. The study found that: First; communication dimension: (a) lack of community involvement in determining national boundaries; (b) discussion/dialogue with the community had not been maximally conducted; (c) there is requirement to improve existing products of bilateral agreements. Second; Resources dimensions: (1) poor coordination between the senior government and the local government; (2) bolstering up to build further discussion/dialogue between the two countries involving indigenous people had not been done as proposed by the local government ; (3) lack of supporting infrastructures available for the people in the border region; (4) Minimum budget capacity. Third; Bureaucratic structures: (1) lack of supervision for the institutions/implementing agencies; (2) officials in the senior level of government did not involve the Government in the lower /regional level and local communities in setting the boundaries. Fourth; Implemention disposition: (1) The occurrence of interest claims resulting disharmony of interests; (2) the existence of public ignorance on the outcomes of the policy. The Supporting factors were: the availability of law products; commitment between government and society; and the lineage similarity of border communities. The inhibiting factors, however, were: minimum budget capacity, very limited availability of infrastructures and lack of coordination. Thus, the proposed suggestions and recommendations were: a necessity for socialization to the public about the purposes and benefits of the policy set; a nnecessity for budget support and other facilities in the border region as a state gateway; a necessity for a clearly distributed tasks and authority,  so that it may not cause sectoral egoism.
最近对印尼-东帝汶共和国边境地区人民生活现状的观察显示,他们仍然面临许多与生活各方面直接相关的问题,这需要政府采取行动,根据社区的愿望和期望,实施国家边界条约政策,为民族和国家的生活创造有利的环境。本研究的目的是:1)描述在解决边界问题的印度尼西亚和东帝汶之间的边界条约的执行,在乌库塞区,TTU和2)描述和解释支持和抑制边界协议的执行在解决边界问题的因素。本研究采用描述性定性方法。本研究的资料提供人是:NTT副省长、TTU摄政王、TTU副摄政王、TTU BPP负责人和Pamtas RI- Timor Leste工作队,采用目的技术选择。研究发现:第一;通讯方面:(a)社区在确定国界方面缺乏参与;(b)没有最大限度地与社区进行讨论/对话;(c)需要改进双边协定的现有产品。第二个;资源维度:(1)高层政府与地方政府协调不力;(2)没有按照当地政府的建议,加强两国之间涉及土著居民的进一步讨论/对话;(三)边境地区人民生活配套设施不足的;(4)最低预算能力。第三;官僚结构:(1)缺乏对机构/执行机构的监督;(2)高级政府官员没有让下级/地区政府和地方社区参与边界的设定。第四;实施处置:(1)发生利益主张导致的利益不协调;(2)公众对政策结果的无知。支持因素有:法律产品的可获得性;政府与社会的承诺;以及边境社区的血统相似性。然而,阻碍因素是:最低预算能力、基础设施非常有限和缺乏协调。因此,提出的建议和建议是:有必要社会化地向公众介绍这套政策的目的和好处;作为国家门户的边境地区需要预算支持和其他设施;有必要明确分配任务和权限,以免造成部门利己主义。
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引用次数: 6
POLITIK SIKLUS ANGGARAN LOKAL (STUDI APBD KOTA SURAKARTA MENJELANG PILKADA 2010) 地方预算周期政治(2010年皮尔卡达市APBD研究)
Pub Date : 2015-02-12 DOI: 10.14710/POLITIKA.5.1.2014.76-87
Priyatno Harsasto
Incumbent always has a strategic position in general election. Many literatures discuss how incumbents take advantage of his position by holding on his budgeting power to create personal popularityr. In political economic literature this phenomena is called politics budget cycle. This research trys to uncover the practice of this kind of politics in Surakarta: wheater the incumbent used his budgeting power to win the local election or not?In doing so, this research used descriptive analisys which took advantage of documents as well as indepth interview. The main finding of this research is we cannot find any evidence of the use of politics budget cycle in Surakarta.Two sensitive sectors, namely social sectors did not increase dramatically before the election. When probing into some important sections of the budget, it is found that alocation for education and health services increase dramatically. However, those two sections are parts of basic services so that we cannot conclude that it has something to do with incumbent’s political ambition to retain his power. When we look into education and health programs, we found that those programs have already served the need of the people long before the election. In conclusion, there are not any clue that incumbent take advantage of his budgetary power to win his position as mayor of Surakarta.
在任者在大选中总是具有战略地位。许多文献讨论在职者如何利用自己的地位,通过掌握自己的预算能力来创造个人知名度。在政治经济学文献中,这种现象被称为政治预算周期。本研究试图揭示这种政治在泗水的实践:在任者是否利用其预算权力赢得地方选举?在此过程中,本研究采用了描述性分析,利用了文献和深度访谈的优势。本研究的主要发现是我们没有发现任何证据表明政治预算周期在泗水市的使用。两个敏感的部门,即社会部门,在选举前并没有大幅增加。在研究预算的一些重要部分时,发现用于教育和保健服务的拨款大幅增加。然而,这两个部分是基本服务的一部分,因此我们不能断定这与现任者保持权力的政治野心有关。当我们审视教育和健康项目时,我们发现这些项目早在选举之前就已经满足了人们的需求。总之,没有任何迹象表明,现任市长利用他的预算权力来赢得他的市长职位。
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引用次数: 2
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Politika Jurnal Ilmu Politik
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