Pub Date : 2019-05-15DOI: 10.15388/POLIT.2019.93.3
Giedrius Česnakas, Vytautas Isoda
[full article, abstract in English; abstract in Lithuanian] Lithuania has been a target of Russia’s soft power efforts for the past two decades. The aim of this article is to analyse Russia’s soft power influence possibilities in Lithuania. First, it analyzes how soft power is interpreted in Russia compared to the Western conception. Then, Russia’s soft power instruments and their core goals are reviewed, not all of which fall under the category of “soft power instruments” according to the Western understanding. The article proceeds with demographic changes in Lithuania and trends of consumption of Russian culture and information in Lithuania. The main argument is that Russia is not aiming to apply soft power to the general Lithuanian society but to particular groups within the population (Russophone minorities and residents with sentiments for the Soviet Union). It can be assumed that demographic trends and Russia’s aggressive actions will increasingly limit its soft power capabilities. However, the greatest setback to Russia’s soft power in Lithuania is arguably caused by its continuing reliance on hard power when it comes to countries of the post-Soviet space.
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Pub Date : 2018-12-07DOI: 10.15388/POLIT.2018.92.1
Aušrinė Diržinskaitė
[full article and abstract in Lithuanian; abstract in English] In the recent years, consolidated democracies have faced a great decline in citizens’ participation and interest in political life. The latest researches show that young people are especially disengaged and alien to political life. Moreover, Lithuania seems to have the greatest number of young people who are not interested in politics in the “so-called” developed world (OECD countries and candidates) and has the highest gap between the general and the youth interest in politics. Therefore, this article analyzes what are the reasons for the disinterest in politics of the youth in Lithuania. Contemporary theories and empirical researches suggest rather different answers to the question. In particular, it is said that youths’ interest in politics can be determined by three categories of factors: socioeconomic/sociodemographic (income, wellbeing, education, race and gender), psychological (political efficacy: self-confidence as internal political efficacy and trust in political system as external political efficacy) as well as socializing factors (discussions with family and friends, media, volunteering). In order to find why Lithuania has such a high level of youth disinterest in politics, the analysis is performed on an individual level. Logistic regression analysis shows that the most relevant determinants for the youth interest in politics in Lithuania are a greater usage of media, accompanied with more frequent discussions with family and friends, a higher trust in the parliament as well as a higher level of education. Yet, the greatest determinant of whether a young person will be interested in politics are the elections; i.e., data from the year 2016 signalizes a much greater youth interest in politics compared to the 2012, thus inviting to analyze more deeply the existing differences between the two elections. To check if the variables had proved significant on the individual level, bore any semblance on the country level and explained the exception of Lithuania, an aggregate analysis was conducted. Correlations were found between the level of youth disinterest in politics and income per capita, trust in the national government, discussions with friends and the usage of media. Lithuania, the Czech Republic, Hungary and Slovakia appear to be in one group based on most of the analyzed criteria. Though altogether these factors seem to be pretty good determinants, the Lithuanian case is, however, not fully explained by them – a regression model is unable to predict almost one fifth of the young people that are disinterested in politics in Lithuania. Thus, the usual suspects do not explain this phenomenon fully, and particular countries should be explored more deeply.
{"title":"Apolitiška karta: kodėl jauniems Lietuvos žmonėms neįdomi politika","authors":"Aušrinė Diržinskaitė","doi":"10.15388/POLIT.2018.92.1","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.15388/POLIT.2018.92.1","url":null,"abstract":"[full article and abstract in Lithuanian; abstract in English] \u0000In the recent years, consolidated democracies have faced a great decline in citizens’ participation and interest in political life. The latest researches show that young people are especially disengaged and alien to political life. Moreover, Lithuania seems to have the greatest number of young people who are not interested in politics in the “so-called” developed world (OECD countries and candidates) and has the highest gap between the general and the youth interest in politics. Therefore, this article analyzes what are the reasons for the disinterest in politics of the youth in Lithuania. \u0000Contemporary theories and empirical researches suggest rather different answers to the question. In particular, it is said that youths’ interest in politics can be determined by three categories of factors: socioeconomic/sociodemographic (income, wellbeing, education, race and gender), psychological (political efficacy: self-confidence as internal political efficacy and trust in political system as external political efficacy) as well as socializing factors (discussions with family and friends, media, volunteering). \u0000In order to find why Lithuania has such a high level of youth disinterest in politics, the analysis is performed on an individual level. Logistic regression analysis shows that the most relevant determinants for the youth interest in politics in Lithuania are a greater usage of media, accompanied with more frequent discussions with family and friends, a higher trust in the parliament as well as a higher level of education. Yet, the greatest determinant of whether a young person will be interested in politics are the elections; i.e., data from the year 2016 signalizes a much greater youth interest in politics compared to the 2012, thus inviting to analyze more deeply the existing differences between the two elections. \u0000To check if the variables had proved significant on the individual level, bore any semblance on the country level and explained the exception of Lithuania, an aggregate analysis was conducted. Correlations were found between the level of youth disinterest in politics and income per capita, trust in the national government, discussions with friends and the usage of media. Lithuania, the Czech Republic, Hungary and Slovakia appear to be in one group based on most of the analyzed criteria. Though altogether these factors seem to be pretty good determinants, the Lithuanian case is, however, not fully explained by them – a regression model is unable to predict almost one fifth of the young people that are disinterested in politics in Lithuania. Thus, the usual suspects do not explain this phenomenon fully, and particular countries should be explored more deeply.","PeriodicalId":35151,"journal":{"name":"Politologija","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2018-12-07","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45215540","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2018-12-07DOI: 10.15388/POLIT.2018.92.2
Rūta Tamošaitytė
[full article and abstract in Lithuanian; abstract in English] The word “mysticism” is known to be a term that is now being used and associated with something which is negative – a mockery. It can be said that this perception of the term is based on certain historical events, when, in the central philosophies of particular religions (in this work, focus will be drawn only on Christian mysticism), a unique shift took place – during the early modernity in most of the Christian Churches, there occurred a split between theology and spirituality. Therefore, everything that had even a slight implication of mysticism was seen as irrelevant and unimportant. In addition to this, it is possible to say that our contemporary era has lost all belief in any reality that surpasses peoples daily tasks. Because of this, the vast majority of postmodernists tend to argue that mysticism can not be part of any philosophy, including a political one. This article concentrates on the thought of Simone Weil, a unique French philosopher and mystic, in order to prove through her work that mysticism can potentially enrich political philosophy. This is being done by analyzing her work and attempting to underline the supernatural element between the human and society. This supernatural element will yield a further investigation of how Simone Weil’s mysticism can affect political philosophy. In order to find this element, the concepts of the human and the society that occur in Simone Weil’s philosophy will be analyzed separately. In the first part, it is analyzed how Simone Weil perceived humans. She drastically separates the human, who, in her thought, possesses a transcendent core that can be violated, from the person, who is illusionary. Meanwhile, the second part concentrates on Weil’s perception of the relation between society and the human. Society is seen by Weil as the Platonic Great Beast, but it may also be a source of pure fulfillment – roots – for the human being. In this part of the study, the roots of a human being in society and the tragedy of uprootedness are discussed further. The third part develops an idea of why mysticism can be seen as an important part of political philosophy and why it should not be neglected: it provides a different angle – a divine one – for viewing people’s daily lives and their culture. Mysticism always comes from a certain culture, and it is important, since a mystic communicates their thought through that culture; however, a mystic also is able to critically address the surrounding culture because of the divine point of view. That is why mysticism is essential for political philosophy. The analization of Weil’s views on obligations, the human transcendental core and roots leads to a conclusion which suggests that the supernatural element between the human and society is an obligation for oneself and for others. This supernatural element allows us to confirm the idea that political philosophy should not neglect the mystical app
{"title":"Mistiniai politikos elementai. Simone ʼos Weil požiūris","authors":"Rūta Tamošaitytė","doi":"10.15388/POLIT.2018.92.2","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.15388/POLIT.2018.92.2","url":null,"abstract":"[full article and abstract in Lithuanian; abstract in English] \u0000The word “mysticism” is known to be a term that is now being used and associated with something which is negative – a mockery. It can be said that this perception of the term is based on certain historical events, when, in the central philosophies of particular religions (in this work, focus will be drawn only on Christian mysticism), a unique shift took place – during the early modernity in most of the Christian Churches, there occurred a split between theology and spirituality. Therefore, everything that had even a slight implication of mysticism was seen as irrelevant and unimportant. In addition to this, it is possible to say that our contemporary era has lost all belief in any reality that surpasses peoples daily tasks. Because of this, the vast majority of postmodernists tend to argue that mysticism can not be part of any philosophy, including a political one. \u0000This article concentrates on the thought of Simone Weil, a unique French philosopher and mystic, in order to prove through her work that mysticism can potentially enrich political philosophy. This is being done by analyzing her work and attempting to underline the supernatural element between the human and society. This supernatural element will yield a further investigation of how Simone Weil’s mysticism can affect political philosophy. In order to find this element, the concepts of the human and the society that occur in Simone Weil’s philosophy will be analyzed separately. \u0000In the first part, it is analyzed how Simone Weil perceived humans. She drastically separates the human, who, in her thought, possesses a transcendent core that can be violated, from the person, who is illusionary. Meanwhile, the second part concentrates on Weil’s perception of the relation between society and the human. Society is seen by Weil as the Platonic Great Beast, but it may also be a source of pure fulfillment – roots – for the human being. In this part of the study, the roots of a human being in society and the tragedy of uprootedness are discussed further. \u0000The third part develops an idea of why mysticism can be seen as an important part of political philosophy and why it should not be neglected: it provides a different angle – a divine one – for viewing people’s daily lives and their culture. Mysticism always comes from a certain culture, and it is important, since a mystic communicates their thought through that culture; however, a mystic also is able to critically address the surrounding culture because of the divine point of view. That is why mysticism is essential for political philosophy. \u0000The analization of Weil’s views on obligations, the human transcendental core and roots leads to a conclusion which suggests that the supernatural element between the human and society is an obligation for oneself and for others. This supernatural element allows us to confirm the idea that political philosophy should not neglect the mystical app","PeriodicalId":35151,"journal":{"name":"Politologija","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2018-12-07","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"66951209","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2018-12-07DOI: 10.15388/POLIT.2018.92.4
Rasa Bortkevičiūtė, Vitalis Nakrošis
[full article and abstract in Lithuanian; abstract in English] Lithuania has a fragmented advisory system, with a total of 213 advisory bodies working at the central level of government in 2017. Ad hoc advisory bodies have low average lifespans, while the permanent advisory bodies usually have small administrative capacities. The Sunset Commissions were an exception because they advised Lithuanian governments for more than ten years – having been active since 1999 – and operated within a well-developed institutional framework. They provided recommendations on how to improve the efficiency and quality of public management for five Lithuanian governments until 2016 when Skvernelis’s government decided to discontinue its activities. There was almost no systematic monitoring of the extent to which the recommendations were carried out. Therefore, it is important to analyze the impact of the Sunset Commissions’ recommendations on public management policy in Lithuania. By combining the advisory systems and public policy process literature, the article identifies the main factors that may affect the successful use of advice: the compatibility of recommendations with the dominant political ideas, the composition of an advisory body, the government’s expectations toward its purpose, economic conditions, the support of the parliamentary majority and the political attention to its recommendations and the role of the changing leaders during public management reforms. Our empirical study – which was based on desk research, an analysis of administrative information, interviews and a survey of the Commissions’ members – consisted of two main stages. First, we assessed the impact of the Sunset Commissions on public management policy. Second, we determined the causal configurations underpinning the adoption and implementation of the recommendations set out by this advisory body. The results of our assessment reveals a good deal of variation in the use of the Commissions’ recommendations. The 1999–2000 and 2009 Commissions were the most successful in terms of the recommendations adopted and implemented. The lifespan of these Sunset Commissions was marked by economic downturns that opened “windows of opportunity” for major reforms. These advisory bodies are also characterized by high performance indicators. In contrast, the advisory bodies that worked during 2006–2008 and 2013–2016 received less political attention in the Lithuanian government in the context of economic growth, which made implementation more difficult. Overall, our assessment suggests that a more active performance of the advisory body is not sufficient to explain the level of adoption and implementation of its recommendations, as the political and economic conditions significantly shape the use of advice. The second part of the empirical study allowed us to determine the main causal configurations that explain the adoption and implementation of the recommendations suggested by the Sunset Commis
{"title":"Ar įvyko biurokratijos saulėlydis Lietuvoje ? Saulėlydžio komisijų teiktų rekomendacijų poveikis viešojo valdymo politikai 1999–2016 metais","authors":"Rasa Bortkevičiūtė, Vitalis Nakrošis","doi":"10.15388/POLIT.2018.92.4","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.15388/POLIT.2018.92.4","url":null,"abstract":"[full article and abstract in Lithuanian; abstract in English] \u0000Lithuania has a fragmented advisory system, with a total of 213 advisory bodies working at the central level of government in 2017. Ad hoc advisory bodies have low average lifespans, while the permanent advisory bodies usually have small administrative capacities. The Sunset Commissions were an exception because they advised Lithuanian governments for more than ten years – having been active since 1999 – and operated within a well-developed institutional framework. They provided recommendations on how to improve the efficiency and quality of public management for five Lithuanian governments until 2016 when Skvernelis’s government decided to discontinue its activities. There was almost no systematic monitoring of the extent to which the recommendations were carried out. Therefore, it is important to analyze the impact of the Sunset Commissions’ recommendations on public management policy in Lithuania. \u0000By combining the advisory systems and public policy process literature, the article identifies the main factors that may affect the successful use of advice: the compatibility of recommendations with the dominant political ideas, the composition of an advisory body, the government’s expectations toward its purpose, economic conditions, the support of the parliamentary majority and the political attention to its recommendations and the role of the changing leaders during public management reforms. Our empirical study – which was based on desk research, an analysis of administrative information, interviews and a survey of the Commissions’ members – consisted of two main stages. First, we assessed the impact of the Sunset Commissions on public management policy. Second, we determined the causal configurations underpinning the adoption and implementation of the recommendations set out by this advisory body. \u0000The results of our assessment reveals a good deal of variation in the use of the Commissions’ recommendations. The 1999–2000 and 2009 Commissions were the most successful in terms of the recommendations adopted and implemented. The lifespan of these Sunset Commissions was marked by economic downturns that opened “windows of opportunity” for major reforms. These advisory bodies are also characterized by high performance indicators. In contrast, the advisory bodies that worked during 2006–2008 and 2013–2016 received less political attention in the Lithuanian government in the context of economic growth, which made implementation more difficult. Overall, our assessment suggests that a more active performance of the advisory body is not sufficient to explain the level of adoption and implementation of its recommendations, as the political and economic conditions significantly shape the use of advice. \u0000The second part of the empirical study allowed us to determine the main causal configurations that explain the adoption and implementation of the recommendations suggested by the Sunset Commis","PeriodicalId":35151,"journal":{"name":"Politologija","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2018-12-07","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44391795","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2018-12-07DOI: 10.15388/POLIT.2018.92.3
Andrius Bivainis
{"title":"Neoklasikinio realizmo teorija karinių intervencijų tyrimuose: poliheuristinio metodo plėtotė","authors":"Andrius Bivainis","doi":"10.15388/POLIT.2018.92.3","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.15388/POLIT.2018.92.3","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":35151,"journal":{"name":"Politologija","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2018-12-07","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49307542","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2018-10-08DOI: 10.15388/POLIT.2018.90.11922
Deimantas Jastramskis
[straipsnis ir santrauka lietuvių kalba; santrauka anglų kalba] Straipsnyje analizuojama politikos subjektų vadybinės ir finansinės įtakos Lietuvos nacionaliniam radijui ir televizijai (LRT) raida ir politinės (ir ekonominės) aplinkybės, lėmusios struktūrinių sąlygų, būtinų visuomeninio transliuotojo efektyviai veiklai, kaitą Lietuvoje nuo 1990 m. Teigiama, kad per 27 valstybingumo metus Lietuvoje tik iš dalies sukurtos struktūrinės sąlygos veiksmingai visuomeninio transliuotojo veiklai. Pirmą nepriklausomybės dešimtmetį įtvirtintas parlamentinis (vyriausybinis) LRT modelis, kai transliuotojo valdymas tiesiogiai priklauso nuo politinės valdžios, jos darbo ciklų, o dauguma pajamų skiriama iš valstybės biudžeto, kiekvienais metais keičiant pajamų dydį ir nenustatant lėšų skirstymo kriterijų. 2000 m. įteisintas LRT tarybos sudarymo modelis padėjo rasti politinių įtakų balansą tarp Seimo pozicijos, opozicijos ir Prezidento, tačiau LRT vadyba nebuvo atsieta nuo konkrečios politinės konjunktūros ir galimų politinių koalicijų LRT taryboje. Nuo 2015 m. įvestas LRT finansavimo iš biudžeto modelis, gaunamas pajamas fiksuotu procentu susiejant su mokamais į biudžetą mokesčiais, atribojo politikus nuo sprendimo kasmet nustatyti LRT finansavimo dydį, tačiau tai Europos Sąjungos kontekste negarantuoja LRT solidesnio finansavimo, nes pagal procentinę dalį nuo šalies BVP finansavimas 2016 m. buvo du kartus mažesnis negu ES šalių vidurkis.
{"title":"Politinė įtaka Lietuvos nacionalinio radijo ir televizijos vadybai ir finansavimui: kaita ir pasekmės","authors":"Deimantas Jastramskis","doi":"10.15388/POLIT.2018.90.11922","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.15388/POLIT.2018.90.11922","url":null,"abstract":"[straipsnis ir santrauka lietuvių kalba; santrauka anglų kalba] \u0000Straipsnyje analizuojama politikos subjektų vadybinės ir finansinės įtakos Lietuvos nacionaliniam radijui ir televizijai (LRT) raida ir politinės (ir ekonominės) aplinkybės, lėmusios struktūrinių sąlygų, būtinų visuomeninio transliuotojo efektyviai veiklai, kaitą Lietuvoje nuo 1990 m. Teigiama, kad per 27 valstybingumo metus Lietuvoje tik iš dalies sukurtos struktūrinės sąlygos veiksmingai visuomeninio transliuotojo veiklai. Pirmą nepriklausomybės dešimtmetį įtvirtintas parlamentinis (vyriausybinis) LRT modelis, kai transliuotojo valdymas tiesiogiai priklauso nuo politinės valdžios, jos darbo ciklų, o dauguma pajamų skiriama iš valstybės biudžeto, kiekvienais metais keičiant pajamų dydį ir nenustatant lėšų skirstymo kriterijų. 2000 m. įteisintas LRT tarybos sudarymo modelis padėjo rasti politinių įtakų balansą tarp Seimo pozicijos, opozicijos ir Prezidento, tačiau LRT vadyba nebuvo atsieta nuo konkrečios politinės konjunktūros ir galimų politinių koalicijų LRT taryboje. Nuo 2015 m. įvestas LRT finansavimo iš biudžeto modelis, gaunamas pajamas fiksuotu procentu susiejant su mokamais į biudžetą mokesčiais, atribojo politikus nuo sprendimo kasmet nustatyti LRT finansavimo dydį, tačiau tai Europos Sąjungos kontekste negarantuoja LRT solidesnio finansavimo, nes pagal procentinę dalį nuo šalies BVP finansavimas 2016 m. buvo du kartus mažesnis negu ES šalių vidurkis.","PeriodicalId":35151,"journal":{"name":"Politologija","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2018-10-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43530051","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2018-10-08DOI: 10.15388/POLIT.2018.91.11967
Gintas Karalius
[straipsnis, santrauka lietuvių kalba; santrauka anglų kalba] Straipsnio tikslas yra konceptualiai apžvelgti ir išryškinti moderniai atstovaujamajai demokratijai būdingą vidinį prieštaravimą tarp lygybės idėja grįsto liaudies suverenumo principo ir hierarchiją įtvirtinančio politinės reprezentacijos mechanizmo. Siekiant šio tikslo palyginama filosofo Montesquieu politinių santvarkų teorijoje pristatoma demokratijos samprata ir trys šiuolaikinės jos interpretacijos. Straipsnyje ginama retai dabartinių politikos filosofų akcentuojama mintis, kad politinės valdžios atstovaujamojoje demokratijoje legitimumo stoka yra ne socialinės, bet politinės kilmės problema. Chroninis nepasitikėjimas demokratiškai išrinktais atstovais nėra tik visuomenės brandos ar pilietiškumo trūkumo požymis. Tai – struktūrinės įtampos tarp modernaus liaudies valdžios principo ir jo pritaikymo iš monarchijos laikų paveldėtam parlamentiniam reprezentacijos mechanizmui padarinys. Šio atstovaujamajame valdyme užkoduoto politinių idėjų prieštaravimo negali išspręsti socialinė inžinerija ar piliečių demokratizavimo strategijos. Straipsnyje mėginama aktualizuoti Apšvietos epochos filosofų mintį, kad demokratinei politinei reprezentacijai efektyviai veikti reikalinga nedemokratinė hierarchinė socialinio etoso idėja.
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Pub Date : 2018-10-08DOI: 10.15388/polit.2018.91.11969
Donatas Palavenis
[straipsnis lietuvių kalba]
[立陶宛文]
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