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Digital diplomacy and digital international relations: Challenges and new advantages 数字外交与数字国际关系:挑战与新优势
Pub Date : 1900-01-01 DOI: 10.21638/spbu06.2022.204
N. Tsvetkova, A. Sytnik, T. Grishanina
The paper introduces concepts relative to digital international relations, including the following clusters as data/digital diplomacy; cyber security and cyber diplomacy; global internet governance; and, finally, digital voting. All these elements have come under the pressure of datalization that is the growth of digital actors and of big data analytics used often for political purposes. This paper focuses on one of the elements of digital international relations, notably the digital diplomacy. The authors discuss new challenges including digital uncertainty, fractured digital reality, and framing. Based on the analysis of data retrieved from social media by computational algorithms, the authors test these new challenges in case studies related to the digital diplomacy conducted by the United States, Russia and China in such countries as Afghanistan, Syria and Iran in various timelines. The authors reveal that multiple digital bloggers, mass-media, various entities, etc., can diminish the effectiveness of governmental digital diplomacy. At the same time, the datalization, digital uncertainty, and fragmentation allow the official diplomacy of the states to promote values through specific policy of framing discussed in the paper. Based on the empirical data, it can be concluded that the current stage of digitalization of international relations compels the states to introduce new binding agreements to draw “cyber red lines” or, equally, to maintain internet freedom that will contribute to shaping a balance of power in cyberspace.
本文介绍了与数字国际关系相关的概念,包括以下几类:数据/数字外交;网络安全与网络外交;全球互联网治理;最后是数字投票。所有这些因素都受到数据化的压力,数据化是数字行为者的增长和经常用于政治目的的大数据分析。本文着重讨论了数字国际关系的要素之一,即数字外交。作者讨论了新的挑战,包括数字不确定性、断裂的数字现实和框架。基于对通过计算算法从社交媒体检索到的数据的分析,作者在与美国、俄罗斯和中国在阿富汗、叙利亚和伊朗等国家在不同时间线进行的数字外交相关的案例研究中测试了这些新挑战。作者指出,多个数位部落客、大众媒体、各种实体等,都可能削弱政府数位外交的有效性。与此同时,数据化、数字不确定性和碎片化使得各国的官方外交能够通过本文讨论的具体框架政策来促进价值观。基于经验数据,可以得出结论,当前阶段的国际关系数字化迫使各国引入新的具有约束力的协议,以划定“网络红线”,或者同样地,维护互联网自由,这将有助于形成网络空间的力量平衡。
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引用次数: 1
Russian-German Relations “after Crimea”: from “Partnership for Modernization” to Degradation of the Dialogue Formats “克里米亚之后”的俄德关系:从“现代化伙伴关系”到对话形式的退化
Pub Date : 1900-01-01 DOI: 10.21638/11701/spbu06.2019.307
Andrey V. Bagai
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引用次数: 0
‘Move the gateposts during the Game’: When Russia and the EU de-order both their relationship and the liberal world order “在比赛期间移动门柱”:当俄罗斯和欧盟破坏他们的关系和自由世界秩序时
Pub Date : 1900-01-01 DOI: 10.21638/spbu06.2022.401
T. Romanova
The article looks at EU-Russian relations and their current crisis through the prism of the liberal world order (LWO) and its contestation. Since the late 1990s Russia has gradually moved from neorevisionist to revisionist challenge of the LWO, undermining in its relations with the EU such components of this order as political values and security. The EU previously positioned itself as a staunch defender of the LWO; Brussels tried both to enforce elements of the LWO and to accommodate Russia’s concerns so that EU-Russian relations were embedded in the LWO. However, 24 February 2022 became a watershed moment. Moscow’s challenge to the security and values’ components of the LWO became too big for the EU to manage. The EU’s 2022 sanctions heralded a move from the efforts to integrate Russia by all means to the LWO to the efforts to isolate Russia by all means and to deny Russia access to any components of the LWO. In particular, the EU challenges cooperation through international institutions, political values, economic interdependence and transnational links. This EU change undermines the very LWO that the EU tries to defend and that guarantees the EU a privileged position. Moreover, prospects of long-term settlement in the European continent and of engagement with Russia are severely compromised.
本文通过自由世界秩序(LWO)及其争论的棱镜来审视欧盟与俄罗斯的关系及其当前的危机。自20世纪90年代末以来,俄罗斯逐渐从新修正主义转向修正主义,挑战世界秩序,在与欧盟的关系中破坏了这一秩序的政治价值和安全等组成部分。欧盟此前将自己定位为LWO的坚定捍卫者;布鲁塞尔一方面试图执行LWO的条款,另一方面也试图迁就俄罗斯的关切,以便让欧盟与俄罗斯的关系融入LWO。然而,2022年2月24日成为一个分水岭。莫斯科对LWO的安全和价值观构成的挑战变得太大,欧盟无法应对。欧盟2022年的制裁预示着从千方百计将俄罗斯纳入LWO的努力转向千方百计孤立俄罗斯并禁止俄罗斯进入LWO的任何组成部分的努力。特别是,欧盟通过国际机构、政治价值观、经济相互依存和跨国联系挑战合作。欧盟的这种变化破坏了欧盟试图捍卫的LWO,而LWO保证了欧盟的特权地位。此外,长期解决欧洲大陆问题以及与俄罗斯接触的前景受到严重损害。
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引用次数: 0
Digital diplomacy of USA and China in the era of datalization 数字化时代的中美数字外交
Pub Date : 1900-01-01 DOI: 10.21638/spbu06.2023.206
N. Kuznetsov, Fushu Liang
Among the numerous discourses on US-China relations in recent years, issues of the influence of digital international relations (which include such areas as digital/data diplomacy, cybersecurity, artificial intelligence (AI) development, and the influence of information projects in social networks) are rarely given explicit consideration. At the same time, all these elements have come under the pressure of datalization and takes a big pleasure on the place of states in the world politics. This article reveals the phenomenon of one the most important element of digital international relations — digital diplomacy of the USA and China — and focuses on the political and academic discourses about this foreign policy instrument in these countries. The first part of the study presents academic discourses on digital diplomacy of Chinese and American experts, provides characteristics of PRC and US digital diplomacy, trends and role in bilateral relations. The second part of the article reflects the existing strategies and projects in Chinese and American digital diplomacy in relation to each other. The authors stated that digital diplomacy evolved from just an instrument of international information broadcasting to the full-fledged foreign policy mechanism which already has visible elements, structural connections and an evolutionary path of development with difficult methodology and institutional regulation, covering the issues of public diplomacy and cybersecurity, and which is the main instrument of the new ideological and economic confrontation of two powers.
在近年来关于中美关系的众多论述中,数字国际关系的影响问题(包括数字/数据外交、网络安全、人工智能(AI)发展以及社交网络中信息项目的影响等领域)很少得到明确的考虑。与此同时,所有这些因素都承受着数据化的压力,并对国家在世界政治中的地位产生了很大的影响。本文揭示了数字国际关系中最重要的元素之一——美国和中国的数字外交——的现象,并关注了这些国家关于这一外交政策工具的政治和学术话语。研究的第一部分介绍了中美两国专家关于数字外交的学术论述,介绍了中美数字外交的特点、趋势及其在双边关系中的作用。文章的第二部分反映了中美两国现有的数字外交战略和项目之间的相互关系。作者认为,数字外交已经从仅仅是一种国际信息传播工具,发展成为一种完备的外交政策机制,已经具有可见的要素、结构性联系和方法论和制度规制困难的演进路径,涵盖了公共外交和网络安全问题,是两国新的意识形态和经济对抗的主要工具。
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引用次数: 0
The forgotten process: Information disarmament in the Soviet/US reproachment of the 1980s 被遗忘的过程:20世纪80年代苏联/美国谴责中的信息裁军
Pub Date : 1900-01-01 DOI: 10.21638/spbu06.2021.301
Nicholas J. Cull
This article contends that just as an excess of conventional arms requires a disarmament processes, so the weaponization of media should be met with an information disarmament process. The article examines elements of this work deployed to assist in the US — Soviet rapprochement of the 1980s. Cases discussed include a mutual textbook review project, citizento-citizen conferences mounted by the Chautauqua Society and a series of forums held via satellite television links called Spacebridges. The emergence of government-to-government information talks in which the United States Information Agency led by Charles Z.Wick engaged various elements of the Soviet state media apparatus is traced. The meetings from 1986 through 1989 are summarized, including the frank discussion of the challenge of disinformation and of mutual stereotyping. It is asserted that this process was more effective than is generally remembered, but success required a rough symmetry within the US/Soviet relationship. The internal crisis within the USSR repositioned the country as a junior partner and led the US to misperceive the end of the Cold War in terms of victory and defeat, with counterproductive results.
本文认为,正如常规武器的过剩需要一个裁军进程一样,媒体的武器化也应以一个信息裁军进程来应对。本文考察了在20世纪80年代为协助美苏和解而部署的这项工作的要素。讨论的案例包括一个共同的教科书审查项目,由肖托夸协会组织的公民对公民会议,以及通过卫星电视链接举行的一系列论坛,这些论坛被称为“太空之桥”。政府间信息对话的出现,由查尔斯·z·维克(Charles Z.Wick)领导的美国新闻署(United States information Agency)与苏联国家媒体机构的各个部门进行了接触。总结了1986年至1989年的会议,包括对虚假信息的挑战和相互成见的坦率讨论。有人断言,这一过程比人们通常记住的更有效,但成功需要美苏关系的大致对称。苏联的内部危机使该国重新定位为一个次要的合作伙伴,并导致美国从胜利和失败的角度错误地看待冷战的结束,产生了适得其反的结果。
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引用次数: 0
The Treaty of Versailles as a milestone in the history of arms control diplomacy 《凡尔赛条约》是军控外交史上的里程碑
Pub Date : 1900-01-01 DOI: 10.21638/11701/spbu06.2019.304
Anastasiia A. Malygina
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引用次数: 0
Post-Brexit France: French Renaissance or loss of geopolitical influence? 英国脱欧后的法国:法国文艺复兴还是地缘政治影响力的丧失?
Pub Date : 1900-01-01 DOI: 10.21638/spbu06.2022.102
I. Ivannikov, I. Chernov
Brexit has become a catalyst for major political change in the modern world. This article analyzes the consequences Brexit had on France’s foreign policy position and its status as a “great power”. In chess, the “English Gambit” is known, in which a player sacrifices his piece to gain a strategic advantage. Will France be able to play its English Gambit after the British exit from the EU? In the modern world, the concept of a “great power” primarily presupposes the ability of the country to exert a serious influence on the most important global decisions. For a long time, France has not been able to act alone in the international arena and relies on its influence in the EU to achieve its goals. Therefore, it is obvious that Britain’s withdrawal from the forming the “European pole” of world politics was a serious blow both to the EU and to France. Of course, in the analysis of international relations “after something” does not always mean “as a result of something”, but in 2020–2021, a significant number of facts can be noted that testify to the negative impact of Brexit on the role of France in Europe and the world in general. The purpose of this study is to determine the impact of Britain’s exit from the EU on France’s political role in the European Union and, in general, on France’s global importance as a great power. The authors use comparative analysis, structural-functional method, etc. The empirical basis of the study was made up of media materials, statements and speeches of contemporary politicians, and documents of foreign policy institutions of France and the EU.
英国脱欧已成为现代世界重大政治变革的催化剂。本文分析了英国脱欧对法国外交政策立场及其“大国”地位的影响。在国际象棋中,“英国棋”是众所周知的,即玩家牺牲自己的棋子来获得战略优势。在英国退出欧盟后,法国还能打出“英国策略”吗?在现代世界,“大国”的概念主要以一个国家对最重要的全球决策施加严重影响的能力为前提。长期以来,法国无法在国际舞台上单独行动,而是依靠其在欧盟的影响力来实现其目标。因此,很明显,英国退出世界政治“欧洲极”的形成,对欧盟和法国都是一个沉重的打击。当然,在国际关系分析中,“某件事之后”并不一定意味着“某件事的结果”,但在2020-2021年,可以注意到大量事实,证明英国脱欧对法国在欧洲和世界上的作用产生了负面影响。本研究的目的是确定英国退出欧盟对法国在欧盟中的政治角色的影响,以及总体上对法国作为一个大国的全球重要性的影响。作者运用了比较分析、结构功能分析等方法。本研究的实证基础包括媒体材料、当代政治家的声明和演讲,以及法国和欧盟外交政策机构的文件。
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引用次数: 0
Konstantin Päts and Estonia’s foreign policy in interwar period 康斯坦丁Päts与两次世界大战期间爱沙尼亚的外交政策
Pub Date : 1900-01-01 DOI: 10.21638/SPBU06.2020.409
A. Rupasov
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引用次数: 1
Fundamental and applied aspects of geopolitical studies in USA and their influence on contemporary practice of international relations 美国地缘政治研究的基本和应用方面及其对当代国际关系实践的影响
Pub Date : 1900-01-01 DOI: 10.21638/spbu06.2023.203
Grigorii Lanskoy
Paper is devoted to methodology and content of geopolitical studies realizing in United States of America. In their complex are analyzing historical and political studies of theoretical and practical type oriented to analysis of forms and directions of expansion and governance of different territories by state power institutions. In quality of examples having from point of contemporary development of international relations evident actuality in paper are selected monographs and articles devoted to external policy of Russian Empire in period of second half of 19th and beginning of 20th century. In content of these historiographical sources were precisely presented basic and partially stereotype forms of attraction by American authors of tendencies of development of other countries with mobilizational type of transformation and traditional for studies of these authors strategies forecasting of political and in large meaning social evolution of these countries. In quality of fundamental aspects diversified in these scientific and partly journalistic works in paper are presented points about global backwardness, forced and in this occasion temporary overcoming of existing evolutionary problems and final impossibility of successful concurrence of Russia and other countries with catching type of development with United States of America, Great Britain and mostly industrially developing states of continental Europe. To applied aspects of geopolitical studies realizing in USA in paper were referred interpretations of concrete historical events projected and presented in them and also their choice and systematization. This definition of studying object is conditioned by methodological connection between scientific analysis of facts and from one part by development of international relations and from other part by realizing by many authors decision of task of explaining external political strategy of state on base of ideologically determined historiographical discourse caused from one part by development of international relations and from other part by specific features of expert social mind.
本文论述了美国地缘政治研究的方法论和内容。在他们的复杂是分析的理论和实践类型的历史和政治研究,以分析国家权力机构对不同领土的扩张和治理的形式和方向。本文选集了19世纪下半叶至20世纪初俄罗斯帝国对外政策的专著和文章,从当代国际关系发展的角度出发,列举了大量具有鲜明现实性的实例。在这些史学来源的内容中精确地呈现了美国作者对其他国家发展趋势的基本和部分刻板印象的吸引形式具有动员型转型和传统的研究这些作者的策略预测这些国家的政治和更大意义上的社会演变。在这些科学的和部分新闻的论文中,在基本方面的质量方面,提出了关于全球落后的观点,在这种情况下,暂时克服了现有的进化问题,最终不可能成功地使俄罗斯和其他国家与美国、英国和欧洲大陆的大多数工业发展中国家成功地实现同步发展。本文从美国地缘政治研究的应用角度出发,对美国地缘政治研究中所呈现的具体历史事件进行了阐释,并对这些事件进行了选择和系统化。这种对研究对象的定义是由对事实的科学分析的方法论联系所决定的,一方面是国际关系的发展,另一方面是许多作者在意识形态决定的历史话语的基础上实现了解释国家外部政治战略的任务,这一方面是由国际关系的发展引起的,另一方面是由专家社会心理的特定特征引起的。
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引用次数: 0
US security provision under Joe Biden: A preliminary reconstruction of national strategy 拜登领导下的美国安全条款:国家战略的初步重建
Pub Date : 1900-01-01 DOI: 10.21638/spbu06.2021.306
Vitalii E. Boldyrev
The article proposes a new understanding of the phenomenon of security as the desire of the state to achieve the most favourable trajectory of development under existing constraints. The concept of a favourable trajectory depends on objective factors and its subjective interpretations that are fixed in strategies and programs. In order to make these interpretations systematic and form a holistic model consisting of them, a new algorithm for strategical and program documents has been developed. According to the algorithm, every priority should be marked by code (or its combination) which corresponds to one of the subsystems of the global system and its component to create a database. The analysis of the database makes it possible to isolate problems whose relevance was artificially overestimated prior to elections, to forecast the directions of sequestration of their priorities, to determine the degree of continuity, to rank areas of the policy, to identify probable interconnections among them and to predict the foundations of a promising strategy. In regard to Biden’s program, the algorithm made it possible to achieve the following results. It was revealed that the program is more a succession to Trump’s strategy than innovative. The priority of the economic, social and financial spheres was artificially overestimated and the degree of their importance will be reduced after Biden’s inauguration. Economic, energy and legal spheres will be the cornerstones of Biden’s future strategy. Cyber, raw materials and technological subsystems will be assigned the role of drivers of development. Their successful functioning will be dependent on the dynamics of the military and agricultural sectors. In turn, demographic, trade, financial and credit, civil, humanitarian and cultural subsystems will acquire a more subordinate position and their role will be determined by the solution of specific issues. At the same time, it is difficult to determine the concrete positions and roles of future social and ecological policies because they had been overdeveloped or unclearly prioritized in the electoral program.
本文提出了一种对安全现象的新理解,即国家在现有制约条件下实现最有利发展轨迹的愿望。有利轨迹的概念取决于客观因素及其在战略和计划中固定的主观解释。为了使这些解释系统化,形成一个由它们组成的整体模型,本文开发了一种新的战略和计划文件解释算法。根据该算法,每个优先级都应该用代码(或其组合)来标记,该代码对应于全局系统的一个子系统及其组件,以创建数据库。对数据库的分析使我们能够分离出在选举前被人为高估的问题,预测其优先事项的分离方向,确定连续性的程度,对政策领域进行排序,确定它们之间可能的相互联系,并预测一项有希望的战略的基础。对于拜登的程序,该算法可以实现以下结果。据透露,该计划与其说是创新,不如说是对特朗普战略的继承。经济、社会、金融领域的重要性被人为高估,拜登就任后,这些领域的重要性将会降低。经济、能源和法律领域将成为拜登未来战略的基石。发挥网络、原材料和技术子系统的发展驱动作用。它们的成功运作将取决于军事和农业部门的动态。反过来,人口、贸易、财政和信贷、民事、人道主义和文化各分系统将获得较次要的地位,它们的作用将取决于具体问题的解决。与此同时,很难确定未来社会和生态政策的具体位置和作用,因为它们在选举计划中被过度发展或不明确地优先考虑。
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引用次数: 0
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Vestnik of Saint Petersburg University. International relations
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