Pub Date : 2023-01-16DOI: 10.53477/2284-9378-22-96
Silviu-Iulian Gimiga
Robotics and artificial intelligence are high technologies that are pushing the boundaries of human civilization. Recent decisions made by international military organizations have launched major programs for the development of new technologies that will lead society to modernity while increasing security for the entire world population. The dynamics of technological progress are constantly increasing due to economic and military advantages and, at the same time, the desire of researchers and scientists to go beyond the limits is a result of the challenges we face on a daily basis. The physiognomy of military conflicts is becoming more complex as a result of the unprecedented development of modern military technologies, which, when combined with conventional technologies, change the approaches to planning and the principles of operational use of forces and means.
{"title":"THE IMPACT OF ROBOTICS AND ARTIFICIAL INTELLIGENCE ON FUTURE MILITARY CONFLICTS","authors":"Silviu-Iulian Gimiga","doi":"10.53477/2284-9378-22-96","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.53477/2284-9378-22-96","url":null,"abstract":"Robotics and artificial intelligence are high technologies that are pushing the boundaries of human civilization. Recent decisions made by international military organizations have launched major programs for the development of new technologies that will lead society to modernity while increasing security for the entire world population. The dynamics of technological progress are constantly increasing due to economic and military advantages and, at the same time, the desire of researchers and scientists to go beyond the limits is a result of the challenges we face on a daily basis. The physiognomy of military conflicts is becoming more complex as a result of the unprecedented development of modern military technologies, which, when combined with conventional technologies, change the approaches to planning and the principles of operational use of forces and means.","PeriodicalId":33675,"journal":{"name":"Bulletin of Carol I National Defense University","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-01-16","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49568475","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-16DOI: 10.53477/2284-9378-22-95
Raluca Luțai, A. Mihaescu
According to principles of economic security, in this era of globalization and interdependencies, we understand that economic agents work competitively in uncertain markets. In the current international economic field, we cannot find either a perfect balance or long-term security conditions. Yet, this insecurity has the ability to stimulate the competitive field, to encourage innovation and adaptive competences. The anticipation of rapid evolutions and transformations which occur within markets or different industries represents a challenge which company managers handle with increasing difficulty. Even though much scholarly attention is paid to conceptual elements of competitive intelligence and its benefits, little is known about the way open-source intelligence can act like an instrument. This paper addresses this gap in the literature and analyze the way open-source intelligence can provide support for competitive intelligence actions.
{"title":"COMPETITIVE INTELLIGENCE AND OPEN SOURCE INTELLIGENCE – USEFUL TOOLS FOR COMPETITIVE BUSINESS","authors":"Raluca Luțai, A. Mihaescu","doi":"10.53477/2284-9378-22-95","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.53477/2284-9378-22-95","url":null,"abstract":"According to principles of economic security, in this era of globalization and interdependencies, we understand that economic agents work competitively in uncertain markets. In the current international economic field, we cannot find either a perfect balance or long-term security conditions. Yet, this insecurity has the ability to stimulate the competitive field, to encourage innovation and adaptive competences. The anticipation of rapid evolutions and transformations which occur within markets or different industries represents a challenge which company managers handle with increasing difficulty. Even though much scholarly attention is paid to conceptual elements of competitive intelligence and its benefits, little is known about the way open-source intelligence can act like an instrument. This paper addresses this gap in the literature and analyze the way open-source intelligence can provide support for competitive intelligence actions.","PeriodicalId":33675,"journal":{"name":"Bulletin of Carol I National Defense University","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-01-16","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46800599","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-16DOI: 10.53477/2284-9378-22-98
Mădălina Strechie
Romeʼs fiercest enemy, the one who defeated Rome on its own in the Second Punic War, Hannibalus was one of the most special warriors of all time, so we can call the Second Punic War, his war. It was through all the actions he really took his war with Rome, both after all the outstanding theories about the war, but especially by the fact that the talented Carthaginian general defeated Rome at her home, shattering the myth of her invincibility, as a city of Mars. We are not wrong when we claim that Hannibal would have defeated the god of war in this conflict as well.From the beginning of military hostilities to their end, the perfect strategist of the Puns fully controlled the theatre of operations, even being its sole director, putting his enemy, Rome, in the most disastrous situation of all time. Basically, Hannibal eliminated the echelon of command of the Roman army, but also the Roman army that is shattered in three successive battles at Trebia, Trasimenus and Cannae, ending up threatening Rome itself through the famous ante portas episode. Even though Hannibalʼs war did not result in Hannibal’s peace, the intention of the brilliant general was to eliminate Rome as an armed force and economic strength, an objective fully accomplished during the military operations. The detail that eluded him was the Roman tenacity, the one that stole his peace, but Hannibal has entirely the paternity of the second war between the Puns and the Romans, being to this day a genius of the art of war, unmatched yet.
{"title":"HANNIBALʼS STRATAGEMS","authors":"Mădălina Strechie","doi":"10.53477/2284-9378-22-98","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.53477/2284-9378-22-98","url":null,"abstract":"Romeʼs fiercest enemy, the one who defeated Rome on its own in the Second Punic War, Hannibalus was one of the most special warriors of all time, so we can call the Second Punic War, his war. It was through all the actions he really took his war with Rome, both after all the outstanding theories about the war, but especially by the fact that the talented Carthaginian general defeated Rome at her home, shattering the myth of her invincibility, as a city of Mars. We are not wrong when we claim that Hannibal would have defeated the god of war in this conflict as well.From the beginning of military hostilities to their end, the perfect strategist of the Puns fully controlled the theatre of operations, even being its sole director, putting his enemy, Rome, in the most disastrous situation of all time. Basically, Hannibal eliminated the echelon of command of the Roman army, but also the Roman army that is shattered in three successive battles at Trebia, Trasimenus and Cannae, ending up threatening Rome itself through the famous ante portas episode. Even though Hannibalʼs war did not result in Hannibal’s peace, the intention of the brilliant general was to eliminate Rome as an armed force and economic strength, an objective fully accomplished during the military operations. The detail that eluded him was the Roman tenacity, the one that stole his peace, but Hannibal has entirely the paternity of the second war between the Puns and the Romans, being to this day a genius of the art of war, unmatched yet.","PeriodicalId":33675,"journal":{"name":"Bulletin of Carol I National Defense University","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-01-16","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45908635","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-16DOI: 10.53477/2284-9378-22-89
Petar Murginski
Some authors have been highly critical of populism and naturally, this has raised the question of whether populism is dangerous for democracy or not. I wish to provide a critique of this claim and instead suggest that populism is sometimes necessary for established democracies. Developing this argument, this paper proceeds as follows: Firstly, I will outline Urbinati’s criticism of populism. Secondly, using Popper’s paradox of tolerance, I will show how Urbinati’s view is teleological and becomes a defence of the status quo thereby impeding political progress. Thirdly, I will show how populism’s relationship with democracy is best conceptualised as a creatively destructive one and how populists, once having accepted the Popperian condition of tolerance, can be a force for good in democracies by illuminating issues which were previously left outside the realm of mainstream politics.
{"title":"POPULISM AS A POLITICAL STRATEGY: IS IT A THREAT TO DEMOCRACY?","authors":"Petar Murginski","doi":"10.53477/2284-9378-22-89","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.53477/2284-9378-22-89","url":null,"abstract":"Some authors have been highly critical of populism and naturally, this has raised the question of whether populism is dangerous for democracy or not. I wish to provide a critique of this claim and instead suggest that populism is sometimes necessary for established democracies. Developing this argument, this paper proceeds as follows: Firstly, I will outline Urbinati’s criticism of populism. Secondly, using Popper’s paradox of tolerance, I will show how Urbinati’s view is teleological and becomes a defence of the status quo thereby impeding political progress. Thirdly, I will show how populism’s relationship with democracy is best conceptualised as a creatively destructive one and how populists, once having accepted the Popperian condition of tolerance, can be a force for good in democracies by illuminating issues which were previously left outside the realm of mainstream politics.","PeriodicalId":33675,"journal":{"name":"Bulletin of Carol I National Defense University","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-01-16","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46685797","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-10-20DOI: 10.53477/2284-9378-22-77
M. Marinov
The Federal Republic of Germany and its armed forces, the Bundeswehr, stand as a cornerstone of the European and NATO defence and security. It is vitally important to understand one of the major European conventional powers’ policies, concepts and overarching capabilities, along with the history behind them in a 21st century evermore complex security environment. The following paper examines the Bundeswehr historical evolution the major focal points in its strategy and capabilities development, since the beginning of the Cold War. The paper extends the historical discussion towards the present moment and the security policies undertaken in the 21st century, reaching the major policy re-evaluations occurring in 2022 and their importance both for the German state and its allies.
{"title":"DIMENSIONS OF THE FEDERAL REPUBLIC OF GERMANY SECURITY AND DEFENCE POLICY. A CHRONOLOGICAL PERSPECTIVE","authors":"M. Marinov","doi":"10.53477/2284-9378-22-77","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.53477/2284-9378-22-77","url":null,"abstract":"The Federal Republic of Germany and its armed forces, the Bundeswehr, stand as a cornerstone of the European and NATO defence and security. It is vitally important to understand one of the major European conventional powers’ policies, concepts and overarching capabilities, along with the history behind them in a 21st century evermore complex security environment. The following paper examines the Bundeswehr historical evolution the major focal points in its strategy and capabilities development, since the beginning of the Cold War. The paper extends the historical discussion towards the present moment and the security policies undertaken in the 21st century, reaching the major policy re-evaluations occurring in 2022 and their importance both for the German state and its allies.","PeriodicalId":33675,"journal":{"name":"Bulletin of Carol I National Defense University","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-10-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42923776","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-10-20DOI: 10.53477/2284-9378-22-86
Ilie Răsvan Dumitru
The deindustrialization process of Romania, applied methodically and persistently after the 90s, seems not to be part of the natural path towards industry 4.0, but rather to be a systematic process of planned destruction and erasure of the post-December industry, on a new Valev Plan system conceived in the secret laboratories of the artisans of the new world configuration. The insistence with which there was a systematic and planned demolition of most of the large industrial capacities and platforms betrays obscure interests that can no longer be placed under the umbrella of classifying them as obsolete or non-performing, but rather as inconvenient for foreign markets and foreign capitals. To better understand the mechanisms that acted in order to reset Romania and return it to the status of a semi-agrarian colony, exporting raw materials, natural resources and cheap labor, materialized by the destruction of the heavy, petrochemical, food and car manufacturing industry, we will need to analyze in depth the essence of the manifestation framework of the processes that support globalism as an ideology and globalization as a supra-state and neo-colonialist policy of the great international power centers.
{"title":"HYBRID WAR ECONOMIC DETERMINATIONS WHICH FOLLOWED ROMANIA’S FORCED INDUSTRIAL DECLINE","authors":"Ilie Răsvan Dumitru","doi":"10.53477/2284-9378-22-86","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.53477/2284-9378-22-86","url":null,"abstract":"The deindustrialization process of Romania, applied methodically and persistently after the 90s, seems not to be part of the natural path towards industry 4.0, but rather to be a systematic process of planned destruction and erasure of the post-December industry, on a new Valev Plan system conceived in the secret laboratories of the artisans of the new world configuration. The insistence with which there was a systematic and planned demolition of most of the large industrial capacities and platforms betrays obscure interests that can no longer be placed under the umbrella of classifying them as obsolete or non-performing, but rather as inconvenient for foreign markets and foreign capitals. To better understand the mechanisms that acted in order to reset Romania and return it to the status of a semi-agrarian colony, exporting raw materials, natural resources and cheap labor, materialized by the destruction of the heavy, petrochemical, food and car manufacturing industry, we will need to analyze in depth the essence of the manifestation framework of the processes that support globalism as an ideology and globalization as a supra-state and neo-colonialist policy of the great international power centers.","PeriodicalId":33675,"journal":{"name":"Bulletin of Carol I National Defense University","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-10-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41628451","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-10-20DOI: 10.53477/2284-9378-22-81
I. Chifu
Resilience became a concept of first importance for today’s hybrid threats and conventional turbulences, even full-fledged wars in Europe. But since there is a number of theories and definitions of this concept, some type of rationale should be made, as for the instruments needed to measure the level of resilience of states, nations and societies. Moreover,there are a lot of projects, attempts and possibilities to do that, coming from different disciplines and fields of research which also need to be rationalized. More importantly, we need to find a proper set of indicators to show us an actor’s level of resilience in order to therefore propose a solution and public policies to enforce it. That is our aim in a multi-institutional approach to be launched in the near future. The most problematic part is that of finding suitable measurable items in order to describe some of the criteria for resilience that need to be approached in order to create a map of indicators and to deal, therefore, with a resilience level improvement
{"title":"SECURITY, GEOPOLITICAL CAPABILITY, SOCIETAL RESILIENCE AND THE PUBLIC POLICIES TO ENFORCE IT","authors":"I. Chifu","doi":"10.53477/2284-9378-22-81","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.53477/2284-9378-22-81","url":null,"abstract":"Resilience became a concept of first importance for today’s hybrid threats and conventional turbulences, even full-fledged wars in Europe. But since there is a number of theories and definitions of this concept, some type of rationale should be made, as for the instruments needed to measure the level of resilience of states, nations and societies. Moreover,there are a lot of projects, attempts and possibilities to do that, coming from different disciplines and fields of research which also need to be rationalized. More importantly, we need to find a proper set of indicators to show us an actor’s level of resilience in order to therefore propose a solution and public policies to enforce it. That is our aim in a multi-institutional approach to be launched in the near future. The most problematic part is that of finding suitable measurable items in order to describe some of the criteria for resilience that need to be approached in order to create a map of indicators and to deal, therefore, with a resilience level improvement","PeriodicalId":33675,"journal":{"name":"Bulletin of Carol I National Defense University","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-10-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45735534","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-10-20DOI: 10.53477/2284-9378-22-80
Catalin Chiriac
Hypersonic missiles represent the new class of threats, capable declaratively and in a way that has not been proven in a theater of operations, to annihilate air and anti-missile defences that exist at this time. The sum of the new threat’s characteristics, high speed, increased maneuverability, and low flight altitude, get major concerns for air and missile defence, as effective detection and combat are reduced by compressing available time. Rethinking how to combat the new threats thus represents the main concern of military specialists in countries that want to complete their arsenals with new weapons.
{"title":"COUNTERING HYPERSONIC THREAT","authors":"Catalin Chiriac","doi":"10.53477/2284-9378-22-80","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.53477/2284-9378-22-80","url":null,"abstract":"Hypersonic missiles represent the new class of threats, capable declaratively and in a way that has not been proven in a theater of operations, to annihilate air and anti-missile defences that exist at this time. The sum of the new threat’s characteristics, high speed, increased maneuverability, and low flight altitude, get major concerns for air and missile defence, as effective detection and combat are reduced by compressing available time. Rethinking how to combat the new threats thus represents the main concern of military specialists in countries that want to complete their arsenals with new weapons.","PeriodicalId":33675,"journal":{"name":"Bulletin of Carol I National Defense University","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-10-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43087168","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-10-20DOI: 10.53477/2284-9378-22-79
Petar Murginski, Preslav Tonkov
The Cold War is not an event, it seems, but a process that continues nowadays, too. In this scholarly article, we defend the thesis that the asymmetric end of the Cold War left a lasting memory on Russia‘s foreign policy. In developing this thesis, we proceed as follows: firstly, we will outline the realist counterargument to our thesis which suggests that no lessons can be learned from the ending of the Cold War because the bipolar struggle itself and the period after were continuations of the constant struggle for power between states in which historical narratives and ideas have no part to play. Secondly, building on the existing constructivist perspective, we will show that understanding the different ideational frameworks that developed in Washington and Moscow are paramount to understanding the deterioration of Russia’s relations with the West in the past decade. Thirdly, we will show how the narratives that developed within Russia about the ending of the Cold War and Russia’s place in the world are critical to understanding the potential for change in the domestic system.
{"title":"AN ATTEMPT TO EXPLORE THE POTENTIAL FOR CHANGE IN RUSSIA’S DOMESTIC SYSTEM AND ITS FOREIGN POLICY: LESSONS ON THE COLD WAR END","authors":"Petar Murginski, Preslav Tonkov","doi":"10.53477/2284-9378-22-79","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.53477/2284-9378-22-79","url":null,"abstract":"The Cold War is not an event, it seems, but a process that continues nowadays, too. In this scholarly article, we defend the thesis that the asymmetric end of the Cold War left a lasting memory on Russia‘s foreign policy. In developing this thesis, we proceed as follows: firstly, we will outline the realist counterargument to our thesis which suggests that no lessons can be learned from the ending of the Cold War because the bipolar struggle itself and the period after were continuations of the constant struggle for power between states in which historical narratives and ideas have no part to play. Secondly, building on the existing constructivist perspective, we will show that understanding the different ideational frameworks that developed in Washington and Moscow are paramount to understanding the deterioration of Russia’s relations with the West in the past decade. Thirdly, we will show how the narratives that developed within Russia about the ending of the Cold War and Russia’s place in the world are critical to understanding the potential for change in the domestic system.","PeriodicalId":33675,"journal":{"name":"Bulletin of Carol I National Defense University","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-10-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41680365","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-10-20DOI: 10.53477/2284-9378-22-84
Vereș Diana-Elena
In the past few decades soft power has become, , the most commonly used foreign term on the Asian continent and has received special attention both from specialists in International Relations and from the representatives of the Chinese Communist Party. Stepping into the third millennium, China shows a tendency of reconfiguration for its position and role in relation to the other great powers of the world, and adopts the soft power strategy, which is adapted to assert itself globally. For almost two decades in which the concept of soft power has been studied and attempts to adapt it to the country’s values have been made, China concludes that its tradition, culture, history and philosophy can be an advantage in creating links with the other countries from Asia as well as those outside the Asian continent. In this regard, the Chinese government is allocating a generous amount of money for the establishment of Chinese language, culture and literature centers, named Confucius Institute around the world, starting with Asia. At present, China argues that their role is particularly important, as these centers, built on the model of English, French, or Spanish language centers, are not only aimed at the Chinese-speaking public, but are an intermediary between China and the host country, in order to establish cooperative relations, presenting Chinese culture, history and civilization and attracting as many sympathizers as possible. The article presents, describes and analyzes the structure and operation of the Confucius Institutes from a Chinese perspective, and illustrates the relationship between China’s soft power policy and their operating program, as exposed by Chinese sources as well
{"title":"THE INFLUENCE OF CULTURE IN CHINA’S POLITICS. THE CHINESE PERSPECTIVE ON THE CONFUCIUS INSTITUTES","authors":"Vereș Diana-Elena","doi":"10.53477/2284-9378-22-84","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.53477/2284-9378-22-84","url":null,"abstract":"In the past few decades soft power has become, , the most commonly used foreign term on the Asian continent and has received special attention both from specialists in International Relations and from the representatives of the Chinese Communist Party. Stepping into the third millennium, China shows a tendency of reconfiguration for its position and role in relation to the other great powers of the world, and adopts the soft power strategy, which is adapted to assert itself globally. For almost two decades in which the concept of soft power has been studied and attempts to adapt it to the country’s values have been made, China concludes that its tradition, culture, history and philosophy can be an advantage in creating links with the other countries from Asia as well as those outside the Asian continent. In this regard, the Chinese government is allocating a generous amount of money for the establishment of Chinese language, culture and literature centers, named Confucius Institute around the world, starting with Asia. At present, China argues that their role is particularly important, as these centers, built on the model of English, French, or Spanish language centers, are not only aimed at the Chinese-speaking public, but are an intermediary between China and the host country, in order to establish cooperative relations, presenting Chinese culture, history and civilization and attracting as many sympathizers as possible. The article presents, describes and analyzes the structure and operation of the Confucius Institutes from a Chinese perspective, and illustrates the relationship between China’s soft power policy and their operating program, as exposed by Chinese sources as well","PeriodicalId":33675,"journal":{"name":"Bulletin of Carol I National Defense University","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-10-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43752085","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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