Pub Date : 1900-01-01DOI: 10.21638/spbu06.2022.401
T. Romanova
The article looks at EU-Russian relations and their current crisis through the prism of the liberal world order (LWO) and its contestation. Since the late 1990s Russia has gradually moved from neorevisionist to revisionist challenge of the LWO, undermining in its relations with the EU such components of this order as political values and security. The EU previously positioned itself as a staunch defender of the LWO; Brussels tried both to enforce elements of the LWO and to accommodate Russia’s concerns so that EU-Russian relations were embedded in the LWO. However, 24 February 2022 became a watershed moment. Moscow’s challenge to the security and values’ components of the LWO became too big for the EU to manage. The EU’s 2022 sanctions heralded a move from the efforts to integrate Russia by all means to the LWO to the efforts to isolate Russia by all means and to deny Russia access to any components of the LWO. In particular, the EU challenges cooperation through international institutions, political values, economic interdependence and transnational links. This EU change undermines the very LWO that the EU tries to defend and that guarantees the EU a privileged position. Moreover, prospects of long-term settlement in the European continent and of engagement with Russia are severely compromised.
{"title":"‘Move the gateposts during the Game’: When Russia and the EU de-order both their relationship and the liberal world order","authors":"T. Romanova","doi":"10.21638/spbu06.2022.401","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21638/spbu06.2022.401","url":null,"abstract":"The article looks at EU-Russian relations and their current crisis through the prism of the liberal world order (LWO) and its contestation. Since the late 1990s Russia has gradually moved from neorevisionist to revisionist challenge of the LWO, undermining in its relations with the EU such components of this order as political values and security. The EU previously positioned itself as a staunch defender of the LWO; Brussels tried both to enforce elements of the LWO and to accommodate Russia’s concerns so that EU-Russian relations were embedded in the LWO. However, 24 February 2022 became a watershed moment. Moscow’s challenge to the security and values’ components of the LWO became too big for the EU to manage. The EU’s 2022 sanctions heralded a move from the efforts to integrate Russia by all means to the LWO to the efforts to isolate Russia by all means and to deny Russia access to any components of the LWO. In particular, the EU challenges cooperation through international institutions, political values, economic interdependence and transnational links. This EU change undermines the very LWO that the EU tries to defend and that guarantees the EU a privileged position. Moreover, prospects of long-term settlement in the European continent and of engagement with Russia are severely compromised.","PeriodicalId":336122,"journal":{"name":"Vestnik of Saint Petersburg University. International relations","volume":"27 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"114547226","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 1900-01-01DOI: 10.21638/spbu06.2023.206
N. Kuznetsov, Fushu Liang
Among the numerous discourses on US-China relations in recent years, issues of the influence of digital international relations (which include such areas as digital/data diplomacy, cybersecurity, artificial intelligence (AI) development, and the influence of information projects in social networks) are rarely given explicit consideration. At the same time, all these elements have come under the pressure of datalization and takes a big pleasure on the place of states in the world politics. This article reveals the phenomenon of one the most important element of digital international relations — digital diplomacy of the USA and China — and focuses on the political and academic discourses about this foreign policy instrument in these countries. The first part of the study presents academic discourses on digital diplomacy of Chinese and American experts, provides characteristics of PRC and US digital diplomacy, trends and role in bilateral relations. The second part of the article reflects the existing strategies and projects in Chinese and American digital diplomacy in relation to each other. The authors stated that digital diplomacy evolved from just an instrument of international information broadcasting to the full-fledged foreign policy mechanism which already has visible elements, structural connections and an evolutionary path of development with difficult methodology and institutional regulation, covering the issues of public diplomacy and cybersecurity, and which is the main instrument of the new ideological and economic confrontation of two powers.
{"title":"Digital diplomacy of USA and China in the era of datalization","authors":"N. Kuznetsov, Fushu Liang","doi":"10.21638/spbu06.2023.206","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21638/spbu06.2023.206","url":null,"abstract":"Among the numerous discourses on US-China relations in recent years, issues of the influence of digital international relations (which include such areas as digital/data diplomacy, cybersecurity, artificial intelligence (AI) development, and the influence of information projects in social networks) are rarely given explicit consideration. At the same time, all these elements have come under the pressure of datalization and takes a big pleasure on the place of states in the world politics. This article reveals the phenomenon of one the most important element of digital international relations — digital diplomacy of the USA and China — and focuses on the political and academic discourses about this foreign policy instrument in these countries. The first part of the study presents academic discourses on digital diplomacy of Chinese and American experts, provides characteristics of PRC and US digital diplomacy, trends and role in bilateral relations. The second part of the article reflects the existing strategies and projects in Chinese and American digital diplomacy in relation to each other. The authors stated that digital diplomacy evolved from just an instrument of international information broadcasting to the full-fledged foreign policy mechanism which already has visible elements, structural connections and an evolutionary path of development with difficult methodology and institutional regulation, covering the issues of public diplomacy and cybersecurity, and which is the main instrument of the new ideological and economic confrontation of two powers.","PeriodicalId":336122,"journal":{"name":"Vestnik of Saint Petersburg University. International relations","volume":"36 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"122149205","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 1900-01-01DOI: 10.21638/spbu06.2023.102
E. Khakhalkina
The article raises the question of the place of Tropical Africa in the system of British foreign policy priorities before and after Brexit. It is shown that the African continent traditionally played an important role in the colonial empire of the United Kingdom, and its importance only intensified under the conditions of decolonization and the Cold War, which was demonstrated by the first visit in the colonial history of the country of the British leader of H. Macmillan to Africa south of the Sahara in February 1960 (“Year of Africa”) and drawing attention to the future of the continent in connection with the acquisition of sovereign status by the colonies. However, after this tour, the weakening of Britain’s ties with the continent in the trade, economic, political and other spheres gradually began to occur, and only after the Brexit referendum on June 23, 2016, the UK announced a reset of relations within the loud slogan and foreign policy line “Global Britain”. In August 2018, Prime Minister T. May made a large-scale visit to the key countries of Tropical Africa, similar to H. Macmillan’s trip in terms of numbers, status and intentions, on the eve of the completion of a series of negotiations with the European Union and the country’s withdrawal from it. In addition to analyzing two of the British leaders’ trips, the article raises important contemporary questions about the incompleteness of decolonization, the future of development policy, and the overall prospects for the UK’s relationship with sub-Saharan Africa. Attention is also paid to the economic aspects of interaction between the parties and the updated priorities of Britain in the context of the pandemic and the challenges of European and global security under the influence of a new configuration of the system of international relations.
{"title":"UK in Africa before and after Brexit","authors":"E. Khakhalkina","doi":"10.21638/spbu06.2023.102","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21638/spbu06.2023.102","url":null,"abstract":"The article raises the question of the place of Tropical Africa in the system of British foreign policy priorities before and after Brexit. It is shown that the African continent traditionally played an important role in the colonial empire of the United Kingdom, and its importance only intensified under the conditions of decolonization and the Cold War, which was demonstrated by the first visit in the colonial history of the country of the British leader of H. Macmillan to Africa south of the Sahara in February 1960 (“Year of Africa”) and drawing attention to the future of the continent in connection with the acquisition of sovereign status by the colonies. However, after this tour, the weakening of Britain’s ties with the continent in the trade, economic, political and other spheres gradually began to occur, and only after the Brexit referendum on June 23, 2016, the UK announced a reset of relations within the loud slogan and foreign policy line “Global Britain”. In August 2018, Prime Minister T. May made a large-scale visit to the key countries of Tropical Africa, similar to H. Macmillan’s trip in terms of numbers, status and intentions, on the eve of the completion of a series of negotiations with the European Union and the country’s withdrawal from it. In addition to analyzing two of the British leaders’ trips, the article raises important contemporary questions about the incompleteness of decolonization, the future of development policy, and the overall prospects for the UK’s relationship with sub-Saharan Africa. Attention is also paid to the economic aspects of interaction between the parties and the updated priorities of Britain in the context of the pandemic and the challenges of European and global security under the influence of a new configuration of the system of international relations.","PeriodicalId":336122,"journal":{"name":"Vestnik of Saint Petersburg University. International relations","volume":"83 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"122160050","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 1900-01-01DOI: 10.21638/11701/SPBU06.2019.403
N. Tsvetkova
Among the numerous discussions of US international broadcasting, the regional dimension in terms of American projects in Russia and its neighboring states are rarely given explicit consideration. The paper reviews the strategies, projects, and their results in connection with US international broadcasting towards Russia and, more broadly, towards Eastern Europe and the post-Soviet space. The first section reviews the shifts in US international broadcasting during the period of 2013–2016, when the administration of Barack Obama introduced new strategies and projects to engage the Russian audience through US international media. The second section demonstrates how the sanctions imposed against Moscow and investigations about the possible Russian impact on elections in both United States and Europe have modified international broadcasting in terms of introducing a new deterrence policy during the period of 2017–2019. The paper concludes that the United States has gained some success in reaching the Russian-speaking populations through international broadcasting and, moreover, its datadriven digital diplomacy has brought some results in containing Russia’s informational activities in Eastern Europe, Balkan region, and post-Soviet countries. While the administration of Barack Obama conducted the policy of engagement towards the Russian-speaking world, the first administration of Donald Trump is pursing the policy of deterrence.
{"title":"Dealing with a resurgent Russia: Engagement and deterrence in US international broadcasting, 2013–2019","authors":"N. Tsvetkova","doi":"10.21638/11701/SPBU06.2019.403","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21638/11701/SPBU06.2019.403","url":null,"abstract":"Among the numerous discussions of US international broadcasting, the regional dimension in terms of American projects in Russia and its neighboring states are rarely given explicit consideration. The paper reviews the strategies, projects, and their results in connection with US international broadcasting towards Russia and, more broadly, towards Eastern Europe and the post-Soviet space. The first section reviews the shifts in US international broadcasting during the period of 2013–2016, when the administration of Barack Obama introduced new strategies and projects to engage the Russian audience through US international media. The second section demonstrates how the sanctions imposed against Moscow and investigations about the possible Russian impact on elections in both United States and Europe have modified international broadcasting in terms of introducing a new deterrence policy during the period of 2017–2019. The paper concludes that the United States has gained some success in reaching the Russian-speaking populations through international broadcasting and, moreover, its datadriven digital diplomacy has brought some results in containing Russia’s informational activities in Eastern Europe, Balkan region, and post-Soviet countries. While the administration of Barack Obama conducted the policy of engagement towards the Russian-speaking world, the first administration of Donald Trump is pursing the policy of deterrence.","PeriodicalId":336122,"journal":{"name":"Vestnik of Saint Petersburg University. International relations","volume":"104 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"115770084","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 1900-01-01DOI: 10.21638/11701/spbu06.2019.307
Andrey V. Bagai
{"title":"Russian-German Relations “after Crimea”: from “Partnership for Modernization” to Degradation of the Dialogue Formats","authors":"Andrey V. Bagai","doi":"10.21638/11701/spbu06.2019.307","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21638/11701/spbu06.2019.307","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":336122,"journal":{"name":"Vestnik of Saint Petersburg University. International relations","volume":"17 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"126166918","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 1900-01-01DOI: 10.21638/spbu06.2021.301
Nicholas J. Cull
This article contends that just as an excess of conventional arms requires a disarmament processes, so the weaponization of media should be met with an information disarmament process. The article examines elements of this work deployed to assist in the US — Soviet rapprochement of the 1980s. Cases discussed include a mutual textbook review project, citizento-citizen conferences mounted by the Chautauqua Society and a series of forums held via satellite television links called Spacebridges. The emergence of government-to-government information talks in which the United States Information Agency led by Charles Z.Wick engaged various elements of the Soviet state media apparatus is traced. The meetings from 1986 through 1989 are summarized, including the frank discussion of the challenge of disinformation and of mutual stereotyping. It is asserted that this process was more effective than is generally remembered, but success required a rough symmetry within the US/Soviet relationship. The internal crisis within the USSR repositioned the country as a junior partner and led the US to misperceive the end of the Cold War in terms of victory and defeat, with counterproductive results.
本文认为，正如常规武器的过剩需要一个裁军进程一样，媒体的武器化也应以一个信息裁军进程来应对。本文考察了在20世纪80年代为协助美苏和解而部署的这项工作的要素。讨论的案例包括一个共同的教科书审查项目，由肖托夸协会组织的公民对公民会议，以及通过卫星电视链接举行的一系列论坛，这些论坛被称为“太空之桥”。政府间信息对话的出现，由查尔斯·z·维克(Charles Z.Wick)领导的美国新闻署(United States information Agency)与苏联国家媒体机构的各个部门进行了接触。总结了1986年至1989年的会议，包括对虚假信息的挑战和相互成见的坦率讨论。有人断言，这一过程比人们通常记住的更有效，但成功需要美苏关系的大致对称。苏联的内部危机使该国重新定位为一个次要的合作伙伴，并导致美国从胜利和失败的角度错误地看待冷战的结束，产生了适得其反的结果。
{"title":"The forgotten process: Information disarmament in the Soviet/US reproachment of the 1980s","authors":"Nicholas J. Cull","doi":"10.21638/spbu06.2021.301","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21638/spbu06.2021.301","url":null,"abstract":"This article contends that just as an excess of conventional arms requires a disarmament processes, so the weaponization of media should be met with an information disarmament process. The article examines elements of this work deployed to assist in the US — Soviet rapprochement of the 1980s. Cases discussed include a mutual textbook review project, citizento-citizen conferences mounted by the Chautauqua Society and a series of forums held via satellite television links called Spacebridges. The emergence of government-to-government information talks in which the United States Information Agency led by Charles Z.Wick engaged various elements of the Soviet state media apparatus is traced. The meetings from 1986 through 1989 are summarized, including the frank discussion of the challenge of disinformation and of mutual stereotyping. It is asserted that this process was more effective than is generally remembered, but success required a rough symmetry within the US/Soviet relationship. The internal crisis within the USSR repositioned the country as a junior partner and led the US to misperceive the end of the Cold War in terms of victory and defeat, with counterproductive results.","PeriodicalId":336122,"journal":{"name":"Vestnik of Saint Petersburg University. International relations","volume":"1 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"125688676","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 1900-01-01DOI: 10.21638/11701/spbu06.2019.304
Anastasiia A. Malygina
{"title":"The Treaty of Versailles as a milestone in the history of arms control diplomacy","authors":"Anastasiia A. Malygina","doi":"10.21638/11701/spbu06.2019.304","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21638/11701/spbu06.2019.304","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":336122,"journal":{"name":"Vestnik of Saint Petersburg University. International relations","volume":"82 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"126933278","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 1900-01-01DOI: 10.21638/spbu06.2022.102
I. Ivannikov, I. Chernov
Brexit has become a catalyst for major political change in the modern world. This article analyzes the consequences Brexit had on France’s foreign policy position and its status as a “great power”. In chess, the “English Gambit” is known, in which a player sacrifices his piece to gain a strategic advantage. Will France be able to play its English Gambit after the British exit from the EU? In the modern world, the concept of a “great power” primarily presupposes the ability of the country to exert a serious influence on the most important global decisions. For a long time, France has not been able to act alone in the international arena and relies on its influence in the EU to achieve its goals. Therefore, it is obvious that Britain’s withdrawal from the forming the “European pole” of world politics was a serious blow both to the EU and to France. Of course, in the analysis of international relations “after something” does not always mean “as a result of something”, but in 2020–2021, a significant number of facts can be noted that testify to the negative impact of Brexit on the role of France in Europe and the world in general. The purpose of this study is to determine the impact of Britain’s exit from the EU on France’s political role in the European Union and, in general, on France’s global importance as a great power. The authors use comparative analysis, structural-functional method, etc. The empirical basis of the study was made up of media materials, statements and speeches of contemporary politicians, and documents of foreign policy institutions of France and the EU.
{"title":"Post-Brexit France: French Renaissance or loss of geopolitical influence?","authors":"I. Ivannikov, I. Chernov","doi":"10.21638/spbu06.2022.102","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21638/spbu06.2022.102","url":null,"abstract":"Brexit has become a catalyst for major political change in the modern world. This article analyzes the consequences Brexit had on France’s foreign policy position and its status as a “great power”. In chess, the “English Gambit” is known, in which a player sacrifices his piece to gain a strategic advantage. Will France be able to play its English Gambit after the British exit from the EU? In the modern world, the concept of a “great power” primarily presupposes the ability of the country to exert a serious influence on the most important global decisions. For a long time, France has not been able to act alone in the international arena and relies on its influence in the EU to achieve its goals. Therefore, it is obvious that Britain’s withdrawal from the forming the “European pole” of world politics was a serious blow both to the EU and to France. Of course, in the analysis of international relations “after something” does not always mean “as a result of something”, but in 2020–2021, a significant number of facts can be noted that testify to the negative impact of Brexit on the role of France in Europe and the world in general. The purpose of this study is to determine the impact of Britain’s exit from the EU on France’s political role in the European Union and, in general, on France’s global importance as a great power. The authors use comparative analysis, structural-functional method, etc. The empirical basis of the study was made up of media materials, statements and speeches of contemporary politicians, and documents of foreign policy institutions of France and the EU.","PeriodicalId":336122,"journal":{"name":"Vestnik of Saint Petersburg University. International relations","volume":"43 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"126563333","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 1900-01-01DOI: 10.21638/spbu06.2021.306
Vitalii E. Boldyrev
The article proposes a new understanding of the phenomenon of security as the desire of the state to achieve the most favourable trajectory of development under existing constraints. The concept of a favourable trajectory depends on objective factors and its subjective interpretations that are fixed in strategies and programs. In order to make these interpretations systematic and form a holistic model consisting of them, a new algorithm for strategical and program documents has been developed. According to the algorithm, every priority should be marked by code (or its combination) which corresponds to one of the subsystems of the global system and its component to create a database. The analysis of the database makes it possible to isolate problems whose relevance was artificially overestimated prior to elections, to forecast the directions of sequestration of their priorities, to determine the degree of continuity, to rank areas of the policy, to identify probable interconnections among them and to predict the foundations of a promising strategy. In regard to Biden’s program, the algorithm made it possible to achieve the following results. It was revealed that the program is more a succession to Trump’s strategy than innovative. The priority of the economic, social and financial spheres was artificially overestimated and the degree of their importance will be reduced after Biden’s inauguration. Economic, energy and legal spheres will be the cornerstones of Biden’s future strategy. Cyber, raw materials and technological subsystems will be assigned the role of drivers of development. Their successful functioning will be dependent on the dynamics of the military and agricultural sectors. In turn, demographic, trade, financial and credit, civil, humanitarian and cultural subsystems will acquire a more subordinate position and their role will be determined by the solution of specific issues. At the same time, it is difficult to determine the concrete positions and roles of future social and ecological policies because they had been overdeveloped or unclearly prioritized in the electoral program.
{"title":"US security provision under Joe Biden: A preliminary reconstruction of national strategy","authors":"Vitalii E. Boldyrev","doi":"10.21638/spbu06.2021.306","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21638/spbu06.2021.306","url":null,"abstract":"The article proposes a new understanding of the phenomenon of security as the desire of the state to achieve the most favourable trajectory of development under existing constraints. The concept of a favourable trajectory depends on objective factors and its subjective interpretations that are fixed in strategies and programs. In order to make these interpretations systematic and form a holistic model consisting of them, a new algorithm for strategical and program documents has been developed. According to the algorithm, every priority should be marked by code (or its combination) which corresponds to one of the subsystems of the global system and its component to create a database. The analysis of the database makes it possible to isolate problems whose relevance was artificially overestimated prior to elections, to forecast the directions of sequestration of their priorities, to determine the degree of continuity, to rank areas of the policy, to identify probable interconnections among them and to predict the foundations of a promising strategy. In regard to Biden’s program, the algorithm made it possible to achieve the following results. It was revealed that the program is more a succession to Trump’s strategy than innovative. The priority of the economic, social and financial spheres was artificially overestimated and the degree of their importance will be reduced after Biden’s inauguration. Economic, energy and legal spheres will be the cornerstones of Biden’s future strategy. Cyber, raw materials and technological subsystems will be assigned the role of drivers of development. Their successful functioning will be dependent on the dynamics of the military and agricultural sectors. In turn, demographic, trade, financial and credit, civil, humanitarian and cultural subsystems will acquire a more subordinate position and their role will be determined by the solution of specific issues. At the same time, it is difficult to determine the concrete positions and roles of future social and ecological policies because they had been overdeveloped or unclearly prioritized in the electoral program.","PeriodicalId":336122,"journal":{"name":"Vestnik of Saint Petersburg University. International relations","volume":"52 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"133612681","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 1900-01-01DOI: 10.21638/spbu06.2023.203
Grigorii Lanskoy
Paper is devoted to methodology and content of geopolitical studies realizing in United States of America. In their complex are analyzing historical and political studies of theoretical and practical type oriented to analysis of forms and directions of expansion and governance of different territories by state power institutions. In quality of examples having from point of contemporary development of international relations evident actuality in paper are selected monographs and articles devoted to external policy of Russian Empire in period of second half of 19th and beginning of 20th century. In content of these historiographical sources were precisely presented basic and partially stereotype forms of attraction by American authors of tendencies of development of other countries with mobilizational type of transformation and traditional for studies of these authors strategies forecasting of political and in large meaning social evolution of these countries. In quality of fundamental aspects diversified in these scientific and partly journalistic works in paper are presented points about global backwardness, forced and in this occasion temporary overcoming of existing evolutionary problems and final impossibility of successful concurrence of Russia and other countries with catching type of development with United States of America, Great Britain and mostly industrially developing states of continental Europe. To applied aspects of geopolitical studies realizing in USA in paper were referred interpretations of concrete historical events projected and presented in them and also their choice and systematization. This definition of studying object is conditioned by methodological connection between scientific analysis of facts and from one part by development of international relations and from other part by realizing by many authors decision of task of explaining external political strategy of state on base of ideologically determined historiographical discourse caused from one part by development of international relations and from other part by specific features of expert social mind.
{"title":"Fundamental and applied aspects of geopolitical studies in USA and their influence on contemporary practice of international relations","authors":"Grigorii Lanskoy","doi":"10.21638/spbu06.2023.203","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21638/spbu06.2023.203","url":null,"abstract":"Paper is devoted to methodology and content of geopolitical studies realizing in United States of America. In their complex are analyzing historical and political studies of theoretical and practical type oriented to analysis of forms and directions of expansion and governance of different territories by state power institutions. In quality of examples having from point of contemporary development of international relations evident actuality in paper are selected monographs and articles devoted to external policy of Russian Empire in period of second half of 19th and beginning of 20th century. In content of these historiographical sources were precisely presented basic and partially stereotype forms of attraction by American authors of tendencies of development of other countries with mobilizational type of transformation and traditional for studies of these authors strategies forecasting of political and in large meaning social evolution of these countries. In quality of fundamental aspects diversified in these scientific and partly journalistic works in paper are presented points about global backwardness, forced and in this occasion temporary overcoming of existing evolutionary problems and final impossibility of successful concurrence of Russia and other countries with catching type of development with United States of America, Great Britain and mostly industrially developing states of continental Europe. To applied aspects of geopolitical studies realizing in USA in paper were referred interpretations of concrete historical events projected and presented in them and also their choice and systematization. This definition of studying object is conditioned by methodological connection between scientific analysis of facts and from one part by development of international relations and from other part by realizing by many authors decision of task of explaining external political strategy of state on base of ideologically determined historiographical discourse caused from one part by development of international relations and from other part by specific features of expert social mind.","PeriodicalId":336122,"journal":{"name":"Vestnik of Saint Petersburg University. International relations","volume":"257 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"132426106","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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