Pub Date : 2014-04-01DOI: 10.32473/sal.v43i1.107267
Jean-Pierre Donzo Bunza Yugia
Partant de la définition proposée par (Doke, 1935) de l’idéophone comme représentation vivante d’une idée en sons, nous décrivons, dans cet article, les aspects phonologiques, morphologiques et syntaxiques des mots idéophoniques en Ebwela, langue bantu (C42), d’un peuple minoritaire habitant quelques villages dans le territoire de Lisala, au nord-ouest de la RD Congo. Nos analyses indiquent que l’idéophone, dans cette langue, n’appartient pas à une catégorie spécifique, pour la simple raison qu’il prend selon l’emploi des préfixes de classe et peut se réinterpréter en substantif, adjectif ou verbe.
{"title":"L'idéophone en Ebwela, langue Bantoue du nord-ouest de la RD Congo","authors":"Jean-Pierre Donzo Bunza Yugia","doi":"10.32473/sal.v43i1.107267","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.32473/sal.v43i1.107267","url":null,"abstract":"Partant de la définition proposée par (Doke, 1935) de l’idéophone comme représentation vivante d’une idée en sons, nous décrivons, dans cet article, les aspects phonologiques, morphologiques et syntaxiques des mots idéophoniques en Ebwela, langue bantu (C42), d’un peuple minoritaire habitant quelques villages dans le territoire de Lisala, au nord-ouest de la RD Congo. Nos analyses indiquent que l’idéophone, dans cette langue, n’appartient pas à une catégorie spécifique, pour la simple raison qu’il prend selon l’emploi des préfixes de classe et peut se réinterpréter en substantif, adjectif ou verbe.","PeriodicalId":35170,"journal":{"name":"Studies in African Linguistics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2014-04-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"69690204","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2014-04-01DOI: 10.32473/sal.v43i1.107269
T. Stirtz
Many African languages employ body parts as adpositions (Heine 1989), the general pattern in Gaahmg, with one locative postposition perhaps derived from ‘vagina’. In addition, Gaahmg has locative postpositions and locative pronouns that include a person-marker vowel: a, ə = 1st person; ɔ, u = 2nd person; ɛ, i = 3rd person. Most locative postpositions and locative pronouns are distinct in form and syntax from their source nouns, and postpositions with person-marker vowels do not synchronically refer to person. Thus, they are analyzed as grammaticalized forms, categorically distinct from nouns. In addition to describing these aspects of the grammar, we will posit two grammaticalization routes based on Heine’s (1989) model to trace the changes from the source nouns to the postpositions and locative pronouns.
许多非洲语言使用身体部位作为介词(Heine 1989)，这是Gaahmg语言的普遍模式，其中一个位置后置可能来自“阴道”。此外，Gaahmg有位置后置和位置代词，其中包括一个人称标记元音:a， / =第一人称;， u =第二人称;I =第三人称。大多数位置后置词和位置代词在形式和句法上都与其源名词不同，带有人称标记元音的后置词不同步指代人称。因此，它们被分析为语法化的形式，与名词有绝对的区别。除了描述语法的这些方面外，我们还将基于Heine(1989)模型假设两条语法化路线，以追踪从源名词到后置词和位置代词的变化。
{"title":"Body-part adpositions in Gaahmg--Grammaticalized forms with person-marker vowels","authors":"T. Stirtz","doi":"10.32473/sal.v43i1.107269","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.32473/sal.v43i1.107269","url":null,"abstract":"Many African languages employ body parts as adpositions (Heine 1989), the general pattern in Gaahmg, with one locative postposition perhaps derived from ‘vagina’. In addition, Gaahmg has locative postpositions and locative pronouns that include a person-marker vowel: a, ə = 1st person; ɔ, u = 2nd person; ɛ, i = 3rd person. Most locative postpositions and locative pronouns are distinct in form and syntax from their source nouns, and postpositions with person-marker vowels do not synchronically refer to person. Thus, they are analyzed as grammaticalized forms, categorically distinct from nouns. In addition to describing these aspects of the grammar, we will posit two grammaticalization routes based on Heine’s (1989) model to trace the changes from the source nouns to the postpositions and locative pronouns.","PeriodicalId":35170,"journal":{"name":"Studies in African Linguistics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2014-04-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"69690260","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2013-06-15DOI: 10.32473/sal.v42i2.107271
R. Brillman
Masarak (also known as Masalit, sometimes spelled Massaleit), an endangered Nilo-Saharan language spoken in Darfur, is characterized by complex agreement patterns, particularly in the second person. This article outlines Masarak agreement patterns in the declarative, imperative and prohibitive verb forms, paying particular attention to second singular declarative allomorphy. In addition, this article describes a series of verb root-form alternations. Understanding these alternations is necessary in understanding the interpretation of different declarative, imperative and prohibitive verb forms.
{"title":"Second person agreement allomorphy in Masarak","authors":"R. Brillman","doi":"10.32473/sal.v42i2.107271","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.32473/sal.v42i2.107271","url":null,"abstract":"Masarak (also known as Masalit, sometimes spelled Massaleit), an endangered Nilo-Saharan language spoken in Darfur, is characterized by complex agreement patterns, particularly in the second person. This article outlines Masarak agreement patterns in the declarative, imperative and prohibitive verb forms, paying particular attention to second singular declarative allomorphy. In addition, this article describes a series of verb root-form alternations. Understanding these alternations is necessary in understanding the interpretation of different declarative, imperative and prohibitive verb forms.","PeriodicalId":35170,"journal":{"name":"Studies in African Linguistics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2013-06-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"69690072","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2013-06-15DOI: 10.32473/sal.v42i2.107270
Lee S. Bickmore, Nancy S. Kula
Bemba tonology has been described with respect to two prominent claims: H tone local spreading is binary, and is blocked by the OCP. These claims are based on Bemba, as spoken in Northern Zambia. This paper examines these two claims with respect to contemporary Bemba as it is spoken today in the Copperbelt province of Zambia. This paper shows that in Copperbelt Bemba (CB), these two aspects of H tone spreading are markedly different. In CB, local spreading is ternary, not binary, and a H will undergo binary spreading even if it causes an OCP violation. Ternary spread will be shown to follow from two rules: High Tone Doubling and Secondary High Doubling motivated by different constraints within CB tonology. In addition to documenting and describing the behavior of high tone in CB, a comparison to other cases of ternary spreading is also made.
{"title":"Ternary spreading and the OCP in Copperbelt Bemba","authors":"Lee S. Bickmore, Nancy S. Kula","doi":"10.32473/sal.v42i2.107270","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.32473/sal.v42i2.107270","url":null,"abstract":"Bemba tonology has been described with respect to two prominent claims: H tone local spreading is binary, and is blocked by the OCP. These claims are based on Bemba, as spoken in Northern Zambia. This paper examines these two claims with respect to contemporary Bemba as it is spoken today in the Copperbelt province of Zambia. This paper shows that in Copperbelt Bemba (CB), these two aspects of H tone spreading are markedly different. In CB, local spreading is ternary, not binary, and a H will undergo binary spreading even if it causes an OCP violation. Ternary spread will be shown to follow from two rules: High Tone Doubling and Secondary High Doubling motivated by different constraints within CB tonology. In addition to documenting and describing the behavior of high tone in CB, a comparison to other cases of ternary spreading is also made.","PeriodicalId":35170,"journal":{"name":"Studies in African Linguistics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2013-06-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"69690011","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2013-06-15DOI: 10.32473/sal.v42i2.107272
S. Issah
This paper investigates the function(s) of the post verbal particle la in Dagbani, a Gur language spoken in Northern Ghana. I contend that the particle marks neither imperfective aspect nor contrastive focus on NP objects and adjuncts, as suggested by earlier researchers. Here, I refine the existing analyses and put forth an alternative proposal in which the particle la marks presentational focus. I suggest that la could mark presentational focus on NP complements, adjuncts or the entire VP. I demonstrate that full NPs follow la, while object pronouns precede it, suggesting that object pronouns either undergo object shift or are syntactically bound to the verb. I also discuss ka and n, which have been proposed to have functions similar to la. More information on the interaction of these elements will be relevant for the understanding of the latter’s function. I further show that there is co-occurrence restrictions between ka/n and post verbal la, as has been claimed by earlier research. I show that although we can have la that co-occurs with the focus markers ka/n, that la is probably a deictic discourse particle and not the presentational focus marker. I propose that when the deictic la co-occurs with ka/n, it appears only clause finally. I conclude that the use or non-use of the post verbal la is due to discourse-pragmatic considerations.
{"title":"The Function of the Post Verbal la in Dagbani","authors":"S. Issah","doi":"10.32473/sal.v42i2.107272","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.32473/sal.v42i2.107272","url":null,"abstract":"This paper investigates the function(s) of the post verbal particle la in Dagbani, a Gur language spoken in Northern Ghana. I contend that the particle marks neither imperfective aspect nor contrastive focus on NP objects and adjuncts, as suggested by earlier researchers. Here, I refine the existing analyses and put forth an alternative proposal in which the particle la marks presentational focus. I suggest that la could mark presentational focus on NP complements, adjuncts or the entire VP. I demonstrate that full NPs follow la, while object pronouns precede it, suggesting that object pronouns either undergo object shift or are syntactically bound to the verb. I also discuss ka and n, which have been proposed to have functions similar to la. More information on the interaction of these elements will be relevant for the understanding of the latter’s function. I further show that there is co-occurrence restrictions between ka/n and post verbal la, as has been claimed by earlier research. I show that although we can have la that co-occurs with the focus markers ka/n, that la is probably a deictic discourse particle and not the presentational focus marker. I propose that when the deictic la co-occurs with ka/n, it appears only clause finally. I conclude that the use or non-use of the post verbal la is due to discourse-pragmatic considerations.","PeriodicalId":35170,"journal":{"name":"Studies in African Linguistics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2013-06-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"69690155","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2013-06-01DOI: 10.32473/sal.v42i1.107274
Zygmunt Frajzyngier
The aim of the present study is to propose, for the first time, a typology of the forms and functions related to the indirect object and benefactive predications in Chadic languages. Some languages have grammaticalized only the indirect object predication; others have grammaticalized the indirect object and the benefactive predication; and still other languages have not grammaticalized either of the predications, leaving the relevant semantic relations to be inferred from the coding of other predications. In the sample selected there are no languages that have grammaticalized the benefactive but not the indirect object predication. The study also demonstrates the consequences of the grammaticalization of indirect object and benefactive predications: A predication whose verb inherently indicates the presence of an indirect object or benefactive complement requires fewer formal means than a predication whose verb does not inherently imply the presence of an indirect object or benefactive complement. This generalization does not apply to a language that has not grammaticalized either type of predication. The theoretical approach in the present study differs significantly from the usual discussions of related phenomena subsumed under the terms of ‘ditransitive’, ‘three argument verbs’, and ‘datives'.
{"title":"Indirect object and benefactive predications in Chadic: A typological sketch","authors":"Zygmunt Frajzyngier","doi":"10.32473/sal.v42i1.107274","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.32473/sal.v42i1.107274","url":null,"abstract":"The aim of the present study is to propose, for the first time, a typology of the forms and functions related to the indirect object and benefactive predications in Chadic languages. Some languages have grammaticalized only the indirect object predication; others have grammaticalized the indirect object and the benefactive predication; and still other languages have not grammaticalized either of the predications, leaving the relevant semantic relations to be inferred from the coding of other predications. In the sample selected there are no languages that have grammaticalized the benefactive but not the indirect object predication. The study also demonstrates the consequences of the grammaticalization of indirect object and benefactive predications: A predication whose verb inherently indicates the presence of an indirect object or benefactive complement requires fewer formal means than a predication whose verb does not inherently imply the presence of an indirect object or benefactive complement. This generalization does not apply to a language that has not grammaticalized either type of predication. The theoretical approach in the present study differs significantly from the usual discussions of related phenomena subsumed under the terms of ‘ditransitive’, ‘three argument verbs’, and ‘datives'.","PeriodicalId":35170,"journal":{"name":"Studies in African Linguistics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2013-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"69689934","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2013-04-06DOI: 10.32473/sal.v41i1.107279
A. Andrason
The present paper provides a detailed analysis of the semantic content of the BE…LA formation found in the Basse Mandinka language. It demonstrates that the meaning of this locution corresponds to a complex set of various temporal, aspectual and modal senses: perfective and imperfective future, future perfect, future-in-the-past, intentional future, future with imperative and prohibitive nuances, real factuality as well as real and unreal counterfactuality. The semantic potential of the construction composed of all the atomic values is explained as a consistent whole, i.e., as a manifestation of three typologically plausible evolutionary scenarios: future predestination path, conditional path and modal contamination path.
{"title":"The Basse Mandinka \"future\"","authors":"A. Andrason","doi":"10.32473/sal.v41i1.107279","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.32473/sal.v41i1.107279","url":null,"abstract":"The present paper provides a detailed analysis of the semantic content of the BE…LA formation found in the Basse Mandinka language. It demonstrates that the meaning of this locution corresponds to a complex set of various temporal, aspectual and modal senses: perfective and imperfective future, future perfect, future-in-the-past, intentional future, future with imperative and prohibitive nuances, real factuality as well as real and unreal counterfactuality. The semantic potential of the construction composed of all the atomic values is explained as a consistent whole, i.e., as a manifestation of three typologically plausible evolutionary scenarios: future predestination path, conditional path and modal contamination path.","PeriodicalId":35170,"journal":{"name":"Studies in African Linguistics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2013-04-06","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"69689510","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2013-04-06DOI: 10.32473/sal.v41i1.107281
Diane Lesley-Neuman
An analysis of the affixation processes and the phonological rules governing [ATR] harmony in Karimojong verbs permits the organization of derivational processes into three levels. On each level specific groups of morphemes are affixed and the resultant derived words undergo defined sets of phonological processes. On Level 1 a feature filling [±ATR] harmony rule applies, in which the [ATR] feature spreads bi-directionally from the principal root vowel across the root and all Level 1 affixes. However, there are also localized disharmonic domains created by phonologized co-articulation effects of consonants and dissimilation rules for vowels. On Level 2, suffixation of Tense-Mood-Aspect (TMA) markers at the right edge of the verbal complex triggers [+ATR] feature spreading leftward across the derived word. On Level 3 affixation does not trigger [ATR] harmony processes, and both affix vowels and the derivational complexes to which they are added retain their [ATR] features. Some Karimojong affixes exhibit behaviors characteristic of two different levels, depending on context; these affixes are proposed to be in transition between levels. The three levels are proposed to result from diachronic evolution, and their relative chronological development can be established by (1) correspondences to landmarks within the cross-linguistically attested agreement system grammaticalization cline, which groups affixes according to ordering universals, and (2) the existence of successive evolutionary cycles of frequentive morphology. A model of the morphology-phonology interface is proposed in which linguistic structure internal to the morpheme channels the spread of [ATR] features. The model provides an explanation for surface irregularities that originated at the time of areal vowel mergers in Nilotic languages (Dimmendaal, 2002).
{"title":"Morpho-phonological levels and grammaticalization in Karimojong: A review of the evidence","authors":"Diane Lesley-Neuman","doi":"10.32473/sal.v41i1.107281","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.32473/sal.v41i1.107281","url":null,"abstract":"An analysis of the affixation processes and the phonological rules governing [ATR] harmony in Karimojong verbs permits the organization of derivational processes into three levels. On each level specific groups of morphemes are affixed and the resultant derived words undergo defined sets of phonological processes. On Level 1 a feature filling [±ATR] harmony rule applies, in which the [ATR] feature spreads bi-directionally from the principal root vowel across the root and all Level 1 affixes. However, there are also localized disharmonic domains created by phonologized co-articulation effects of consonants and dissimilation rules for vowels. On Level 2, suffixation of Tense-Mood-Aspect (TMA) markers at the right edge of the verbal complex triggers [+ATR] feature spreading leftward across the derived word. On Level 3 affixation does not trigger [ATR] harmony processes, and both affix vowels and the derivational complexes to which they are added retain their [ATR] features. Some Karimojong affixes exhibit behaviors characteristic of two different levels, depending on context; these affixes are proposed to be in transition between levels. The three levels are proposed to result from diachronic evolution, and their relative chronological development can be established by (1) correspondences to landmarks within the cross-linguistically attested agreement system grammaticalization cline, which groups affixes according to ordering universals, and (2) the existence of successive evolutionary cycles of frequentive morphology. A model of the morphology-phonology interface is proposed in which linguistic structure internal to the morpheme channels the spread of [ATR] features. The model provides an explanation for surface irregularities that originated at the time of areal vowel mergers in Nilotic languages (Dimmendaal, 2002).","PeriodicalId":35170,"journal":{"name":"Studies in African Linguistics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2013-04-06","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"69689647","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2013-04-01DOI: 10.32473/sal.v42i1.107273
F. Ameka
The widespread assumption that serializing languages use serial verb constructions (SVCs) to code three-participant situations and therefore lack three-place predicates and three-place mono-verbal constructions is shown not to be valid for West African serializing languages. Using Ewe (Gbe), Likpe (Na-Togo) and Akan (Tano) as exemplars, I demonstrate that these languages have trivalent predicates and various constructions in which a single verb hosts three arguments in a clause. The languages deploy three-place predicate, adpositional, SVC, and adnominal strategies to code three-participant situations. I argue that there are semantic differences between the various constructions. The hyper-transitivity of these languages might account for the presence of three-place predicate constructions.
{"title":"Three-place predicates in West African serializing languages","authors":"F. Ameka","doi":"10.32473/sal.v42i1.107273","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.32473/sal.v42i1.107273","url":null,"abstract":"The widespread assumption that serializing languages use serial verb constructions (SVCs) to code three-participant situations and therefore lack three-place predicates and three-place mono-verbal constructions is shown not to be valid for West African serializing languages. Using Ewe (Gbe), Likpe (Na-Togo) and Akan (Tano) as exemplars, I demonstrate that these languages have trivalent predicates and various constructions in which a single verb hosts three arguments in a clause. The languages deploy three-place predicate, adpositional, SVC, and adnominal strategies to code three-participant situations. I argue that there are semantic differences between the various constructions. The hyper-transitivity of these languages might account for the presence of three-place predicate constructions.","PeriodicalId":35170,"journal":{"name":"Studies in African Linguistics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2013-04-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"69689865","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2013-04-01DOI: 10.32473/sal.v42i1.107275
R. P. Schaefer, F. Egbokhare
This paper investigates the formal and functional character of a dative relation and two additional structural relations in Emai, an Edoid language of West Benue Congo stock (Bendor-Samuel 1989, Williamson and Blench 2000). Each relation is grammatically expressed by a common morphophoneme. Postverbal particle li/ni marks Emai dative constituents. In addition, li/ni codes a limited range of subordinate clause types within complex sentences, and within noun phrases it designates a subset of modifying constituents. To bridge the common formal marking across these structural relations, we postulate their identification of a semantic ground type (within a figure-ground complex) characterized by spatial collectivity and temporal continuity. Our overall conclusion thus pertains to the function of perspective taking in grammar and its formal marking (Talmy 2000), with special emphasis placed on the dative relation.
本文研究了刚果西部贝努埃族的一种伊多伊语Emai中一个与格关系和两个附加结构关系的形式和功能特征(bendo - samuel 1989, Williamson and Blench 2000)。每个关系在语法上由一个共同的语素表示。后置助词li/ni标志着电子邮件的与格成分。此外，在复句中，li/ni编码了有限范围的从句类型，在名词短语中，它指定了一个修饰成分的子集。为了在这些结构关系之间架起共同的形式标记，我们假设它们具有语义基础类型的识别(在图形-基础复合体中)，其特征是空间集体性和时间连续性。因此，我们的总体结论是关于视角在语法及其形式标记中的作用(Talmy 2000)，并特别强调了与格关系。
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