Pub Date : 1900-01-01DOI: 10.21638/spbu06.2022.201
M. Freire
This article analyses the role of the CSCE/OSCE in the shaping of European security. The 1975 Helsinki Final Act put forward a broad understanding of security, implying economic, societal and other non-traditional dimensions of security, which was an innovation at the time, and promoted the idea of comprehensive security. The fall of the Berlin Wall and the end of the Soviet Union were understood then as an opportunity for promoting the “Common European home” principles as put forward by Gorbachev. This new context conferred a renewed sense of belonging to the “wide Europe” with no dividing walls. However, European security evolved differently; with different understandings and perceptions about the “other” taking shape, and creating lines of dissension in the articulation of an inclusive security order sought by the OSCE. The article argues the OSCE had difficulties in adjusting to the new postCold War security context, providing a mixed assessment of the organisation’s role in European security. This is so due to several factors, including the working rules of the organisation, the role and positioning of Russia within and towards the OSCE, and the drawing of the European security architecture around NATO and what this means to the OSCE as a piece in the European security puzzle.
{"title":"The evolving role of the OSCE in the shaping of european security","authors":"M. Freire","doi":"10.21638/spbu06.2022.201","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21638/spbu06.2022.201","url":null,"abstract":"This article analyses the role of the CSCE/OSCE in the shaping of European security. The 1975 Helsinki Final Act put forward a broad understanding of security, implying economic, societal and other non-traditional dimensions of security, which was an innovation at the time, and promoted the idea of comprehensive security. The fall of the Berlin Wall and the end of the Soviet Union were understood then as an opportunity for promoting the “Common European home” principles as put forward by Gorbachev. This new context conferred a renewed sense of belonging to the “wide Europe” with no dividing walls. However, European security evolved differently; with different understandings and perceptions about the “other” taking shape, and creating lines of dissension in the articulation of an inclusive security order sought by the OSCE. The article argues the OSCE had difficulties in adjusting to the new postCold War security context, providing a mixed assessment of the organisation’s role in European security. This is so due to several factors, including the working rules of the organisation, the role and positioning of Russia within and towards the OSCE, and the drawing of the European security architecture around NATO and what this means to the OSCE as a piece in the European security puzzle.","PeriodicalId":336122,"journal":{"name":"Vestnik of Saint Petersburg University. International relations","volume":"31 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"116659437","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 1900-01-01DOI: 10.21638/11701/spbu06.2019.209
Olga Yu. Smolenchuk
{"title":"Report ‘Srebrenica: a safe area’: intra-political discussions & public attention","authors":"Olga Yu. Smolenchuk","doi":"10.21638/11701/spbu06.2019.209","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21638/11701/spbu06.2019.209","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":336122,"journal":{"name":"Vestnik of Saint Petersburg University. International relations","volume":"61 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"121023316","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 1900-01-01DOI: 10.21638/spbu06.2022.407
Oksana Zaretskaya
The article deals with the restoration and changes of historical Russian-Norwegian relations in the European North during the transformation of the international order and the end of the bipolar world in the 1990s. The author defines the nature and specific features inherent in the Barents cooperation, reveals the historical stages of relations between Russia and Norway, as well as the prospects for further interaction between the above-mentioned countries. The relevance of the topic is justified by the need for a comprehensive study of the history of the formation and development of Russian-Norwegian cooperation in a period of changes in the international arena and the search for new areas of bilateral cooperation, taking into account the fact that a systematic study of the experience of Norway and Russia, which occupy a leading position in the Council of the Barents Euro-Arctic Region (CBEAR) is of great importance for assessing the current state and prospects for further development of relations in the region as a whole. In addition, the world politics of the late 20th — early 21st century was characterized by a trend of strengthening regional institutions and interregional cooperation. The focus of the BEAR was to provide comfortable conditions for a person living in the North. Accordingly, by maintaining a regular and mutually respectful dialogue, the participants in the Barents Cooperation consistently implemented various projects and developed a kind of “immunity to fluctuations in the international situation”, capable of isolating it from fluctuations in the geopolitical situation during the period under study. As an example of fruitful Russian- Norwegian cooperation, the paper analyzes cooperation between the northern provinces of Norway and the Arkhangelsk region in the fields of education, science and healthcare, as the most fruitful areas, with special attention to the development of cooperation within the BEAR.
{"title":"Russian-Norwegian relations and the transformation of bilateral cooperation at the end of the 20th century (on the example of the Arkhangelsk region)","authors":"Oksana Zaretskaya","doi":"10.21638/spbu06.2022.407","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21638/spbu06.2022.407","url":null,"abstract":"The article deals with the restoration and changes of historical Russian-Norwegian relations in the European North during the transformation of the international order and the end of the bipolar world in the 1990s. The author defines the nature and specific features inherent in the Barents cooperation, reveals the historical stages of relations between Russia and Norway, as well as the prospects for further interaction between the above-mentioned countries. The relevance of the topic is justified by the need for a comprehensive study of the history of the formation and development of Russian-Norwegian cooperation in a period of changes in the international arena and the search for new areas of bilateral cooperation, taking into account the fact that a systematic study of the experience of Norway and Russia, which occupy a leading position in the Council of the Barents Euro-Arctic Region (CBEAR) is of great importance for assessing the current state and prospects for further development of relations in the region as a whole. In addition, the world politics of the late 20th — early 21st century was characterized by a trend of strengthening regional institutions and interregional cooperation. The focus of the BEAR was to provide comfortable conditions for a person living in the North. Accordingly, by maintaining a regular and mutually respectful dialogue, the participants in the Barents Cooperation consistently implemented various projects and developed a kind of “immunity to fluctuations in the international situation”, capable of isolating it from fluctuations in the geopolitical situation during the period under study. As an example of fruitful Russian- Norwegian cooperation, the paper analyzes cooperation between the northern provinces of Norway and the Arkhangelsk region in the fields of education, science and healthcare, as the most fruitful areas, with special attention to the development of cooperation within the BEAR.","PeriodicalId":336122,"journal":{"name":"Vestnik of Saint Petersburg University. International relations","volume":"23 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"125046325","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 1900-01-01DOI: 10.21638/11701/spbu06.2019.401
I. Tsvetkov
{"title":"US—China rivalry as a factor of the contemporary US—Russia relations","authors":"I. Tsvetkov","doi":"10.21638/11701/spbu06.2019.401","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21638/11701/spbu06.2019.401","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":336122,"journal":{"name":"Vestnik of Saint Petersburg University. International relations","volume":"12 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"125144854","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 1900-01-01DOI: 10.21638/11701/spbu06.2019.306
V. Morozov
This article critically re-evaluates certain blind spots in the debate on the possibility of a cosmopolitan political community. It does so by addressing certain key areas where, in my view, remaining conceptual misunderstandings prevent a full articulation of the conflicting positions. In particular, I concentrate on the ontological differences between liberalism and poststructuralism which, as long as they are not laid plain, distort the exchange of ideas on the nature of the political and on the issues of identity, recognition and exclusion. I contend that in poststructuralist ontology antagonism remains the only force that can constitute an inside-outside boundary and thus establish an identity. Hence, one needs to agree with Sergei Prozorov when he insists that cosmopolitan politics can only be post-identitarian. I then analyse the differences between the two visions of generic post-identitarian politics identified by Prozorov — those of Alain Badiou and Giorgio Agamben. This analysis helps to highlight the thesis that even if we can conceive of a truly generic community that is not grounded in any identity and therefore does not presuppose external othering as a constitutive practice, we might still need antagonistic politics as the only means to make this community possible.
{"title":"Community Beyond Hegemony? Liberal Cosmopolitanism, Generic Emancipation and the Political","authors":"V. Morozov","doi":"10.21638/11701/spbu06.2019.306","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21638/11701/spbu06.2019.306","url":null,"abstract":"This article critically re-evaluates certain blind spots in the debate on the possibility of a cosmopolitan political community. It does so by addressing certain key areas where, in my view, remaining conceptual misunderstandings prevent a full articulation of the conflicting positions. In particular, I concentrate on the ontological differences between liberalism and poststructuralism which, as long as they are not laid plain, distort the exchange of ideas on the nature of the political and on the issues of identity, recognition and exclusion. I contend that in poststructuralist ontology antagonism remains the only force that can constitute an inside-outside boundary and thus establish an identity. Hence, one needs to agree with Sergei Prozorov when he insists that cosmopolitan politics can only be post-identitarian. I then analyse the differences between the two visions of generic post-identitarian politics identified by Prozorov — those of Alain Badiou and Giorgio Agamben. This analysis helps to highlight the thesis that even if we can conceive of a truly generic community that is not grounded in any identity and therefore does not presuppose external othering as a constitutive practice, we might still need antagonistic politics as the only means to make this community possible.","PeriodicalId":336122,"journal":{"name":"Vestnik of Saint Petersburg University. International relations","volume":"183 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"126028011","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 1900-01-01DOI: 10.21638/spbu06.2021.205
L. Deriglazova, Alina Chepchugova, V. Menkh
The article analyses the phenomenon of social exclusion and the EU policy in combating this problem. The article is based on the analysis of the works of European researchers, official EU documents and Eurostat statistical data. The concept of social exclusion began to develop actively in the second half of the 20th century, and quickly had been used by politicians of European countries to develop effective social policies and to fight poverty. The concept of social exclusion is not a synonymous to the concept of poverty, because exclusion offers a comprehensive study of the causes of poverty in developed societies and suggests theories that explain the causes of poverty. The concept of social exclusion becomes a policy tool, as it offers concrete directions for reduction of poverty and marginalized groups through system of targeted support, as well as actions to reduce the marginalization of groups and people living in poverty. The article presents methods of measuring this phenomenon that are used by the EU institutions to assess if individuals are at risk of poverty and social exclusion. In Russia, researchers and official representatives are noticeably interested in the concept of social exclusion. Methods of measuring poverty and social exclusion offered in the EU countries are being tested and discussed. Given the complexities of the transformation of social policy in modern Russia, taken pension reform, reform of public health system, family policy, and education, it is likely that the problem of social exclusion will remain being a distant target. Nevertheless, the interest of Russian specialists and officials to the problem and development of methods for measuring poverty using the experience of scientists from European countries provides some ground for optimism.
{"title":"Phenomenon of social exclusion in EU countries: Definition and measurements","authors":"L. Deriglazova, Alina Chepchugova, V. Menkh","doi":"10.21638/spbu06.2021.205","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21638/spbu06.2021.205","url":null,"abstract":"The article analyses the phenomenon of social exclusion and the EU policy in combating this problem. The article is based on the analysis of the works of European researchers, official EU documents and Eurostat statistical data. The concept of social exclusion began to develop actively in the second half of the 20th century, and quickly had been used by politicians of European countries to develop effective social policies and to fight poverty. The concept of social exclusion is not a synonymous to the concept of poverty, because exclusion offers a comprehensive study of the causes of poverty in developed societies and suggests theories that explain the causes of poverty. The concept of social exclusion becomes a policy tool, as it offers concrete directions for reduction of poverty and marginalized groups through system of targeted support, as well as actions to reduce the marginalization of groups and people living in poverty. The article presents methods of measuring this phenomenon that are used by the EU institutions to assess if individuals are at risk of poverty and social exclusion. In Russia, researchers and official representatives are noticeably interested in the concept of social exclusion. Methods of measuring poverty and social exclusion offered in the EU countries are being tested and discussed. Given the complexities of the transformation of social policy in modern Russia, taken pension reform, reform of public health system, family policy, and education, it is likely that the problem of social exclusion will remain being a distant target. Nevertheless, the interest of Russian specialists and officials to the problem and development of methods for measuring poverty using the experience of scientists from European countries provides some ground for optimism.","PeriodicalId":336122,"journal":{"name":"Vestnik of Saint Petersburg University. International relations","volume":"15 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"116228590","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 1900-01-01DOI: 10.21638/spbu06.2021.204
Natalia Zaslavskaya
The article examines the evolution of the European Commission appointment procedure in the context of the institutional balance between the Council of the EU, the European Parliament and the European Commission. The growing influence of the European Parliament on the appointment of the Commission and the nomination of its President is described as an indicator of the development of integration because it demonstrates how the EU supranational institutional system moves closer to the institutional systems of nation states. The European Parliament has gained power similar to national parliaments. The European elections’ results are taken into account during appointment of the European Commission. Despite remaining existing differences between the EU institutional system and national institutions, the author attempts to apply the Sartori concept in order to examine the dynamics of the EU institutional balance. As Sartori described, interaction between parties in national parliaments and governments and gradual transformation towards party government, similar tendencies could be found on the European level. The analysis of the theoretical interpretations, legal basis and practical experience of the European Commission’s appointment enables the author to determine the increased role of the European Parliament vis-à-vis other institutions and the growing importance of the European parties. The current procedure demonstrates a shift from the technocratic functional approach to an ideological approach leading to a growing importance of European politics.
{"title":"Appointment of the European Commission as an indicator of European integration development","authors":"Natalia Zaslavskaya","doi":"10.21638/spbu06.2021.204","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21638/spbu06.2021.204","url":null,"abstract":"The article examines the evolution of the European Commission appointment procedure in the context of the institutional balance between the Council of the EU, the European Parliament and the European Commission. The growing influence of the European Parliament on the appointment of the Commission and the nomination of its President is described as an indicator of the development of integration because it demonstrates how the EU supranational institutional system moves closer to the institutional systems of nation states. The European Parliament has gained power similar to national parliaments. The European elections’ results are taken into account during appointment of the European Commission. Despite remaining existing differences between the EU institutional system and national institutions, the author attempts to apply the Sartori concept in order to examine the dynamics of the EU institutional balance. As Sartori described, interaction between parties in national parliaments and governments and gradual transformation towards party government, similar tendencies could be found on the European level. The analysis of the theoretical interpretations, legal basis and practical experience of the European Commission’s appointment enables the author to determine the increased role of the European Parliament vis-à-vis other institutions and the growing importance of the European parties. The current procedure demonstrates a shift from the technocratic functional approach to an ideological approach leading to a growing importance of European politics.","PeriodicalId":336122,"journal":{"name":"Vestnik of Saint Petersburg University. International relations","volume":"4 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"114339036","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 1900-01-01DOI: 10.21638/spbu06.2022.403
V. Batyuk
This article examines the current state of the US-China strategic balance — both military and economic aspects of the latter. This balance, however, is not changing in favor of the United States. Currently, China is the largest economy in the world, and economic ties with China are too important for US partners and allies to break off trade and economic ties with China to please Washington. More importantly, the rapid growth of China’s military-technical potential in recent years has led to radical changes in the balance of power in the western Pacific. Washington has lost its former absolute military superiority in the coastal areas of the PRC, and in the event of a large-scale armed US-Chinese conflict in the Taiwan area or in the South China Sea, American losses will be enormous, and the United States will not be able to achieve a decisive victory during this conflict. Under these conditions, the American ruling elite is united in the fact that without a system of anti-Chinese alliances, which should unite both the countries of the Indo-Pacific region and countries outside the ITR, China’s containment is impossible. The Biden administration continued Trump’s policy of building a “sanitary cordon” around China with the involvement of extra-regional actors in this construction. We are talking about the creation of a military-political alliance AUKUS, which includes Australia, the United Kingdom and the United States. The purpose of this alliance is to counter China in the disputed areas of the South China Sea. It is concluded that the formation of such a system of alliances is difficult to achieve — and it’s not just that the partners and allies of the United States are too interested in maintaining trade and economic ties with China to participate in the creation of an anti-Chinese “sanitary cordon”. China’s strategic isolation is impossible if Russia cannot be brought into the anti-Chinese system of alliances. At present, however, China has a solid rear in the form of a growing Russian-Chinese partnership and cooperation. The actions of the United States and its allies, which Moscow and Beijing view as threatening and provocative (NATO expansion to the East; American block-building in the ITR) could not but lead to a serious revision by the Russian and Chinese leadership of military cooperation between the two powers.
{"title":"USA — China: Strategic balance","authors":"V. Batyuk","doi":"10.21638/spbu06.2022.403","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21638/spbu06.2022.403","url":null,"abstract":"This article examines the current state of the US-China strategic balance — both military and economic aspects of the latter. This balance, however, is not changing in favor of the United States. Currently, China is the largest economy in the world, and economic ties with China are too important for US partners and allies to break off trade and economic ties with China to please Washington. More importantly, the rapid growth of China’s military-technical potential in recent years has led to radical changes in the balance of power in the western Pacific. Washington has lost its former absolute military superiority in the coastal areas of the PRC, and in the event of a large-scale armed US-Chinese conflict in the Taiwan area or in the South China Sea, American losses will be enormous, and the United States will not be able to achieve a decisive victory during this conflict. Under these conditions, the American ruling elite is united in the fact that without a system of anti-Chinese alliances, which should unite both the countries of the Indo-Pacific region and countries outside the ITR, China’s containment is impossible. The Biden administration continued Trump’s policy of building a “sanitary cordon” around China with the involvement of extra-regional actors in this construction. We are talking about the creation of a military-political alliance AUKUS, which includes Australia, the United Kingdom and the United States. The purpose of this alliance is to counter China in the disputed areas of the South China Sea. It is concluded that the formation of such a system of alliances is difficult to achieve — and it’s not just that the partners and allies of the United States are too interested in maintaining trade and economic ties with China to participate in the creation of an anti-Chinese “sanitary cordon”. China’s strategic isolation is impossible if Russia cannot be brought into the anti-Chinese system of alliances. At present, however, China has a solid rear in the form of a growing Russian-Chinese partnership and cooperation. The actions of the United States and its allies, which Moscow and Beijing view as threatening and provocative (NATO expansion to the East; American block-building in the ITR) could not but lead to a serious revision by the Russian and Chinese leadership of military cooperation between the two powers.","PeriodicalId":336122,"journal":{"name":"Vestnik of Saint Petersburg University. International relations","volume":"70 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"116347478","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 1900-01-01DOI: 10.21638/spbu06.2021.305
Victoria Yu. Zhuravleva
In 1960 one of the leading researchers of the American Presidency, professor and an adviser to a number of US presidents Richard Neustadt formulated the iconic formula where presidential power needed to cooperate with the Congress — persuade, negotiate and compromise. But since political reality has changed so deeply, today only a God gifted negotiator is able to fulfill its power in polarized Washington, D.C. A modern day president should be a legislator and a showman rolled into one to succeed in his mission. According to the Constitution, the American legislative process is based on the consensus between all participants, while both the President and the Congress have the power of legislative initiative. It is the president who is responsible for gaining this consensus between all the initiators. In time of political polarization parties which traditionally had been the facilitators of this way to compromise became the main obstacles. From the presidential ticket to the Congress, they turned out to be the main headache of the president. Joe Biden came to White House with a reputation of being a skilled compromiser. But while it has been his advantage with the electorate, the left wing of his party strongly opposes his centrist ideology. Donald Trump named himself a brilliant deal maker, but his business experience of making deals appeared to be irrelevant in polarized D.C. Why has it turned out to be so hard to bring a consensus to today’s political process? Will Biden be able to change this trend and reunite the Nation as he promised during his inauguration?
{"title":"American presidents in polarized D.C.: From Barack Obama to Joe Biden","authors":"Victoria Yu. Zhuravleva","doi":"10.21638/spbu06.2021.305","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21638/spbu06.2021.305","url":null,"abstract":"In 1960 one of the leading researchers of the American Presidency, professor and an adviser to a number of US presidents Richard Neustadt formulated the iconic formula where presidential power needed to cooperate with the Congress — persuade, negotiate and compromise. But since political reality has changed so deeply, today only a God gifted negotiator is able to fulfill its power in polarized Washington, D.C. A modern day president should be a legislator and a showman rolled into one to succeed in his mission. According to the Constitution, the American legislative process is based on the consensus between all participants, while both the President and the Congress have the power of legislative initiative. It is the president who is responsible for gaining this consensus between all the initiators. In time of political polarization parties which traditionally had been the facilitators of this way to compromise became the main obstacles. From the presidential ticket to the Congress, they turned out to be the main headache of the president. Joe Biden came to White House with a reputation of being a skilled compromiser. But while it has been his advantage with the electorate, the left wing of his party strongly opposes his centrist ideology. Donald Trump named himself a brilliant deal maker, but his business experience of making deals appeared to be irrelevant in polarized D.C. Why has it turned out to be so hard to bring a consensus to today’s political process? Will Biden be able to change this trend and reunite the Nation as he promised during his inauguration?","PeriodicalId":336122,"journal":{"name":"Vestnik of Saint Petersburg University. International relations","volume":"8 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"125458631","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 1900-01-01DOI: 10.21638/spbu06.2023.104
I. Shkrobtak
This study is devoted to the study of the main directions of the development of British defense and security policy. The article analyzes the main directions of the strategy of this sphere of activity of the United Kingdom, examines the situation of the British military-industrial complex and the main challenges facing the national defense and security of London. The paper explores the main directions of defense and security policy, the vision of challenges by the British political and military leadership. The turn of the United Kingdom’s priorities in defense and security from “hybrid threats” to the possibility of confrontation with the regular forces of major military powers and its causes are revealed. One of the most important observations in the article is the role of the withdrawal of Allied troops from Afghanistan and its consequences in the British defense strategy. The importance of the Ukrainian conflict since February 24, 2022 and the involvement of British military and political resources in it is emphasized. The paper also examines the possible consequences of this conflict for British defense and security. The main conclusion of the work is the thesis about the collapse of the concept of “Global Britain” due to the lack of adequate resources to control a number of regions (first of all, we are talking about the Middle East, the Black Sea basin and Central Asia) and the decline in the level of competence of the top political leadership of the United Kingdom. The crisis in the British military-industrial complex and its dependence on foreign technologies and products is stated. In addition, the study predicts a possible fundamental reformatting of British foreign policy due to the challenges facing the defense and security of London.
{"title":"Perspectives of Great Britain’s defense policy in 2020–2030s","authors":"I. Shkrobtak","doi":"10.21638/spbu06.2023.104","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21638/spbu06.2023.104","url":null,"abstract":"This study is devoted to the study of the main directions of the development of British defense and security policy. The article analyzes the main directions of the strategy of this sphere of activity of the United Kingdom, examines the situation of the British military-industrial complex and the main challenges facing the national defense and security of London. The paper explores the main directions of defense and security policy, the vision of challenges by the British political and military leadership. The turn of the United Kingdom’s priorities in defense and security from “hybrid threats” to the possibility of confrontation with the regular forces of major military powers and its causes are revealed. One of the most important observations in the article is the role of the withdrawal of Allied troops from Afghanistan and its consequences in the British defense strategy. The importance of the Ukrainian conflict since February 24, 2022 and the involvement of British military and political resources in it is emphasized. The paper also examines the possible consequences of this conflict for British defense and security. The main conclusion of the work is the thesis about the collapse of the concept of “Global Britain” due to the lack of adequate resources to control a number of regions (first of all, we are talking about the Middle East, the Black Sea basin and Central Asia) and the decline in the level of competence of the top political leadership of the United Kingdom. The crisis in the British military-industrial complex and its dependence on foreign technologies and products is stated. In addition, the study predicts a possible fundamental reformatting of British foreign policy due to the challenges facing the defense and security of London.","PeriodicalId":336122,"journal":{"name":"Vestnik of Saint Petersburg University. International relations","volume":"315 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"132066927","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
京公网安备 11010802042870号
京ICP备2023020795号-1
扫码关注我们
求助内容：
应助结果提醒方式：