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Law and Love in Ovid: Courting Justice in the Age of Augustus by Ioannis Ziogas (review) 奥维德的法律与爱情:奥古斯都时代的正义追求(书评)
IF 0.1 3区 历史学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-04-01 DOI: 10.1353/tcj.2023.0015
Teresa R. Ramsby
Trajan. A further catalogue of dubious interpretations of Parthian wars from Verus to Macrinus cannot be pursued here. Most incredible is extending Caracalla’s 216 activities into Babylonia (170). In sum, Schlude rightly attributes (193-194) a role of Roman-Parthian wars 114-217 to the Arsacids’ demise, but he has no problem with the historicity of either Parthian claims to be Achaemenid Persian heirs (a hotly contested topic) or even Sallust’s epistula Mithridatis. The numbers of Parthian kings are often wrong (frequently Artabanus III for II and likewise for Vologaeses II-V). The microscopic maps (xv-xvi) add little; Fig. 3 lacks a caption; and the blurry Fig. 25 serves for show rather than illustration. Yet these flaws may lie with the publisher. Proofing errors are relatively few, but at least one is glaring: ΘΙΛΕΛΛΗΝΟΣ (3). I cannot recommend this book for undergraduate consumption, but it could be used for discussions in graduate seminars. One can only marvel at why editors of the OCD thought this work’s arguments worthy of canonization in a standard reference work.
图拉真。关于从维鲁斯到马克林努斯的帕提亚战争的进一步可疑的解释目录在此无法继续。最令人难以置信的是将卡拉卡拉的216项活动扩展到巴比伦(170)。总而言之,Schlude正确地将(193-194)罗马-帕提亚战争(114-217)归因于阿萨西人的灭亡,但他对帕提亚人声称自己是阿契美尼德的波斯继承人(一个激烈争论的话题)甚至是Sallust的epistula Mithridatis的历史性都没有异议。帕提亚国王的数量经常是错误的(经常是阿尔塔巴努斯三世为二世,同样是伏尔加西斯二世至五世)。微观地图(xv-xvi)添加很少;图3缺少标题;模糊的图25是为了展示而不是说明。然而,这些缺陷可能在于出版商。校对错误相对较少,但至少有一个是明显的:ΘΙΛΕΛΛΗΝΟΣ(3)。我不能向本科生推荐这本书,但它可以用于研究生研讨会的讨论。人们只能惊讶于为什么强迫症的编辑认为这部作品的论点值得在标准参考作品中被册封。
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引用次数: 0
Traces of Survival Cannibalism in Homer’s Odyssey 荷马史诗《奥德赛》中的食人痕迹
IF 0.1 3区 历史学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-04-01 DOI: 10.1353/tcj.2023.0009
R. Mann
Abstract:The eating of the corpses of fellow crew members has been a survival strategy for shipwrecked sailors for centuries. In this paper I ask whether we can see any traces of this practice in the Odyssey. I find them in the structure of the episode of the cattle of the sun on Thrinacia, in the cannibalistic undertones and drawing of lots on Circe’s island, Aeaea, and in the trope of human sacrifice to obtain fair winds, suggested by Menelaus’s experiences on Pharos and the death of Elpenor. These traces reflect the anxieties of an early seafaring culture, illuminate the Odyssey’s most famous anthropophage, the Cyclops, and suggest an allusive relationship between the Odyssey text and ancestral narratives of survival cannibalism.
摘要:几个世纪以来,吃其他船员的尸体一直是遭遇海难的水手的生存策略。在本文中,我想问我们是否能在《奥德赛》中看到这种做法的任何痕迹。我在特里纳西亚的太阳之牛的情节结构中找到了它们,在喀耳刻的伊埃亚岛上食人的暗语和抽签中找到了它们,在墨涅劳斯在法罗斯岛的经历和埃尔佩诺之死所暗示的人类牺牲以获得公平的风的比喻中找到了它们。这些痕迹反映了早期航海文化的焦虑,阐明了《奥德赛》中最著名的食人者独眼巨人,并暗示了《奥德赛》文本与祖先关于食人生存的叙述之间的暗指关系。
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引用次数: 0
Rome, Parthia, and the Politics of Peace: The Origins of War in the Ancient Middle East by Jason M. Schlude 《罗马、帕提亚与和平政治:古代中东战争的起源》作者:杰森·m·施卢德
IF 0.1 3区 历史学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-04-01 DOI: 10.1353/tcj.2023.0014
Everett L. Wheeler
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引用次数: 0
Vergil’s Epicurean Fortunatus
IF 0.1 3区 历史学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-04-01 DOI: 10.1353/tcj.2023.0010
Leo Trotz-Liboff
Abstract:In this paper I reevaluate the relationship between the figures of the felix and the fortunatus at the end of Georgics Book 2. Rather than representing an opposition between Epicurean natural philosophy and traditional religion, the figures are complementary, embodying the physical and ethical teachings of Epicureanism respectively. I first discuss the implications of Vergil’s praise of the felix for his views on traditional religion and analyze allusions to Lucretius in his description of the fortunatus. Then I show that Vergil’s treatment of the divine both has parallels to Epicurean cult practice and follows Lucretius’ poetic model of divine symbolism, the divinities named at 2.494 being symbols for Epicurean ethical ideals. As a whole, my argument indicates a positive attitude towards Epicureanism in the Georgics.
摘要:本文重新评价了《格鲁吉亚》第二卷末尾的费利克斯与幸运之神的关系。而不是代表伊壁鸠鲁自然哲学和传统宗教之间的对立,这些人物是互补的,分别体现了伊壁鸠鲁的物理和伦理教义。我首先讨论了维吉尔对费利克斯的赞美对他对传统宗教的看法的影响,并分析了他对幸运的描述中对卢克莱修的典故。然后我表明维吉尔对神的处理与伊壁鸠鲁的崇拜实践有相似之处,并遵循卢克莱修的神圣象征的诗歌模式,在2.494中命名的神是伊壁鸠鲁伦理理想的象征。总的来说,我的论述表明了对《格奥尔基》中伊壁鸠鲁主义的积极态度。
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引用次数: 0
Space War: Plato's Protagoras as a Narrative of Contested Space 太空战争:柏拉图的《普罗泰戈拉》是对有争议空间的叙述
IF 0.1 3区 历史学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-02-01 DOI: 10.1353/tcj.2023.0001
James A. Andrews
Abstract:The setting for the greater part of the Protagoras is the notorious home of Callias. But that space is continuously re-imagined and refocalized by the various characters, Socrates included. The narrative thus passes from the comic stage and the Underworld to council-chamber, epideictic auditorium, panhellenic assembly, panhellenic prytaneum of the wise, symposium (devoted to literary culture and the testing of one's fellow-symposiast), an occult Sparta, the Delphic seat of the Seven Sages, and the agora. With this last the contest of narrative spaces comes full circle, clearing the way for a better use of Callias's home and hospitality (361d).
摘要:《普罗泰戈拉》的大部分故事背景都是臭名昭著的卡利亚的家。但这个空间不断被各种人物重新想象和重新聚焦,包括苏格拉底。故事就这样从喜剧舞台和地下世界过渡到议事厅、流行病礼堂、泛希腊集会、泛希腊智者聚会、研讨会(致力于文学文化和对同行的考验)、神秘的斯巴达、七圣贤的德尔菲神庙和集市。最后,叙事空间的竞争又回到了原点,为更好地利用Callias的家和热情好客(361d)扫清了道路。
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引用次数: 0
Hippias' Synagogé: An Historiographical Misunderstanding? 希比阿的犹太教:一个史学上的误解?
IF 0.1 3区 历史学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-02-01 DOI: 10.1353/tcj.2023.0008
Ilaria Andolfi
Abstract:In this paper we challenge a staple of modern scholarship, which considers Hippias' Synagogé as the first instance of Greek doxographical work. In this article, I offer a fresh analysis of the relevant ancient texts and of the state of scholarship. The result of this investigation casts doubt on the real nature and scope of Hippias' Synagogé as a mere collection of passages. I argue that this usually taken for granted interpretation does not capture what the Synagogé may have been. By contrast, I suggest restoring the entertaining nature and rhetorical strategy that lie at the heart of Hippias' literary effort.
摘要:在本文中,我们挑战现代学术的一个主要内容,即认为希比阿的《犹太法典》是希腊文献著作的第一个实例。在这篇文章中,我对相关的古代文本和学术状况进行了新的分析。这项调查的结果使人们对希比阿的犹太会堂的真实性质和范围产生怀疑,因为它仅仅是一个段落的集合。我认为,这种通常被视为理所当然的解释并没有捕捉到犹太会堂可能是什么样子的。相比之下,我建议恢复娱乐性和修辞策略,这是希比阿文学努力的核心。
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引用次数: 0
Courtesy for Corpses: Erictho's Disturbing Decency in Lucan's Bellum Civile 对尸体的礼貌:埃里索在卢坎的平民战争中令人不安的礼貌
IF 0.1 3区 历史学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-02-01 DOI: 10.1353/tcj.2023.0002
Kathleen Cruz
Abstract:Erictho's reputation as a grotesque witch seeping with malevolent power has long captivated readers of Lucan's Bellum Civile. In this paper, I explore how the poem implicitly works against this reputation even while explicitly endorsing it. After first illustrating how her behavior in the narrative action contrasts with the original description of her character and abilities, I turn specifically to Erictho's considerate promise to lay the reanimated corpse in her necromancy to rest. By fulfilling this promise, Erictho spotlights unsettling conversations of agency and bodily autonomy in Lucan's poem: especially as her behavior contrasts with Lucan's own as he populates his epic with reanimated corpses of a different kind.
摘要:埃里索是卢坎的《文明战争》的读者们长久以来所喜爱的人物,她是一个充满邪恶力量的怪诞女巫。在本文中,我探讨了这首诗是如何含蓄地反对这种声誉的,尽管它明确地支持它。在首先说明了她在叙事行动中的行为如何与她的性格和能力的原始描述形成对比之后,我特别转向埃里克托的周到承诺,即在她的巫术中让复活的尸体安息。通过履行这一承诺,埃里克托在卢坎的诗中强调了关于代理和身体自主的令人不安的对话:尤其是当她的行为与卢坎自己的行为形成对比时,因为他在史诗中充斥着另一种复活的尸体。
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引用次数: 0
Latin in Modern Fiction: Who Says It's a Dead Language?: Aldous Huxley 现代小说中的拉丁语:谁说它是一种死亡的语言?阿道斯·赫胥黎
IF 0.1 3区 历史学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-02-01 DOI: 10.1353/tcj.2023.0003
Henryk Hoffmann
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引用次数: 0
Epic Echoes in The Wind in the Willows by Georgia L. Irby (review) 乔治亚·l·艾尔比《柳林风声》中的史诗回声(书评)
IF 0.1 3区 历史学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-02-01 DOI: 10.1353/tcj.2023.0005
Daniel E. Harris-McCoy
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引用次数: 0
The Return Journey of the Argonauts and Mythical Geography in Apollodorus's Library 阿尔戈英雄的归来之旅与阿波罗多洛斯图书馆中的神话地理
IF 0.1 3区 历史学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-02-01 DOI: 10.1353/tcj.2023.0000
Stefano Acerbo, James A. Andrews, Kathleen Cruz, Henryk Hoffmann, Leanna Boychenko, Daniel E. Harris-McCoy, Phillip Zapkin, R. V. Wijk, Ilaria Andolfi
Abstract:The return voyage of the Argonauts described in the Library presents remarkable differences compared to the model provided by Apollonius of Rhodes. Here we focus specifically on two aspects of the trip in Apollodorus's version, with the aim of providing new insights on these elements of the story that deviate from Apollonius: the order of the stages in the Adriatic Sea and the absence of the Libyan episode. As a result, our analysis allows us to appreciate, beyond the canonical value acquired by Apollonius's text in the early imperial period, the important role played by other local myths, even glimpsing the influence of more ancient traditions about the journey of the Argonauts. Moreover, Apollodorus' authorial choices seem to reveal a general scepticism for the part of the mythographer regarding the possibility of adapting the landscape of the mythological traditions to the geographical knowledge of his time.
摘要:与阿波罗尼乌斯提供的模型相比,图书馆中描述的阿尔戈英雄的返航有着显著的差异。在这里,我们特别关注阿波罗多洛斯版本中旅行的两个方面,目的是为偏离阿波罗多洛斯的故事元素提供新的见解:亚得里亚海的阶段顺序和利比亚情节的缺失。因此,我们的分析使我们能够欣赏到,除了阿波罗尼乌斯的文本在早期帝国时期所获得的规范价值之外,其他地方神话所发挥的重要作用,甚至可以看到关于阿尔戈英雄之旅的更古老的传统的影响。此外,阿波罗多洛斯的写作选择似乎揭示了神话作者对神话传统景观适应他那个时代地理知识的可能性的普遍怀疑。
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