Abstract:A common cross-linguistic grammatical process involves repetition. This generally operates at the morphological level, as reduplication, and can carry any of a variety of meanings. In Jarawara repetition operates at the syntactic level. After a fully articulated main clause, can be added a truncated version of it (including just the core components). This has purely semantic effect, indicating that the activity referred to is extended in time. The "summarizing clause" in Jarawara looks a little like "bridging constructions" (also known as "head-tail" or "tail-head" linkage), but it is functionally quite different, playing no role in establishing discourse continuity.
{"title":"Summarizing Clauses in Jarawara","authors":"R. Dixon","doi":"10.1353/ANL.2017.0003","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/ANL.2017.0003","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract:A common cross-linguistic grammatical process involves repetition. This generally operates at the morphological level, as reduplication, and can carry any of a variety of meanings. In Jarawara repetition operates at the syntactic level. After a fully articulated main clause, can be added a truncated version of it (including just the core components). This has purely semantic effect, indicating that the activity referred to is extended in time. The \"summarizing clause\" in Jarawara looks a little like \"bridging constructions\" (also known as \"head-tail\" or \"tail-head\" linkage), but it is functionally quite different, playing no role in establishing discourse continuity.","PeriodicalId":35350,"journal":{"name":"Anthropological Linguistics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2018-01-09","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1353/ANL.2017.0003","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46059220","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract:Voice alternations in Austronesian languages have typically been explained either in terms of clausal transitivity or in terms of nominal pragmatic salience. Here I combine grammatical and ethnographic analysis to argue that speakers of Toraja (a language of Sulawesi) select grammatical voice forms to represent moral and political stances with respect to ongoing actions; voice selection is connected to the micropolitics of situated interaction and to the broader cultural context (vernacular moral theories and local styles of self-presentation). Patient voice mitigates the assignment of agency, and thus aids in reproducing local models of the disinterested and subdued political self; conversely, actor voice projects an agentive and authoritative speaking subject. Such integrated analysis not only reveals the essential role of linguistic practices in reproducing a community’s moral system, but also advances the understanding of voice alternation.
{"title":"The Grammar of Politics: Morality, Agency, and Voice Selection in Toraja Political Discourse","authors":"Aurora Donzelli","doi":"10.1353/ANL.2016.0037","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/ANL.2016.0037","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract:Voice alternations in Austronesian languages have typically been explained either in terms of clausal transitivity or in terms of nominal pragmatic salience. Here I combine grammatical and ethnographic analysis to argue that speakers of Toraja (a language of Sulawesi) select grammatical voice forms to represent moral and political stances with respect to ongoing actions; voice selection is connected to the micropolitics of situated interaction and to the broader cultural context (vernacular moral theories and local styles of self-presentation). Patient voice mitigates the assignment of agency, and thus aids in reproducing local models of the disinterested and subdued political self; conversely, actor voice projects an agentive and authoritative speaking subject. Such integrated analysis not only reveals the essential role of linguistic practices in reproducing a community’s moral system, but also advances the understanding of voice alternation.","PeriodicalId":35350,"journal":{"name":"Anthropological Linguistics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2017-11-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1353/ANL.2016.0037","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48549930","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Lest the casual reader overlook this volume because of its narrowly focused title, it must be pointed out immediately that the work is far more than another collection of Maya tales. Drawing on decades of fieldwork in Mexico collaborating with Ausencio “Chencho” Guzmán, Nicholas A. Hopkins and J. Kathryn Josserand’s latest publication combines the presentation of bilingual texts (in Chol and English) with highly nuanced essays and thorough introductions to the stories themselves. This format provides the novice in the field with enough information to engage the material and the expert with a number of challenging insights into Chol culture and storytelling in general. In sum, the work should find a welcome home on the shelves of scholars and enthusiasts alike, and may even be useful in upper-level undergraduate or graduate classrooms as an accessible text that could be used to introduce students to the complexities of contemporary Maya cultures and storytelling traditions. Within this context, one of most fascinating aspects of Hopkins and Josserand’s study is the fact that their principal collaborator, Ausencio (Chenco) Cruz Guzmán, “identifies himself as a Ladino, not an ethnic Chol,” whose life experiences meant he was fluent in Spanish and Chol and “had acquired an extensive repertory of folktales and stories” (p. xi). In other words, the volume’s central storytelling voice challenges many preconceived notions about who tells stories, how, and why. Although the authors themselves do not spend much time meditating on the implications of a non-Maya interlocutor relating Maya stories in a Maya language, Cruz Guzmán’s positionality no doubt opens up into a series of fascinating questions as scholars have long noted a tendency for these racial power dynamics to run in the opposite direction. Writing on the ethnic identity of James D. Sexton’s collaborator, Tz’utujil Maya Ignacio Bizarro Ujpán, for example, Marc Zimmerman compares his status to that of K’iche’ Maya Rigoberta Menchú Tum, noting that Ujpán may “best represent the more individualized, ladinoized Indians integrated in relatively privileged ways into the national system” (1996:121). Cruz Guzmán would seem to be the opposite, a self-described Ladino who has incorporated aspects of a Chol Maya identity. Given the privileged status of language as a marker of cultural and ethnic identity in academic scholarship and indigenous movements alike, the notion of a mestizo or ladino who is culturally and linguistically fluent enough in an indigenous language to be a superb storyteller strikes one as something of an impossibility. And yet, in both language and style, that is precisely what Cruz Guzmán appears to be. The stories are grouped into three sections–“Myths and Fables,” “Tales of the Earth Lord,” and “Things That Come Out of the Woods.” Unlike many collections of Maya narratives, these include not only iterations of frequently anthologized tales such as “The Blackman” (“El Negro Cimarron”)
{"title":"Chol (Mayan) Folktales: A Collection of Stories from the Modern Maya of Southern Mexico by Nicholas A. Hopkins And J. Kathryn Josserand (review)","authors":"Paul M. Worley","doi":"10.1353/ANL.2016.0038","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/ANL.2016.0038","url":null,"abstract":"Lest the casual reader overlook this volume because of its narrowly focused title, it must be pointed out immediately that the work is far more than another collection of Maya tales. Drawing on decades of fieldwork in Mexico collaborating with Ausencio “Chencho” Guzmán, Nicholas A. Hopkins and J. Kathryn Josserand’s latest publication combines the presentation of bilingual texts (in Chol and English) with highly nuanced essays and thorough introductions to the stories themselves. This format provides the novice in the field with enough information to engage the material and the expert with a number of challenging insights into Chol culture and storytelling in general. In sum, the work should find a welcome home on the shelves of scholars and enthusiasts alike, and may even be useful in upper-level undergraduate or graduate classrooms as an accessible text that could be used to introduce students to the complexities of contemporary Maya cultures and storytelling traditions. Within this context, one of most fascinating aspects of Hopkins and Josserand’s study is the fact that their principal collaborator, Ausencio (Chenco) Cruz Guzmán, “identifies himself as a Ladino, not an ethnic Chol,” whose life experiences meant he was fluent in Spanish and Chol and “had acquired an extensive repertory of folktales and stories” (p. xi). In other words, the volume’s central storytelling voice challenges many preconceived notions about who tells stories, how, and why. Although the authors themselves do not spend much time meditating on the implications of a non-Maya interlocutor relating Maya stories in a Maya language, Cruz Guzmán’s positionality no doubt opens up into a series of fascinating questions as scholars have long noted a tendency for these racial power dynamics to run in the opposite direction. Writing on the ethnic identity of James D. Sexton’s collaborator, Tz’utujil Maya Ignacio Bizarro Ujpán, for example, Marc Zimmerman compares his status to that of K’iche’ Maya Rigoberta Menchú Tum, noting that Ujpán may “best represent the more individualized, ladinoized Indians integrated in relatively privileged ways into the national system” (1996:121). Cruz Guzmán would seem to be the opposite, a self-described Ladino who has incorporated aspects of a Chol Maya identity. Given the privileged status of language as a marker of cultural and ethnic identity in academic scholarship and indigenous movements alike, the notion of a mestizo or ladino who is culturally and linguistically fluent enough in an indigenous language to be a superb storyteller strikes one as something of an impossibility. And yet, in both language and style, that is precisely what Cruz Guzmán appears to be. The stories are grouped into three sections–“Myths and Fables,” “Tales of the Earth Lord,” and “Things That Come Out of the Woods.” Unlike many collections of Maya narratives, these include not only iterations of frequently anthologized tales such as “The Blackman” (“El Negro Cimarron”)","PeriodicalId":35350,"journal":{"name":"Anthropological Linguistics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2017-11-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1353/ANL.2016.0038","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42277840","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Almost all Algonquian languages use diminutive suffixes on nouns and, in some languages, on verbs as well. The formation of diminutive nouns in Miami-Illinois is very complex, and much more irregular than that seen in the most closely related Algonquian languages. I discuss here patterns of diminutive noun formation in Miami-Illinois; besides comparing them to those found in its sister languages when relevant, I demonstrate which forms are unpredictable, and discuss philological problems of phonemic interpretation posed by the original records.
{"title":"Diminutive Nouns in Miami-Illinois","authors":"David J. Costa","doi":"10.1353/ANL.2016.0036","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/ANL.2016.0036","url":null,"abstract":"Almost all Algonquian languages use diminutive suffixes on nouns and, in some languages, on verbs as well. The formation of diminutive nouns in Miami-Illinois is very complex, and much more irregular than that seen in the most closely related Algonquian languages. I discuss here patterns of diminutive noun formation in Miami-Illinois; besides comparing them to those found in its sister languages when relevant, I demonstrate which forms are unpredictable, and discuss philological problems of phonemic interpretation posed by the original records.","PeriodicalId":35350,"journal":{"name":"Anthropological Linguistics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2017-11-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1353/ANL.2016.0036","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47565853","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Kawapanan is a little-known linguistic family from northwestern Amazonia composed of two languages, Shiwilu and Shawi. This article offers the first detailed account of a Kawapanan classifier system. Shiwilu classifying morphemes are analyzed in terms of their semantics, morphosyntax, and functions. In addition to describing a central property of a vanishing language, this work seeks to contribute to the discussion on the nominal categorization mechanisms of northwestern Amazonia, a topic especially relevant for linguistic typology and our understanding of language contact and areality in South America.
{"title":"Classifiers in Shiwilu (Kawapanan) in Northwestern Amazonian Perspective","authors":"P. Valenzuela","doi":"10.1353/ANL.2016.0035","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/ANL.2016.0035","url":null,"abstract":"Kawapanan is a little-known linguistic family from northwestern Amazonia composed of two languages, Shiwilu and Shawi. This article offers the first detailed account of a Kawapanan classifier system. Shiwilu classifying morphemes are analyzed in terms of their semantics, morphosyntax, and functions. In addition to describing a central property of a vanishing language, this work seeks to contribute to the discussion on the nominal categorization mechanisms of northwestern Amazonia, a topic especially relevant for linguistic typology and our understanding of language contact and areality in South America.","PeriodicalId":35350,"journal":{"name":"Anthropological Linguistics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2017-11-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1353/ANL.2016.0035","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45413556","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract: Formation and use of direct positive and negative requests in Upper Tanana (Dene) are investigated through qualitative analysis of narrative texts. Choice of request form depends on speakers’ evaluation of their entitlement, as well as of the contingencies involved in granting the request. Negative requests are relatively infrequent because they are easily construed as criticism of the hearer’s knowledge of įįjih, the moral underpinnings of Upper Tanana society, and are thus usually avoided unless the addressee is someone of whom knowledge of įįjih cannot be expected.
{"title":"Įįjih and Request Formation in Upper Tanana: Evidence from Narrative Texts","authors":"O. Lovick","doi":"10.1353/ANL.2016.0031","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/ANL.2016.0031","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract: Formation and use of direct positive and negative requests in Upper Tanana (Dene) are investigated through qualitative analysis of narrative texts. Choice of request form depends on speakers’ evaluation of their entitlement, as well as of the contingencies involved in granting the request. Negative requests are relatively infrequent because they are easily construed as criticism of the hearer’s knowledge of įįjih, the moral underpinnings of Upper Tanana society, and are thus usually avoided unless the addressee is someone of whom knowledge of įįjih cannot be expected.","PeriodicalId":35350,"journal":{"name":"Anthropological Linguistics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2017-07-12","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1353/ANL.2016.0031","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44302856","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
It was mentioned at the beginning of this review that Cook’s work is preceded by that of Brittain (1997, 1999, 2001) on the independent-conjunct contrast in Western Naskapi, another member of the Cree-Innu-Naskapi language continuum. It is surprising, then, that Cook’s book makes no mention of Brittain’s work. Although Plains Cree and Western Naskapi are undoubtedly different, they display many commonalities in both the form and distribution of the independent and conjunct inflections. Furthermore, despite the difference in focus–the main contributions of Brittain’s work involve morphosyntax, while the main contributions of Cook’s work involve semantics–the proposals of the two authors seem fundamentally compatible, as they both attribute the independent-conjunct contrast to a difference at the CP level of the clause. I suggest, then, that the work of the two authors is complementary; Brittain and Cook examine different facets of the same issue and their work could well be read together. This omission does not, however, detract from the overall value of Cook’s work. The book makes a substantial and highly original contribution to a notoriously difficult problem in Algonquian linguistics, and in the process of doing so, it also provides an extensive and insightful description of various aspects of Cree syntax and semantics that have rarely been observed, let alone explained in such a coherent way. The book is thus a valuable resource for those engaged in the translation or analysis of Cree texts. In addition to its masterful command of the data, the book is also a model of clarity in presentation, which makes it just as accessible to nonspecialists as it is stimulating and instructive to specialists. Beyond its relevance to audiences familiar with Cree and Algonquian languages, the book is also of interest to those who study the typology of clause types, the encoding of evidentiality, the nature of main-clause phenomena, and the syntactic and semantic parallels between clauses and nominals.
{"title":"Haitian Creole: Structure, Variation, Status, Origin by Albert Valdman (review)","authors":"Sibylle Kriegel","doi":"10.1353/ANL.2016.0034","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/ANL.2016.0034","url":null,"abstract":"It was mentioned at the beginning of this review that Cook’s work is preceded by that of Brittain (1997, 1999, 2001) on the independent-conjunct contrast in Western Naskapi, another member of the Cree-Innu-Naskapi language continuum. It is surprising, then, that Cook’s book makes no mention of Brittain’s work. Although Plains Cree and Western Naskapi are undoubtedly different, they display many commonalities in both the form and distribution of the independent and conjunct inflections. Furthermore, despite the difference in focus–the main contributions of Brittain’s work involve morphosyntax, while the main contributions of Cook’s work involve semantics–the proposals of the two authors seem fundamentally compatible, as they both attribute the independent-conjunct contrast to a difference at the CP level of the clause. I suggest, then, that the work of the two authors is complementary; Brittain and Cook examine different facets of the same issue and their work could well be read together. This omission does not, however, detract from the overall value of Cook’s work. The book makes a substantial and highly original contribution to a notoriously difficult problem in Algonquian linguistics, and in the process of doing so, it also provides an extensive and insightful description of various aspects of Cree syntax and semantics that have rarely been observed, let alone explained in such a coherent way. The book is thus a valuable resource for those engaged in the translation or analysis of Cree texts. In addition to its masterful command of the data, the book is also a model of clarity in presentation, which makes it just as accessible to nonspecialists as it is stimulating and instructive to specialists. Beyond its relevance to audiences familiar with Cree and Algonquian languages, the book is also of interest to those who study the typology of clause types, the encoding of evidentiality, the nature of main-clause phenomena, and the syntactic and semantic parallels between clauses and nominals.","PeriodicalId":35350,"journal":{"name":"Anthropological Linguistics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2017-07-12","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1353/ANL.2016.0034","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41653402","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
While the languages of the southeastern United States have been characterized as having active-stative alignment, there has been little or no discussion of exactly how the language isolate Tunica fits into this linguistic landscape. The Tunica agreement system can be formally characterized as an active system with stative vs. nonstative agreement—particularly in the earlier data, which preserves underlying forms that had eroded by the time of Mary Haas’s major documentation and make the active-stative nature of the agreement system more transparent.
{"title":"Active-Stative Agreement in Tunica","authors":"Raina Heaton","doi":"10.1353/ANL.2016.0032","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/ANL.2016.0032","url":null,"abstract":"While the languages of the southeastern United States have been characterized as having active-stative alignment, there has been little or no discussion of exactly how the language isolate Tunica fits into this linguistic landscape. The Tunica agreement system can be formally characterized as an active system with stative vs. nonstative agreement—particularly in the earlier data, which preserves underlying forms that had eroded by the time of Mary Haas’s major documentation and make the active-stative nature of the agreement system more transparent.","PeriodicalId":35350,"journal":{"name":"Anthropological Linguistics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2017-07-12","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1353/ANL.2016.0032","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47553914","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Like most of the Algonquian family, the Cree-Innu-Naskapi language continuum displays a contrast between two parallel sets of verb inflection: the “independent order,” which occurs canonically in main clauses, and the “conjunct order,” which occurs canonically in subordinate clauses, but can occur in main clauses as well. The conditioning of the independent-conjunct contrast is one of the most difficult problems in Algonquian linguistics. Prior to the appearance of the work under review, the most extensive study of the independent-conjunct contrast in Cree-Innu-Naskapi was Julie Brittain’s 2001 book The Morphosyntax of the Algonquian Conjunct Verb, which focused on Western Naskapi (see also Brittain 1997, 1999). Clare Cook’s book, a revision of her dissertation (Cook 2008), differs from Brittain’s work not only in its focus on Plains Cree, which lies at the opposite end of the language continuum, but also in its goals: while Brittain (2001) is concerned primarily with the syntactic structure that underlies the independentconjunct contrast, Cook (2014) focuses on the meanings that the contrast serves to indicate as revealed through extensive and thoughtful fieldwork and textual analysis. The result is a rich description and compelling theoretical account of the use of independent and conjunct verb forms together with a variety of other related elements such as the often neglected preverbs. Chapter 1, “Introduction: Indexical versus Anaphoric Clauses,” states Cook’s central proposal, which is that Plains Cree employs the independent-conjunct contrast to signal the difference between two clause types. The independent order encodes indexical clauses, which, like indexical pronouns such as you in the sentence Sue saw you, are interpreted with respect to the speech situation. The conjunct order encodes anaphoric clauses, which, like anaphoric pronouns such as her in Suei said that you saw her i, are interpreted with respect to some other element. The extension of the notions of indexicality and anaphoricity from pronominal reference to clause typing is the key theoretical innovation of Cook’s work. Chapter 2, “Mapping Indexical and Anaphoric CPs onto Plains Cree’s Morphosyntax,” sets out a syntactic model of Plains Cree clause structure that will provide a backdrop for the discussions in the following chapters. It is proposed that the Plains Cree verbal complex instantiates an entire CP (i.e., it encompasses the syntactic structure of an entire clause) in both the independent and conjunct. The clause-typing preverbs that occur in the conjunct are analyzed as C, the head of the clause, while the person proclitics that occur in the independent are analyzed as specifiers of CP. The status of the person proclitics in the analysis is not fully clear. Cook states that the indexicality of independent clauses is the result of a speech-situation variable in the specifier of CP (p. 14). Given that the specifier of CP is the proposed location of the person procli
{"title":"The Clause-Typing System of Plains Cree: Indexicality, Anaphoricity, and Contrast by Clare Cook (review)","authors":"Will Oxford","doi":"10.1353/ANL.2016.0033","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/ANL.2016.0033","url":null,"abstract":"Like most of the Algonquian family, the Cree-Innu-Naskapi language continuum displays a contrast between two parallel sets of verb inflection: the “independent order,” which occurs canonically in main clauses, and the “conjunct order,” which occurs canonically in subordinate clauses, but can occur in main clauses as well. The conditioning of the independent-conjunct contrast is one of the most difficult problems in Algonquian linguistics. Prior to the appearance of the work under review, the most extensive study of the independent-conjunct contrast in Cree-Innu-Naskapi was Julie Brittain’s 2001 book The Morphosyntax of the Algonquian Conjunct Verb, which focused on Western Naskapi (see also Brittain 1997, 1999). Clare Cook’s book, a revision of her dissertation (Cook 2008), differs from Brittain’s work not only in its focus on Plains Cree, which lies at the opposite end of the language continuum, but also in its goals: while Brittain (2001) is concerned primarily with the syntactic structure that underlies the independentconjunct contrast, Cook (2014) focuses on the meanings that the contrast serves to indicate as revealed through extensive and thoughtful fieldwork and textual analysis. The result is a rich description and compelling theoretical account of the use of independent and conjunct verb forms together with a variety of other related elements such as the often neglected preverbs. Chapter 1, “Introduction: Indexical versus Anaphoric Clauses,” states Cook’s central proposal, which is that Plains Cree employs the independent-conjunct contrast to signal the difference between two clause types. The independent order encodes indexical clauses, which, like indexical pronouns such as you in the sentence Sue saw you, are interpreted with respect to the speech situation. The conjunct order encodes anaphoric clauses, which, like anaphoric pronouns such as her in Suei said that you saw her i, are interpreted with respect to some other element. The extension of the notions of indexicality and anaphoricity from pronominal reference to clause typing is the key theoretical innovation of Cook’s work. Chapter 2, “Mapping Indexical and Anaphoric CPs onto Plains Cree’s Morphosyntax,” sets out a syntactic model of Plains Cree clause structure that will provide a backdrop for the discussions in the following chapters. It is proposed that the Plains Cree verbal complex instantiates an entire CP (i.e., it encompasses the syntactic structure of an entire clause) in both the independent and conjunct. The clause-typing preverbs that occur in the conjunct are analyzed as C, the head of the clause, while the person proclitics that occur in the independent are analyzed as specifiers of CP. The status of the person proclitics in the analysis is not fully clear. Cook states that the indexicality of independent clauses is the result of a speech-situation variable in the specifier of CP (p. 14). Given that the specifier of CP is the proposed location of the person procli","PeriodicalId":35350,"journal":{"name":"Anthropological Linguistics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2017-07-12","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1353/ANL.2016.0033","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47962310","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This study presents a comprehensive analysis of verb classes in Juchitán Zapotec, an Otomanguean language belonging to the Zapotec branch of Zapotecan, following the four-class system of verbal classification laid out in earlier work by Terrence Kaufman. Our analysis, based on a thorough review of over two thousand Juchitán Zapotec verbs, confirms the applicability of the four-class system to Juchitán Zapotec data, improving over previous analyses of verbal morphology in the language and adding to the evidence that this system can be applied throughout the Zapotecan family (including Chatino); further, our study stresses the relevance of data-driven rather than theory-driven linguistic analyses.
{"title":"Verb Classes in Juchitán Zapotec","authors":"Gabriela Perez Baez, T. Kaufman","doi":"10.1353/ANL.2016.0030","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/ANL.2016.0030","url":null,"abstract":"This study presents a comprehensive analysis of verb classes in Juchitán Zapotec, an Otomanguean language belonging to the Zapotec branch of Zapotecan, following the four-class system of verbal classification laid out in earlier work by Terrence Kaufman. Our analysis, based on a thorough review of over two thousand Juchitán Zapotec verbs, confirms the applicability of the four-class system to Juchitán Zapotec data, improving over previous analyses of verbal morphology in the language and adding to the evidence that this system can be applied throughout the Zapotecan family (including Chatino); further, our study stresses the relevance of data-driven rather than theory-driven linguistic analyses.","PeriodicalId":35350,"journal":{"name":"Anthropological Linguistics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2017-07-12","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1353/ANL.2016.0030","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41475627","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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