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THE IMPACT OF ROBOTICS AND ARTIFICIAL INTELLIGENCE ON FUTURE MILITARY CONFLICTS 机器人和人工智能对未来军事冲突的影响
Pub Date : 2023-01-16 DOI: 10.53477/2284-9378-22-96
Silviu-Iulian Gimiga
Robotics and artificial intelligence are high technologies that are pushing the boundaries of human civilization. Recent decisions made by international military organizations have launched major programs for the development of new technologies that will lead society to modernity while increasing security for the entire world population. The dynamics of technological progress are constantly increasing due to economic and military advantages and, at the same time, the desire of researchers and scientists to go beyond the limits is a result of the challenges we face on a daily basis. The physiognomy of military conflicts is becoming more complex as a result of the unprecedented development of modern military technologies, which, when combined with conventional technologies, change the approaches to planning and the principles of operational use of forces and means.
机器人和人工智能是正在突破人类文明边界的高科技。国际军事组织最近做出的决定启动了开发新技术的重大计划,这些新技术将引导社会走向现代化,同时提高整个世界人口的安全。由于经济和军事优势,技术进步的动力不断增强,与此同时,研究人员和科学家超越极限的愿望是我们每天面临挑战的结果。由于现代军事技术的空前发展,军事冲突的面貌变得更加复杂。现代军事技术与常规技术相结合,改变了规划方法以及部队和手段的作战使用原则。
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引用次数: 0
COMPETITIVE INTELLIGENCE AND OPEN SOURCE INTELLIGENCE – USEFUL TOOLS FOR COMPETITIVE BUSINESS 竞争情报和开源情报&竞争性商业的有用工具
Pub Date : 2023-01-16 DOI: 10.53477/2284-9378-22-95
Raluca Luțai, A. Mihaescu
According to principles of economic security, in this era of globalization and interdependencies, we understand that economic agents work competitively in uncertain markets. In the current international economic field, we cannot find either a perfect balance or long-term security conditions. Yet, this insecurity has the ability to stimulate the competitive field, to encourage innovation and adaptive competences. The anticipation of rapid evolutions and transformations which occur within markets or different industries represents a challenge which company managers handle with increasing difficulty. Even though much scholarly attention is paid to conceptual elements of competitive intelligence and its benefits, little is known about the way open-source intelligence can act like an instrument. This paper addresses this gap in the literature and analyze the way open-source intelligence can provide support for competitive intelligence actions.
根据经济安全原则,在这个全球化和相互依存的时代,我们理解经济主体在不确定的市场中具有竞争力。在当前的国际经济领域,我们既找不到完美的平衡,也找不到长期的安全条件。然而,这种不安全感有能力刺激竞争领域,鼓励创新和适应能力。对市场或不同行业内发生的快速演变和转型的预期代表着公司管理者越来越难以应对的挑战。尽管学术界对竞争情报的概念要素及其好处给予了大量关注,但对开源情报如何像工具一样发挥作用却知之甚少。本文解决了文献中的这一空白,并分析了开源情报为竞争情报行动提供支持的方式。
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引用次数: 0
HANNIBALʼS STRATAGEMS 汉尼拔的战略
Pub Date : 2023-01-16 DOI: 10.53477/2284-9378-22-98
Mădălina Strechie
Romeʼs fiercest enemy, the one who defeated Rome on its own in the Second Punic War, Hannibalus was one of the most special warriors of all time, so we can call the Second Punic War, his war. It was through all the actions he really took his war with Rome, both after all the outstanding theories about the war, but especially by the fact that the talented Carthaginian general defeated Rome at her home, shattering the myth of her invincibility, as a city of Mars. We are not wrong when we claim that Hannibal would have defeated the god of war in this conflict as well.From the beginning of military hostilities to their end, the perfect strategist of the Puns fully controlled the theatre of operations, even being its sole director, putting his enemy, Rome, in the most disastrous situation of all time. Basically, Hannibal eliminated the echelon of command of the Roman army, but also the Roman army that is shattered in three successive battles at Trebia, Trasimenus and Cannae, ending up threatening Rome itself through the famous ante portas episode. Even though Hannibalʼs war did not result in Hannibal’s peace, the intention of the brilliant general was to eliminate Rome as an armed force and economic strength, an objective fully accomplished during the military operations. The detail that eluded him was the Roman tenacity, the one that stole his peace, but Hannibal has entirely the paternity of the second war between the Puns and the Romans, being to this day a genius of the art of war, unmatched yet.
罗马最凶猛的敌人,在第二次布匿战争中独自击败罗马的人,汉尼拔是有史以来最特殊的战士之一,所以我们可以称之为第二次普匿战争,他的战争。正是通过所有的行动,他才真正开始了与罗马的战争,无论是在所有关于战争的杰出理论之后,尤其是这位才华横溢的迦太基将军在她的家中击败了罗马,粉碎了她作为火星之城不可战胜的神话。当我们声称汉尼拔也会在这场冲突中击败战神时,我们并没有错。从军事敌对行动开始到结束,这位完美的旁遮普战略家完全控制了战区,甚至是战区的唯一指挥,使他的敌人罗马陷入了有史以来最灾难性的境地。基本上,汉尼拔消灭了罗马军队的指挥梯队,但也消灭了在特雷比亚、特拉西门努斯和卡纳连续三场战斗中被击溃的罗马军队,最终通过著名的前波塔斯事件威胁到了罗马本身。尽管汉尼拔的战争没有导致汉尼拔和平,但这位才华横溢的将军的意图是消灭罗马的武装力量和经济实力,这一目标在军事行动中完全实现。他没有注意到的细节是罗马人的坚韧,正是这种坚韧偷走了他的和平,但汉尼拔完全是第二次旁遮普人和罗马人之间战争的父亲,直到今天,他还是一位无与伦比的战争艺术天才。
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引用次数: 0
POPULISM AS A POLITICAL STRATEGY: IS IT A THREAT TO DEMOCRACY? 民粹主义作为一种政治策略:是对民主的威胁吗?
Pub Date : 2023-01-16 DOI: 10.53477/2284-9378-22-89
Petar Murginski
Some authors have been highly critical of populism and naturally, this has raised the question of whether populism is dangerous for democracy or not. I wish to provide a critique of this claim and instead suggest that populism is sometimes necessary for established democracies. Developing this argument, this paper proceeds as follows: Firstly, I will outline Urbinati’s criticism of populism. Secondly, using Popper’s paradox of tolerance, I will show how Urbinati’s view is teleological and becomes a defence of the status quo thereby impeding political progress. Thirdly, I will show how populism’s relationship with democracy is best conceptualised as a creatively destructive one and how populists, once having accepted the Popperian condition of tolerance, can be a force for good in democracies by illuminating issues which were previously left outside the realm of mainstream politics.
一些作者对民粹主义持高度批评态度,这自然引发了民粹主义对民主是否危险的问题。我想对这一说法进行批评,相反,我认为民粹主义有时对成熟的民主国家是必要的。本文对这一论点进行了阐述:首先,我将概述乌尔比纳蒂对民粹主义的批评。其次,利用波普尔的宽容悖论,我将展示乌尔比纳蒂的观点是如何具有目的性的,并成为对现状的辩护,从而阻碍政治进步。第三,我将展示民粹主义与民主的关系如何最好地被概念化为一种创造性的破坏性关系,以及民粹主义者一旦接受了波普尔式的宽容条件,如何通过阐明以前被排除在主流政治领域之外的问题,成为民主国家的一股向善力量。
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引用次数: 0
DIMENSIONS OF THE FEDERAL REPUBLIC OF GERMANY SECURITY AND DEFENCE POLICY. A CHRONOLOGICAL PERSPECTIVE 德意志联邦共和国安全和国防政策的各个方面。按时间顺序排列
Pub Date : 2022-10-20 DOI: 10.53477/2284-9378-22-77
M. Marinov
The Federal Republic of Germany and its armed forces, the Bundeswehr, stand as a cornerstone of the European and NATO defence and security. It is vitally important to understand one of the major European conventional powers’ policies, concepts and overarching capabilities, along with the history behind them in a 21st century evermore complex security environment. The following paper examines the Bundeswehr historical evolution the major focal points in its strategy and capabilities development, since the beginning of the Cold War. The paper extends the historical discussion towards the present moment and the security policies undertaken in the 21st century, reaching the major policy re-evaluations occurring in 2022 and their importance both for the German state and its allies.
德意志联邦共和国及其武装部队联邦国防军(Bundeswehr)是欧洲和北约防务与安全的基石。在21世纪日益复杂的安全环境中,了解欧洲主要传统大国之一的政策、概念和总体能力,以及它们背后的历史,是至关重要的。本文考察了自冷战开始以来联邦国防军的历史演变及其战略和能力发展的主要焦点。本文将历史讨论扩展到当前时刻和21世纪所采取的安全政策,达到2022年发生的重大政策重新评估及其对德国国家及其盟友的重要性。
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引用次数: 0
HYBRID WAR ECONOMIC DETERMINATIONS WHICH FOLLOWED ROMANIA’S FORCED INDUSTRIAL DECLINE 混合战争的经济决定是在罗马尼亚被迫的工业衰退之后
Pub Date : 2022-10-20 DOI: 10.53477/2284-9378-22-86
Ilie Răsvan Dumitru
The deindustrialization process of Romania, applied methodically and persistently after the 90s, seems not to be part of the natural path towards industry 4.0, but rather to be a systematic process of planned destruction and erasure of the post-December industry, on a new Valev Plan system conceived in the secret laboratories of the artisans of the new world configuration. The insistence with which there was a systematic and planned demolition of most of the large industrial capacities and platforms betrays obscure interests that can no longer be placed under the umbrella of classifying them as obsolete or non-performing, but rather as inconvenient for foreign markets and foreign capitals. To better understand the mechanisms that acted in order to reset Romania and return it to the status of a semi-agrarian colony, exporting raw materials, natural resources and cheap labor, materialized by the destruction of the heavy, petrochemical, food and car manufacturing industry, we will need to analyze in depth the essence of the manifestation framework of the processes that support globalism as an ideology and globalization as a supra-state and neo-colonialist policy of the great international power centers.
罗马尼亚的去工业化进程,在90年代之后有条不紊地持续实施,似乎不是通往工业4.0的自然道路的一部分,而是一个有计划的破坏和消除12月后工业的系统过程,在新的世界格局的工匠的秘密实验室中构想了一个新的瓦列夫计划系统。坚持对大多数大型工业产能和平台进行系统和有计划的拆除,暴露了一些隐晦的利益,这些利益不能再被归类为过时或不良,而是对外国市场和外国资本不方便。为了更好地了解使罗马尼亚重新定位并使其恢复到半农业殖民地地位的机制,出口原材料、自然资源和廉价劳动力,其实现方式是摧毁重型、石化、食品和汽车制造业,我们需要深入分析支持全球化作为一种意识形态和全球化作为一种超国家和新殖民主义政策的过程的表现框架的本质。
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引用次数: 0
SECURITY, GEOPOLITICAL CAPABILITY, SOCIETAL RESILIENCE AND THE PUBLIC POLICIES TO ENFORCE IT 安全、地缘政治能力、社会复原力和执行它的公共政策
Pub Date : 2022-10-20 DOI: 10.53477/2284-9378-22-81
I. Chifu
Resilience became a concept of first importance for today’s hybrid threats and conventional turbulences, even full-fledged wars in Europe. But since there is a number of theories and definitions of this concept, some type of rationale should be made, as for the instruments needed to measure the level of resilience of states, nations and societies. Moreover,there are a lot of projects, attempts and possibilities to do that, coming from different disciplines and fields of research which also need to be rationalized. More importantly, we need to find a proper set of indicators to show us an actor’s level of resilience in order to therefore propose a solution and public policies to enforce it. That is our aim in a multi-institutional approach to be launched in the near future. The most problematic part is that of finding suitable measurable items in order to describe some of the criteria for resilience that need to be approached in order to create a map of indicators and to deal, therefore, with a resilience level improvement
对于今天的混合威胁和常规动荡,甚至是欧洲的全面战争,韧性成为一个至关重要的概念。但由于这一概念有很多理论和定义,因此应该提出一些基本原理,比如衡量国家、国家和社会恢复力水平所需的工具。此外,有很多项目、尝试和可能性可以做到这一点,它们来自不同的学科和研究领域,也需要合理化。更重要的是,我们需要找到一套合适的指标,向我们展示一个行动者的韧性水平,从而提出解决方案和公共政策来执行它。这是我们在不久的将来推出的多机构方法的目标。最有问题的部分是找到合适的可衡量的项目,以描述一些需要采用的恢复力标准,从而创建一个指标图,从而提高恢复力水平
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引用次数: 0
COUNTERING HYPERSONIC THREAT 应对高超音速威胁
Pub Date : 2022-10-20 DOI: 10.53477/2284-9378-22-80
Catalin Chiriac
Hypersonic missiles represent the new class of threats, capable declaratively and in a way that has not been proven in a theater of operations, to annihilate air and anti-missile defences that exist at this time. The sum of the new threat’s characteristics, high speed, increased maneuverability, and low flight altitude, get major concerns for air and missile defence, as effective detection and combat are reduced by compressing available time. Rethinking how to combat the new threats thus represents the main concern of military specialists in countries that want to complete their arsenals with new weapons.
高超音速导弹代表了新的威胁类别,能够在声明中以一种尚未在战区得到证实的方式消灭目前存在的空中和反导防御系统。新威胁的特点,高速,增加机动性和低飞行高度的总和,得到了空中和导弹防御的主要关注,因为有效的探测和战斗通过压缩可用时间而减少。因此,重新思考如何应对新的威胁是那些希望用新武器完善其武器库的国家的军事专家的主要关切。
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引用次数: 0
AN ATTEMPT TO EXPLORE THE POTENTIAL FOR CHANGE IN RUSSIA’S DOMESTIC SYSTEM AND ITS FOREIGN POLICY: LESSONS ON THE COLD WAR END 试图探讨俄罗斯国内制度及其外交政策的变革潜力:冷战结束的教训
Pub Date : 2022-10-20 DOI: 10.53477/2284-9378-22-79
Petar Murginski, Preslav Tonkov
The Cold War is not an event, it seems, but a process that continues nowadays, too. In this scholarly article, we defend the thesis that the asymmetric end of the Cold War left a lasting memory on Russia‘s foreign policy. In developing this thesis, we proceed as follows: firstly, we will outline the realist counterargument to our thesis which suggests that no lessons can be learned from the ending of the Cold War because the bipolar struggle itself and the period after were continuations of the constant struggle for power between states in which historical narratives and ideas have no part to play. Secondly, building on the existing constructivist perspective, we will show that understanding the different ideational frameworks that developed in Washington and Moscow are paramount to understanding the deterioration of Russia’s relations with the West in the past decade. Thirdly, we will show how the narratives that developed within Russia about the ending of the Cold War and Russia’s place in the world are critical to understanding the potential for change in the domestic system.
冷战似乎不是一个事件,而是一个至今仍在继续的过程。在这篇学术文章中,我们为冷战的不对称结束给俄罗斯的外交政策留下了持久的记忆这一论点进行了辩护。在发展这篇论文的过程中,我们将如下进行:首先,我们将概述对我们论文的现实主义反驳,该反驳表明,冷战的结束不能吸取任何教训,因为两极斗争本身及其后的时期是国家之间不断争夺权力的延续,而历史叙事和思想在其中没有任何作用。其次,在现有建构主义视角的基础上,我们将表明,理解华盛顿和莫斯科发展起来的不同概念框架对于理解俄罗斯与西方关系在过去十年中的恶化至关重要。第三,我们将展示俄罗斯内部关于冷战结束和俄罗斯在世界上的地位的叙事如何对理解国内体系变革的潜力至关重要。
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引用次数: 0
THE INFLUENCE OF CULTURE IN CHINA’S POLITICS. THE CHINESE PERSPECTIVE ON THE CONFUCIUS INSTITUTES 文化对中国政治的影响。孔子学院的中国视野
Pub Date : 2022-10-20 DOI: 10.53477/2284-9378-22-84
Vereș Diana-Elena
In the past few decades soft power has become, , the most commonly used foreign term on the Asian continent and has received special attention both from specialists in International Relations and from the representatives of the Chinese Communist Party. Stepping into the third millennium, China shows a tendency of reconfiguration for its position and role in relation to the other great powers of the world, and adopts the soft power strategy, which is adapted to assert itself globally. For almost two decades in which the concept of soft power has been studied and attempts to adapt it to the country’s values have been made, China concludes that its tradition, culture, history and philosophy can be an advantage in creating links with the other countries from Asia as well as those outside the Asian continent. In this regard, the Chinese government is allocating a generous amount of money for the establishment of Chinese language, culture and literature centers, named Confucius Institute around the world, starting with Asia. At present, China argues that their role is particularly important, as these centers, built on the model of English, French, or Spanish language centers, are not only aimed at the Chinese-speaking public, but are an intermediary between China and the host country, in order to establish cooperative relations, presenting Chinese culture, history and civilization and attracting as many sympathizers as possible. The article presents, describes and analyzes the structure and operation of the Confucius Institutes from a Chinese perspective, and illustrates the relationship between China’s soft power policy and their operating program, as exposed by Chinese sources as well
在过去的几十年里,软实力已经成为亚洲大陆最常用的外国术语,并受到国际关系专家和中国共产党代表的特别关注。进入第三个千年,中国在世界其他大国中的地位和作用呈现出重新配置的趋势,并采取了适合在全球范围内维护自己的软实力战略。近二十年来,中国一直在研究软实力的概念,并试图使其适应国家的价值观。中国得出的结论是,其传统、文化、历史和哲学可以成为与亚洲其他国家以及亚洲大陆以外国家建立联系的优势。在这方面,中国政府正在拨出大量资金,从亚洲开始,在世界各地建立中国语言、文化和文学中心,名为孔子学院。目前,中国认为他们的作用特别重要,因为这些中心建立在英语、法语或西班牙语中心的模式之上,不仅面向讲汉语的公众,而且是中国和东道国之间的中介,以建立合作关系,展示中国文化,历史和文明,吸引尽可能多的同情者。本文从中国的角度介绍、描述和分析了孔子学院的结构和运作,并说明了中国的软实力政策与其运作计划之间的关系
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引用次数: 0
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Bulletin of Carol I National Defense University
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