Pub Date : 2021-04-14DOI: 10.21638/SPBU06.2021.103
I. Novikova, D. Popov
Russian-Danish economic cooperation has a long and rich history, in which St. Petersburg, due to its geographical location, has always played an important role. The study of the role of large megacities in national foreign economic policy is now of great scientific and practical importance. The authors of this article attempt to examine the economic sphere of paradiplomacy based on the example of St. Petersburg. The article analyzes the legal framework for economic cooperation between St. Petersburg and Denmark, trade and investment cooperation, determines the place of St. Petersburg in the total trade turnover of Russia with Denmark, and the importance of Danish exports and imports for St. Petersburg’s economy. Special attention is paid to the period 2014–2020, namely, the impact of the sanctions regime on Danish and St. Petersburg economic cooperation, as well as the new role of the Danish autonomous regions — the Faroe Islands and Greenland. The authors determine that there were no drastic changes in the economic interaction between St. Petersburg and Denmark after the introduction of sanctions. Although the counter-sanctions reduced the supply of Danish food products, the export of St. Petersburg goods to Denmark increased. The vacuum created by the reduction in the supply of Danish products was filled by enterprising residents of the Faroe Islands, who are not members of the European Union (EU). St. Petersburg has become one of the key centers of consumption of Faroese fish and seafood. The main obstacles to the development of economic cooperation between St. Petersburg and Denmark remain: value differences between the Russian Federation and the EU, the sanctions regime, an outdated regulatory framework, and a high degree of distrust between partners, which is beginning to affect the pragmatic sphere of the economy. The global economic crisis caused by the coronavirus pandemic also has a negative impact on economic cooperation between St. Petersburg and Denmark. However, the epidemic opens up new opportunities for cooperation in areas that were on the periphery of Danish-Russian economic relations: digitalization of the economy and education, urbanism and the implementation of the ideas of a “smart city”, cooperation in the field of pharmaceuticals and medical technologies, and cybersecurity.
{"title":"Foreign economic cooperation between St. Petersburg and Denmark in the 21st century: Main trends, problems, prospects","authors":"I. Novikova, D. Popov","doi":"10.21638/SPBU06.2021.103","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21638/SPBU06.2021.103","url":null,"abstract":"Russian-Danish economic cooperation has a long and rich history, in which St. Petersburg, due to its geographical location, has always played an important role. The study of the role of large megacities in national foreign economic policy is now of great scientific and practical importance. The authors of this article attempt to examine the economic sphere of paradiplomacy based on the example of St. Petersburg. The article analyzes the legal framework for economic cooperation between St. Petersburg and Denmark, trade and investment cooperation, determines the place of St. Petersburg in the total trade turnover of Russia with Denmark, and the importance of Danish exports and imports for St. Petersburg’s economy. Special attention is paid to the period 2014–2020, namely, the impact of the sanctions regime on Danish and St. Petersburg economic cooperation, as well as the new role of the Danish autonomous regions — the Faroe Islands and Greenland. The authors determine that there were no drastic changes in the economic interaction between St. Petersburg and Denmark after the introduction of sanctions. Although the counter-sanctions reduced the supply of Danish food products, the export of St. Petersburg goods to Denmark increased. The vacuum created by the reduction in the supply of Danish products was filled by enterprising residents of the Faroe Islands, who are not members of the European Union (EU). St. Petersburg has become one of the key centers of consumption of Faroese fish and seafood. The main obstacles to the development of economic cooperation between St. Petersburg and Denmark remain: value differences between the Russian Federation and the EU, the sanctions regime, an outdated regulatory framework, and a high degree of distrust between partners, which is beginning to affect the pragmatic sphere of the economy. The global economic crisis caused by the coronavirus pandemic also has a negative impact on economic cooperation between St. Petersburg and Denmark. However, the epidemic opens up new opportunities for cooperation in areas that were on the periphery of Danish-Russian economic relations: digitalization of the economy and education, urbanism and the implementation of the ideas of a “smart city”, cooperation in the field of pharmaceuticals and medical technologies, and cybersecurity.","PeriodicalId":336122,"journal":{"name":"Vestnik of Saint Petersburg University. International relations","volume":"207 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-04-14","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"122322331","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-04-14DOI: 10.21638/SPBU06.2021.101
R. Sakwa
The Covid-19 pandemic represented a major event in world history, although its political character remains disputed. It is too early to tell what long-term impact the coronavirus will have on international affairs, but its immediate results are clear. The article examines the context of the pandemic and some of the salient effects, noting that it has acted as an accelerant rather than a game changer. The paper then contextualises these changes into the larger pattern of Russian foreign policy, noting the way that the pandemic only deepened and in parts accelerated existing tendencies and trends. International politics remain trapped between post-war patterns in the Atlantic power system and the emergence of new challenges, above all the nascent bipolarity between the United States and China. Russia seeks to manoeuvre in this new constellation, including by advancing its civilisational autonomy. Instead of introducing greater flux into international affairs, the pandemic only confirmed and intensified the existing impasse, and the long-anticipated multipolarity remains more of an aspiration than a reality. The stasis in international affairs remains in place.
{"title":"The pandemic, Russia and the West","authors":"R. Sakwa","doi":"10.21638/SPBU06.2021.101","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21638/SPBU06.2021.101","url":null,"abstract":"The Covid-19 pandemic represented a major event in world history, although its political character remains disputed. It is too early to tell what long-term impact the coronavirus will have on international affairs, but its immediate results are clear. The article examines the context of the pandemic and some of the salient effects, noting that it has acted as an accelerant rather than a game changer. The paper then contextualises these changes into the larger pattern of Russian foreign policy, noting the way that the pandemic only deepened and in parts accelerated existing tendencies and trends. International politics remain trapped between post-war patterns in the Atlantic power system and the emergence of new challenges, above all the nascent bipolarity between the United States and China. Russia seeks to manoeuvre in this new constellation, including by advancing its civilisational autonomy. Instead of introducing greater flux into international affairs, the pandemic only confirmed and intensified the existing impasse, and the long-anticipated multipolarity remains more of an aspiration than a reality. The stasis in international affairs remains in place.","PeriodicalId":336122,"journal":{"name":"Vestnik of Saint Petersburg University. International relations","volume":"64 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-04-14","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"125101565","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-12-01DOI: 10.21638/11701/SPBU06.2019.407
A. Velikaya
on neutral activities — cultural diplomacy, twin city initiatives, and sub-state diplomacy. Still, the agenda could be extended, but political will from both sides is needed. The target audience for Russian public diplomacy is the “Greater Eurasia,” the United States is a less significant, albeit “problematic” area. For US public diplomacy, Russia is viewed not in the context of “engagement” strategy, but from the standpoint of countering propaganda. At the same time, the strategic dialogue of the two largest nuclear powers is conducted through analytical centers and the expert community. The target audience of Russian — US public diplomacy — undergraduates, graduate students, lecturers, journalists — are involved in the bilateral programs, but not on a systematic basis. To reveal the problems of the bilateral public diplomacy, and ways to solve them, the author addresses several top experts in the field and reveals their recommendations in the article.
{"title":"Russian — US public diplomacy: Comparative aspects and dialogue prospects","authors":"A. Velikaya","doi":"10.21638/11701/SPBU06.2019.407","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21638/11701/SPBU06.2019.407","url":null,"abstract":"on neutral activities — cultural diplomacy, twin city initiatives, and sub-state diplomacy. Still, the agenda could be extended, but political will from both sides is needed. The target audience for Russian public diplomacy is the “Greater Eurasia,” the United States is a less significant, albeit “problematic” area. For US public diplomacy, Russia is viewed not in the context of “engagement” strategy, but from the standpoint of countering propaganda. At the same time, the strategic dialogue of the two largest nuclear powers is conducted through analytical centers and the expert community. The target audience of Russian — US public diplomacy — undergraduates, graduate students, lecturers, journalists — are involved in the bilateral programs, but not on a systematic basis. To reveal the problems of the bilateral public diplomacy, and ways to solve them, the author addresses several top experts in the field and reveals their recommendations in the article.","PeriodicalId":336122,"journal":{"name":"Vestnik of Saint Petersburg University. International relations","volume":"78 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"115754508","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-12-01DOI: 10.21638/11701/SPBU06.2019.408
N. Gudalov, Evgenii Yu. Treshchenkov, D. A. Levi, T. S. Nemchinova, Mariia L. Lagutina
The article is prepared based on the results of the J. Monnet grant (project) № 2017-2618 “Simulating EU-Eurasian Economic Union Negotiations to Encourage Transnational Active Learning and Civil Dialogue”.
{"title":"Conferences on political modeling: Simulating European Union — Eurasian Economic Union negotiations","authors":"N. Gudalov, Evgenii Yu. Treshchenkov, D. A. Levi, T. S. Nemchinova, Mariia L. Lagutina","doi":"10.21638/11701/SPBU06.2019.408","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21638/11701/SPBU06.2019.408","url":null,"abstract":"The article is prepared based on the results of the J. Monnet grant (project) № 2017-2618 “Simulating \u0000EU-Eurasian Economic Union Negotiations to Encourage Transnational Active Learning and Civil \u0000Dialogue”.","PeriodicalId":336122,"journal":{"name":"Vestnik of Saint Petersburg University. International relations","volume":"21 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"126347466","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-12-01DOI: 10.21638/11701/SPBU06.2019.409
D. Lanko
Many people, especially in, but not limited to Europe, tend to believe that if something is good, it must have a long history. There are various implications of this assumption across social sciences and humanities. In democracy studies, for example, the assumption has produced the debate on the differences between “old” and “new” democracies, many participants of which have arrived in conclusion that old democracies are more stable, while new democracies are more fragile [1]. Representatives of far-right movements in various European countries, including in Russia and some other new independent states, who are predominantly proponents of primordial theory of nationalism [2], are engaged in debates with each other about whose nation is “older” assuming that “older” nations are also “better”, despite both the “conclusion” and the “logic” behind it seem absurd to me. Closer to international relations, in 2003 the assumption became the primary reason for many Europeans not to buy then US Defense Secretary Donald Rumsfeld’s argument that “old” European countries are outdated in their refusal to support US policy in Iraq, while Europe must “renew” in the way demonstrated by “new” European countries, which predominantly supported the Iraq war [3]. Back then and today, most people in “new” European countries want their countries to become “older”, and most people in “old” European countries do not want their countries to become “younger”. Awareness of this assumption is an important prerequisite to reading of MGIMO (Moscow State Institute of International Relations University) Professor Marina Lebedeva’s “Russian Studies of IR”. Lebedeva rightly points that very few Russian scholars in the field of international studies doubt that “the Westphalian system with its ideas of sover-
{"title":"A glorious history of international studies in Russia","authors":"D. Lanko","doi":"10.21638/11701/SPBU06.2019.409","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21638/11701/SPBU06.2019.409","url":null,"abstract":"Many people, especially in, but not limited to Europe, tend to believe that if something is good, it must have a long history. There are various implications of this assumption across social sciences and humanities. In democracy studies, for example, the assumption has produced the debate on the differences between “old” and “new” democracies, many participants of which have arrived in conclusion that old democracies are more stable, while new democracies are more fragile [1]. Representatives of far-right movements in various European countries, including in Russia and some other new independent states, who are predominantly proponents of primordial theory of nationalism [2], are engaged in debates with each other about whose nation is “older” assuming that “older” nations are also “better”, despite both the “conclusion” and the “logic” behind it seem absurd to me. Closer to international relations, in 2003 the assumption became the primary reason for many Europeans not to buy then US Defense Secretary Donald Rumsfeld’s argument that “old” European countries are outdated in their refusal to support US policy in Iraq, while Europe must “renew” in the way demonstrated by “new” European countries, which predominantly supported the Iraq war [3]. Back then and today, most people in “new” European countries want their countries to become “older”, and most people in “old” European countries do not want their countries to become “younger”. Awareness of this assumption is an important prerequisite to reading of MGIMO (Moscow State Institute of International Relations University) Professor Marina Lebedeva’s “Russian Studies of IR”. Lebedeva rightly points that very few Russian scholars in the field of international studies doubt that “the Westphalian system with its ideas of sover-","PeriodicalId":336122,"journal":{"name":"Vestnik of Saint Petersburg University. International relations","volume":"67 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"132382689","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-12-01DOI: 10.21638/11701/SPBU06.2019.410
A. Bogdanov, Yulia K. Boguslavskaya
{"title":"Russian-American relations in a changing world: A new contribution to the discussion on the future of international order","authors":"A. Bogdanov, Yulia K. Boguslavskaya","doi":"10.21638/11701/SPBU06.2019.410","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21638/11701/SPBU06.2019.410","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":336122,"journal":{"name":"Vestnik of Saint Petersburg University. International relations","volume":"52 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"128453210","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-06-01DOI: 10.21638/11701/spbu06.2019.201
V. Jeifets
{"title":"Latin America in search of new formats of international cooperation","authors":"V. Jeifets","doi":"10.21638/11701/spbu06.2019.201","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21638/11701/spbu06.2019.201","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":336122,"journal":{"name":"Vestnik of Saint Petersburg University. International relations","volume":"1 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"129274014","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-06-01DOI: 10.21638/11701/spbu06.2019.204
A. Manukhin, Areli Robles Herrera
medium-power status. In this article we examine the search by Mexico for new security instruments in Central America, putting forward the issues of mutual development, migration and combat on violence. Particular attention is paid to the change in Mexico-U.S. relationship as regards Central America, both in matters of its domestic policy and international assistance efforts. It is concluded that the sub-region provides Mexico with wide opportunities not only to estab-lish partnerships along the lines of regional cooperation but also use the smaller republics to the south as a model for solving its own security problems.
{"title":"Mexico’s Evolving Security Cooperation Policy in Central America","authors":"A. Manukhin, Areli Robles Herrera","doi":"10.21638/11701/spbu06.2019.204","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21638/11701/spbu06.2019.204","url":null,"abstract":"medium-power status. In this article we examine the search by Mexico for new security instruments in Central America, putting forward the issues of mutual development, migration and combat on violence. Particular attention is paid to the change in Mexico-U.S. relationship as regards Central America, both in matters of its domestic policy and international assistance efforts. It is concluded that the sub-region provides Mexico with wide opportunities not only to estab-lish partnerships along the lines of regional cooperation but also use the smaller republics to the south as a model for solving its own security problems.","PeriodicalId":336122,"journal":{"name":"Vestnik of Saint Petersburg University. International relations","volume":"31 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"121632067","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-06-01DOI: 10.21638/11701/spbu06.2019.202
A. Serbín
Latin America and the Caribbean as a region faces an intricate process of transition. This process is conditioned by the changes currently ongoing in the international environment, by a reconfiguration of the regional political map and by an exhaustion of the attempts to build regionalization and political consensus of the preceding decade, associated at the time to the boom of commodities and the rise of populist and leftist governments. To the difficulties faced by CELAC — where the construction of consensuses by an atomized region vis a vis external actors becomes extremely difficult, it should be added the evident weakening of the ALBA with the exhaustion of the Venezuelan capacity to nourish with oil resources the cooperation that sustains the Bolivarian scheme and a crisis underway in UNASUR where — particularly as a result of the Venezuelan crisis and the paralysis of the institution — six of its member countries (half of its total membership) have questioned the functioning of the agency and threaten to withdraw their membership. Although the Venezuelan crisis may be the epicenter of this regional situation and its impact — possibly polarizing — on the crossroads that are confronting regionalism and regional integration, introspection is not enough. The potential convergence of MERCOSUR with the Pacific Alliance, the redefinition of the external policies of its members as a result of electoral changes or the re-shaping of its domestic dynamics do not fully explain the current shift and it is necessary to combine it with the understanding of the pressures imposed by a changing global environment, where the crisis of globalization, the difficulties to build global governance, the weakening of multilateralism and the decline of the international liberal order are associated with the reconfiguration and diffusion of power worldwide, within a framework of a series of developments plagued by uncertainties and risks for the region. In this perspective, this article addresses the different dimensions of global transformations and its impact on the region and the challenges that the region faces in order to adapt to the changes in the current international environment.
{"title":"Latin America and the Caribbean and a New Global Order: Facing Global and Regional Challenges","authors":"A. Serbín","doi":"10.21638/11701/spbu06.2019.202","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21638/11701/spbu06.2019.202","url":null,"abstract":"Latin America and the Caribbean as a region faces an intricate process of transition. This process is conditioned by the changes currently ongoing in the international environment, by a reconfiguration of the regional political map and by an exhaustion of the attempts to build regionalization and political consensus of the preceding decade, associated at the time to the boom of commodities and the rise of populist and leftist governments. To the difficulties faced by CELAC — where the construction of consensuses by an atomized region vis a vis external actors becomes extremely difficult, it should be added the evident weakening of the ALBA with the exhaustion of the Venezuelan capacity to nourish with oil resources the cooperation that sustains the Bolivarian scheme and a crisis underway in UNASUR where — particularly as a result of the Venezuelan crisis and the paralysis of the institution — six of its member countries (half of its total membership) have questioned the functioning of the agency and threaten to withdraw their membership. Although the Venezuelan crisis may be the epicenter of this regional situation and its impact — possibly polarizing — on the crossroads that are confronting regionalism and regional integration, introspection is not enough. The potential convergence of MERCOSUR with the Pacific Alliance, the redefinition of the external policies of its members as a result of electoral changes or the re-shaping of its domestic dynamics do not fully explain the current shift and it is necessary to combine it with the understanding of the pressures imposed by a changing global environment, where the crisis of globalization, the difficulties to build global governance, the weakening of multilateralism and the decline of the international liberal order are associated with the reconfiguration and diffusion of power worldwide, within a framework of a series of developments plagued by uncertainties and risks for the region. In this perspective, this article addresses the different dimensions of global transformations and its impact on the region and the challenges that the region faces in order to adapt to the changes in the current international environment.","PeriodicalId":336122,"journal":{"name":"Vestnik of Saint Petersburg University. International relations","volume":"63 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"127553679","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-06-01DOI: 10.21638/11701/spbu06.2019.203
A. Abdenur
The literature on Brazil-China relations has expanded rapidly during the past decade, but most of this scholarship has focused on bilateral channels or on the broad trends in how China’s growing presence impacts politics, economics, and society in Brazil. Largely left out of this equation is how China’s cooperation and competition dynamics within its own region shape its relations to Brazil. How does the promotion of the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) affect Brazil’s relations with China? This paper draws on official documents and statistics to analyze how the BRI affects Brazil ́s relations with China along three dimensions: the economic, strategic, and political spheres. I argue that, despite the geographic distances separating Brazil from the Belt and Road Initiative, the initiative has concrete repercussions for Brazil’s bilateral and multilateral dealings with China through a ripple effect emerging out of the BRI’s spatial configuration. The paper also proposes that most of this impact is shaped by a ripple effect emerging out of the BRI’s spatial configuration, although some components of the initiative, namely the Digital Belt and Road, are less anchored in geographic space. Brazilian researchers and policymakers must think beyond bilateral channels and consider how geopolitics and geoeconomics shape Brazil-China relations.
{"title":"Navigating the Ripple Effects: Brazil-China Relations in Light of the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI)","authors":"A. Abdenur","doi":"10.21638/11701/spbu06.2019.203","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21638/11701/spbu06.2019.203","url":null,"abstract":"The literature on Brazil-China relations has expanded rapidly during the past decade, but most of this scholarship has focused on bilateral channels or on the broad trends in how China’s growing presence impacts politics, economics, and society in Brazil. Largely left out of this equation is how China’s cooperation and competition dynamics within its own region shape its relations to Brazil. How does the promotion of the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) affect Brazil’s relations with China? This paper draws on official documents and statistics to analyze how the BRI affects Brazil ́s relations with China along three dimensions: the economic, strategic, and political spheres. I argue that, despite the geographic distances separating Brazil from the Belt and Road Initiative, the initiative has concrete repercussions for Brazil’s bilateral and multilateral dealings with China through a ripple effect emerging out of the BRI’s spatial configuration. The paper also proposes that most of this impact is shaped by a ripple effect emerging out of the BRI’s spatial configuration, although some components of the initiative, namely the Digital Belt and Road, are less anchored in geographic space. Brazilian researchers and policymakers must think beyond bilateral channels and consider how geopolitics and geoeconomics shape Brazil-China relations.","PeriodicalId":336122,"journal":{"name":"Vestnik of Saint Petersburg University. International relations","volume":"206 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"133969038","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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