Pub Date : 2022-10-09DOI: 10.1177/00438200221128264
Mohammed Abu-Nimer
This essay discusses Ben-Meir's proposal for a confederation and examines both the disadvantages and advantages that such arrangements can offer Israeli and Palestinians and the region in general. Briefly, the confederation proposal suggests gradual agreed-upon political, economic, military, and sociocultural arrangements that will produce a new set of relationships among governments and people in these three societies. I argue that the realpolitik approach that permeates this proposal is certainly useful as an initial step toward a reduced level of violence and de-escalate conflicts. However, it falls short of building trustful relationships and moving people in the direction of healing and reconciliation. There is no doubt that the idea of a confederation as an arrangement to transform the Israeli–Palestinian conflict carries the seeds for a holistic and transformative solution to deeply divided communities and a deep-rooted conflict. However, there are several limitations to Ben-Meir's proposal that require significant additional deliberation and should lead to further modification if its core ideas are to be accepted and endorsed by both Israelis and Palestinians.
{"title":"CONFEDERATION BETWEEN ISRAEL, PALESTINE, AND JORDAN","authors":"Mohammed Abu-Nimer","doi":"10.1177/00438200221128264","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00438200221128264","url":null,"abstract":"This essay discusses Ben-Meir's proposal for a confederation and examines both the disadvantages and advantages that such arrangements can offer Israeli and Palestinians and the region in general. Briefly, the confederation proposal suggests gradual agreed-upon political, economic, military, and sociocultural arrangements that will produce a new set of relationships among governments and people in these three societies. I argue that the realpolitik approach that permeates this proposal is certainly useful as an initial step toward a reduced level of violence and de-escalate conflicts. However, it falls short of building trustful relationships and moving people in the direction of healing and reconciliation. There is no doubt that the idea of a confederation as an arrangement to transform the Israeli–Palestinian conflict carries the seeds for a holistic and transformative solution to deeply divided communities and a deep-rooted conflict. However, there are several limitations to Ben-Meir's proposal that require significant additional deliberation and should lead to further modification if its core ideas are to be accepted and endorsed by both Israelis and Palestinians.","PeriodicalId":35790,"journal":{"name":"World Affairs","volume":"185 1","pages":"690 - 709"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-10-09","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48349162","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-10-03DOI: 10.1177/00438200221128788
Alon Ben‐Meir
This article introduces the World Affairs 2022 special issue which contains ten contributions, including this one, debating the proposal for an Israeli-Palestinian-Jordanian confederation published in this journal earlier this year. In the present article, I continue and expand some of the arguments in the previous proposal. The notion that the time is not ripe to bring an end to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict is misguided and extremely dangerous. When and how a more conducive environment will be created to restart peace negotiations remains elusive. Even a cursory review of the daily encounters between Israelis and Palestinians in the occupied territories and Gaza point to the intensity of hatred, enmity, and utter contempt they feel toward one another, which if continued unabated will be a recipe for an unprecedented violent conflagration. To avert the inevitable, every concerned individual must do everything humanly possible to help in creating new psychological, political, and physical conditions that would facilitate a dialogue and engender a new momentum to start a process of reconciliation before it is too late. This should eventually lead to the establishment of an independent Palestinian state under the umbrella of an Israeli-Palestinian-Jordanian confederation, where all three countries maintain their independence and can grow and prosper together and live in mutual security and peace.
{"title":"INTRODUCTION TO THE SPECIAL ISSUE","authors":"Alon Ben‐Meir","doi":"10.1177/00438200221128788","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00438200221128788","url":null,"abstract":"This article introduces the World Affairs 2022 special issue which contains ten contributions, including this one, debating the proposal for an Israeli-Palestinian-Jordanian confederation published in this journal earlier this year. In the present article, I continue and expand some of the arguments in the previous proposal. The notion that the time is not ripe to bring an end to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict is misguided and extremely dangerous. When and how a more conducive environment will be created to restart peace negotiations remains elusive. Even a cursory review of the daily encounters between Israelis and Palestinians in the occupied territories and Gaza point to the intensity of hatred, enmity, and utter contempt they feel toward one another, which if continued unabated will be a recipe for an unprecedented violent conflagration. To avert the inevitable, every concerned individual must do everything humanly possible to help in creating new psychological, political, and physical conditions that would facilitate a dialogue and engender a new momentum to start a process of reconciliation before it is too late. This should eventually lead to the establishment of an independent Palestinian state under the umbrella of an Israeli-Palestinian-Jordanian confederation, where all three countries maintain their independence and can grow and prosper together and live in mutual security and peace.","PeriodicalId":35790,"journal":{"name":"World Affairs","volume":"185 1","pages":"650 - 675"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-10-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41619724","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-09-27DOI: 10.1177/00438200221128276
Majeda Omar
In light of the mounting sense of hopelessness and frustration due to the steady deadlock in efforts for solving the Palestinian–Israeli conflict, several proposals have been advocated in this regard with the aim of arriving at a final solution to this intricate conflict. This article examines the current proposal of an Israeli–Palestinian–Jordanian confederation presented by Prof. Alon Ben-Meir and provides some constructive remarks on a number of themes considered in his proposal.
鉴于解决巴以冲突的努力陷入僵局，人们越来越感到绝望和沮丧，在这方面提出了几项建议，旨在最终解决这场复杂的冲突。本文审查了Alon Ben Meir教授提出的以色列-巴勒斯坦-约旦联盟的当前提案，并就其提案中考虑的一些主题发表了一些建设性的意见。
{"title":"AN ISRAELI–PALESTINIAN–JORDANIAN CONFEDERATION","authors":"Majeda Omar","doi":"10.1177/00438200221128276","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00438200221128276","url":null,"abstract":"In light of the mounting sense of hopelessness and frustration due to the steady deadlock in efforts for solving the Palestinian–Israeli conflict, several proposals have been advocated in this regard with the aim of arriving at a final solution to this intricate conflict. This article examines the current proposal of an Israeli–Palestinian–Jordanian confederation presented by Prof. Alon Ben-Meir and provides some constructive remarks on a number of themes considered in his proposal.","PeriodicalId":35790,"journal":{"name":"World Affairs","volume":"185 1","pages":"724 - 736"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-09-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45889874","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-09-25DOI: 10.1177/00438200221127031
Tsvi Bisk
In this contribution to the World Affairs 2022 Special Issue, I engage Alon Ben-Meir’s proposal for an Israeli–Palestinian–Jordanian Confederation previously published in this journal and discussed in depth by scholars, diplomats, and policy practitioners in a panel at the March 2022 Policy Studies Organization Middle East Dialog conference in Washington, DC. Given that achieving such a confederation has been sabotaged over and again to date, a critical question is how do we get from here to there without upsetting the irrational passions of both sides? I suggest various practical steps and policies that might mitigate the conflict in ways that could inexorably lead to the final destination of Ben-Meir's confederation.
{"title":"IT'S REALLY NOT THE NOW—IT'S THE HOW!","authors":"Tsvi Bisk","doi":"10.1177/00438200221127031","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00438200221127031","url":null,"abstract":"In this contribution to the World Affairs 2022 Special Issue, I engage Alon Ben-Meir’s proposal for an Israeli–Palestinian–Jordanian Confederation previously published in this journal and discussed in depth by scholars, diplomats, and policy practitioners in a panel at the March 2022 Policy Studies Organization Middle East Dialog conference in Washington, DC. Given that achieving such a confederation has been sabotaged over and again to date, a critical question is how do we get from here to there without upsetting the irrational passions of both sides? I suggest various practical steps and policies that might mitigate the conflict in ways that could inexorably lead to the final destination of Ben-Meir's confederation.","PeriodicalId":35790,"journal":{"name":"World Affairs","volume":"185 1","pages":"779 - 793"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-09-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45490887","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-09-25DOI: 10.1177/00438200221125800
Thomas Ameyaw-Brobbey
Security discussions of the Taliban’s second takeover of Afghanistan center on physical security threats, neglecting the ontological aspect related to how security entails the metaphysics of life—being, feeling alive, or having a sense of self. This article examines this ontological threat to the Afghan people to complement the security discussion and open up more avenues of dialog. I use ontological security to explain the Afghans’ behavior toward the Taliban takeover and ask how does the Taliban takeover of Afghanistan pose a security threat to urban Afghans? Why are urbanite Afghans paranoiac about the Taliban presence to the extent that some choose to die by falling from a moving aircraft? I use the ontological security analytical framework and discursive approach to finding answers. I argue that the Taliban takeover creates ontological insecurity that threatens urban Afghans’ sense of ordinary living or being in the world. Specifically, ontological insecurity creates significant and chronic uncertainties and dangers to Afghans. This is especially so regarding the urbanites with higher socioeconomic status, whose being in the world is threatened as their ordinary living conditions are likely to be contested by the Taliban. The contest is asymmetric, favoring the Taliban. Such uncertainty of existential conditions leads to mistrust of Urban Afghans’ basic sense of safety and a misrecognition of their true identity. Thus, their actions and behaviors have been consequent attempts to respond to the anxieties and risks to their existential position. This work contributes to the ontological security literature, helping fill the gap in the security discussions in international relations and serves policy relevance.
{"title":"THE U.S. WITHDRAWAL, TALIBAN TAKEOVER, AND ONTOLOGICAL (IN)SECURITY IN AFGHANISTAN","authors":"Thomas Ameyaw-Brobbey","doi":"10.1177/00438200221125800","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00438200221125800","url":null,"abstract":"Security discussions of the Taliban’s second takeover of Afghanistan center on physical security threats, neglecting the ontological aspect related to how security entails the metaphysics of life—being, feeling alive, or having a sense of self. This article examines this ontological threat to the Afghan people to complement the security discussion and open up more avenues of dialog. I use ontological security to explain the Afghans’ behavior toward the Taliban takeover and ask how does the Taliban takeover of Afghanistan pose a security threat to urban Afghans? Why are urbanite Afghans paranoiac about the Taliban presence to the extent that some choose to die by falling from a moving aircraft? I use the ontological security analytical framework and discursive approach to finding answers. I argue that the Taliban takeover creates ontological insecurity that threatens urban Afghans’ sense of ordinary living or being in the world. Specifically, ontological insecurity creates significant and chronic uncertainties and dangers to Afghans. This is especially so regarding the urbanites with higher socioeconomic status, whose being in the world is threatened as their ordinary living conditions are likely to be contested by the Taliban. The contest is asymmetric, favoring the Taliban. Such uncertainty of existential conditions leads to mistrust of Urban Afghans’ basic sense of safety and a misrecognition of their true identity. Thus, their actions and behaviors have been consequent attempts to respond to the anxieties and risks to their existential position. This work contributes to the ontological security literature, helping fill the gap in the security discussions in international relations and serves policy relevance.","PeriodicalId":35790,"journal":{"name":"World Affairs","volume":"186 1","pages":"105 - 134"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-09-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47707051","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-09-21DOI: 10.1177/00438200221127038
H. Schenker
There is an international consensus that the two-state solution, the establishment of a Palestinian state in the West Bank and Gaza with East Jerusalem as its capital, should be the basis for the resolution of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. Given the current right-wing tendencies within Israeli politics, I ask if the way to break the current impasse in Israeli-Palestinian relations might be to try to return the Jordanian factor to the equation as Alon Ben-Meir has recently proposed.
{"title":"THE ISRAELI-PALESTINIAN-JORDANIAN CONFEDERATION ALTERNATIVE","authors":"H. Schenker","doi":"10.1177/00438200221127038","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00438200221127038","url":null,"abstract":"There is an international consensus that the two-state solution, the establishment of a Palestinian state in the West Bank and Gaza with East Jerusalem as its capital, should be the basis for the resolution of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. Given the current right-wing tendencies within Israeli politics, I ask if the way to break the current impasse in Israeli-Palestinian relations might be to try to return the Jordanian factor to the equation as Alon Ben-Meir has recently proposed.","PeriodicalId":35790,"journal":{"name":"World Affairs","volume":"185 1","pages":"810 - 819"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-09-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49580312","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-09-15DOI: 10.1177/00438200221125240
Andreas Umland
THE number of unemployed registered last week at the Labour Exchanges was 1 1/4 millions; and to these must be added the three-quarters of a million workers now on short time. Even these figures, however, are an under-estimate of the seriousness of the present social disease, for, in spite of doles, the Labour Exchanges are still not attractive enough to recruit every fit subject. The question for civilisation and not merely for England is what our effective governing classes propose to do about it. Mr. Arthur Kitson, whom we are glad to be able to regard as a partner in our attempt to disseminate the true principles of financial and social economics before it is too late, writing in the “Times Trade Supplement" last week, declared that the Government’s confession of inability to cure unemployment unfitted them for office. The complete remedy, he said, is childishly simple; and it can only be either indifference or unwillingness on the part of responsible people that prevents its adoption. But if that is, as it stems to be, the case, we may be ,certain that the disease will not permit this attitude to be maintained.. In the absence of the cure, one of two courses will shortly be imperative: either the distractions of an external war, the locus of which is already, we affirm, being prepared ; or something approximating to the “ heavy civil war ” suggested by the Moscow International. Events of this kind, being largely “ unconscious ” in the psycho-analytic sense, are not merely speculative, nor are their normal agents their real authors. They belong to the world of psychology and obey strict psychological laws. Unemployment at a certain intensity produces a dissatisfaction which is reflected in “ revolt ” on the one side, and in an increasing “militarism7’ on the other side. At a higher degree of intensity, the ‘‘ revolt ” becomes articulate and simultaneously the Government thinks of war. With another turn of the screw the choice between war without and war within becomes imperative; and, in the case of our own country, the decision may be said to have been already made.
{"title":"LETTER TO THE EDITOR","authors":"Andreas Umland","doi":"10.1177/00438200221125240","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00438200221125240","url":null,"abstract":"THE number of unemployed registered last week at the Labour Exchanges was 1 1/4 millions; and to these must be added the three-quarters of a million workers now on short time. Even these figures, however, are an under-estimate of the seriousness of the present social disease, for, in spite of doles, the Labour Exchanges are still not attractive enough to recruit every fit subject. The question for civilisation and not merely for England is what our effective governing classes propose to do about it. Mr. Arthur Kitson, whom we are glad to be able to regard as a partner in our attempt to disseminate the true principles of financial and social economics before it is too late, writing in the “Times Trade Supplement\" last week, declared that the Government’s confession of inability to cure unemployment unfitted them for office. The complete remedy, he said, is childishly simple; and it can only be either indifference or unwillingness on the part of responsible people that prevents its adoption. But if that is, as it stems to be, the case, we may be ,certain that the disease will not permit this attitude to be maintained.. In the absence of the cure, one of two courses will shortly be imperative: either the distractions of an external war, the locus of which is already, we affirm, being prepared ; or something approximating to the “ heavy civil war ” suggested by the Moscow International. Events of this kind, being largely “ unconscious ” in the psycho-analytic sense, are not merely speculative, nor are their normal agents their real authors. They belong to the world of psychology and obey strict psychological laws. Unemployment at a certain intensity produces a dissatisfaction which is reflected in “ revolt ” on the one side, and in an increasing “militarism7’ on the other side. At a higher degree of intensity, the ‘‘ revolt ” becomes articulate and simultaneously the Government thinks of war. With another turn of the screw the choice between war without and war within becomes imperative; and, in the case of our own country, the decision may be said to have been already made.","PeriodicalId":35790,"journal":{"name":"World Affairs","volume":"186 1","pages":"235 - 237"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-09-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44988787","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-08-09DOI: 10.1177/00438200221111793
Sahand E. P. Faez, W. Wong
Mainstream international relations definitions commonly assume that states are identical units in a constant state of competition for survival to increase their power. Yet, such a one-sided approach fails to fully consider that the internal structures and contexts of states at different times and under different leaders exert considerable effects on how states act in the international arena and on the foreign policies that shape their identities, priorities, and thus relations with other states. We begin by questioning such theoretical assumptions and then apply a more appropriate reformulation to the case of Turkey's changing trade policy with the European Union (EU). Examining Gül's administration (2007–2014) and Erdoğan's (2014–2020), we look at whether a change in Turkish leadership resulted in a significant change in trade policy and led to a change in the dynamics of its foreign relations approach. Turkey's relations with the members of the EU are assessed (via panel data estimations) as the volume of trade between Turkey and EU members. The data consists of 25 European states’ GDP, Exchange Rate, and Inflation Rate for 2000–2020. We find a significant difference in Turkey's behavior in terms of trade with the EU members between the two administrations under study. This suggests the need to rethink some central theoretical assumptions in certain mainstream international relations perspectives.
{"title":"SAME RIDE, DIFFERENT RIDERS","authors":"Sahand E. P. Faez, W. Wong","doi":"10.1177/00438200221111793","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00438200221111793","url":null,"abstract":"Mainstream international relations definitions commonly assume that states are identical units in a constant state of competition for survival to increase their power. Yet, such a one-sided approach fails to fully consider that the internal structures and contexts of states at different times and under different leaders exert considerable effects on how states act in the international arena and on the foreign policies that shape their identities, priorities, and thus relations with other states. We begin by questioning such theoretical assumptions and then apply a more appropriate reformulation to the case of Turkey's changing trade policy with the European Union (EU). Examining Gül's administration (2007–2014) and Erdoğan's (2014–2020), we look at whether a change in Turkish leadership resulted in a significant change in trade policy and led to a change in the dynamics of its foreign relations approach. Turkey's relations with the members of the EU are assessed (via panel data estimations) as the volume of trade between Turkey and EU members. The data consists of 25 European states’ GDP, Exchange Rate, and Inflation Rate for 2000–2020. We find a significant difference in Turkey's behavior in terms of trade with the EU members between the two administrations under study. This suggests the need to rethink some central theoretical assumptions in certain mainstream international relations perspectives.","PeriodicalId":35790,"journal":{"name":"World Affairs","volume":"186 1","pages":"135 - 168"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-08-09","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43606599","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-07-27DOI: 10.1177/00438200221107018
M. McBeth, D. Lybecker, Jessica M. Sargent
Understanding the reasoning behind diverse views grows empathy and can help strengthen democracy. This study examines narratives and their influence on individuals, to see if individuals only empathize with narratives from those with whom they share identity. Using an experimental design, we test empathy with working class climate change narratives. Results showed participants who agreed with anthropogenic climate change, who were given both evidence and a narrative, empathized with the narrator (either an organic farmer or a mechanic) that told a pro-climate change narrative. The greatest empathy was for the mechanic telling a pro-climate change narrative. Conversely, participants who did not agree with human-caused climate change and who were given evidence without narrative had more empathy for the organic farmer (over the mechanic) who told a pro-climate change narrative. Overall, we found some identity issues negatively influenced empathy, but we also found examples where individuals moved beyond their identity.
{"title":"NARRATIVE EMPATHY","authors":"M. McBeth, D. Lybecker, Jessica M. Sargent","doi":"10.1177/00438200221107018","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00438200221107018","url":null,"abstract":"Understanding the reasoning behind diverse views grows empathy and can help strengthen democracy. This study examines narratives and their influence on individuals, to see if individuals only empathize with narratives from those with whom they share identity. Using an experimental design, we test empathy with working class climate change narratives. Results showed participants who agreed with anthropogenic climate change, who were given both evidence and a narrative, empathized with the narrator (either an organic farmer or a mechanic) that told a pro-climate change narrative. The greatest empathy was for the mechanic telling a pro-climate change narrative. Conversely, participants who did not agree with human-caused climate change and who were given evidence without narrative had more empathy for the organic farmer (over the mechanic) who told a pro-climate change narrative. Overall, we found some identity issues negatively influenced empathy, but we also found examples where individuals moved beyond their identity.","PeriodicalId":35790,"journal":{"name":"World Affairs","volume":"185 1","pages":"471 - 499"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-07-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49101960","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-07-27DOI: 10.1177/00438200221110716
E. Norman
At the time of writing this Editor’s Note, it has been but a few weeks since the horrifying school shooting in Uvalde, Texas on May 24, 2022, that killed 19 children and two teachers, and the supermarket massacre of ten people in Buffalo, New York ten days earlier. Both lone gunmen were 18 years old and both used legally acquired AR-15-style weapons (Edmondson 2022). The events catapulted gun control debates again into the headlines and culminated in swift legislation proposals in Congress. On June 8, 2022, a bitterly divided House—voting largely along party lines—approved a stricter gun control bill package by 223 to 204 votes but also revealed the partisan chasm that continues to afflict passing effective firearms control legislation in the United States. Among other things, the bill would ban under-21s from legally purchasing semiautomatic rifles, increase requirements for gun storage in private households, and prohibit the sale of magazines holding over 15 rounds (Edmondson 2022). The acrimonious arguments in the House were predictably partisan with Democrats focusing on protecting children from gun violence while Republicans highlighted that the proposal would violate Second Amendment rights. Representative Jim Jordan (R-OH; cited in Edmondson 2022), opined that protecting children “is important—it sure is. But this bill doesn’t do it. What this bill does is take away Second Amendment rights, God-given rights, protected by our Constitution, from law-abiding American citizens.”
{"title":"NOTE FROM THE EDITOR","authors":"E. Norman","doi":"10.1177/00438200221110716","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00438200221110716","url":null,"abstract":"At the time of writing this Editor’s Note, it has been but a few weeks since the horrifying school shooting in Uvalde, Texas on May 24, 2022, that killed 19 children and two teachers, and the supermarket massacre of ten people in Buffalo, New York ten days earlier. Both lone gunmen were 18 years old and both used legally acquired AR-15-style weapons (Edmondson 2022). The events catapulted gun control debates again into the headlines and culminated in swift legislation proposals in Congress. On June 8, 2022, a bitterly divided House—voting largely along party lines—approved a stricter gun control bill package by 223 to 204 votes but also revealed the partisan chasm that continues to afflict passing effective firearms control legislation in the United States. Among other things, the bill would ban under-21s from legally purchasing semiautomatic rifles, increase requirements for gun storage in private households, and prohibit the sale of magazines holding over 15 rounds (Edmondson 2022). The acrimonious arguments in the House were predictably partisan with Democrats focusing on protecting children from gun violence while Republicans highlighted that the proposal would violate Second Amendment rights. Representative Jim Jordan (R-OH; cited in Edmondson 2022), opined that protecting children “is important—it sure is. But this bill doesn’t do it. What this bill does is take away Second Amendment rights, God-given rights, protected by our Constitution, from law-abiding American citizens.”","PeriodicalId":35790,"journal":{"name":"World Affairs","volume":"185 1","pages":"436 - 441"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-07-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48680268","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
京公网安备 11010802042870号
京ICP备2023020795号-1
扫码关注我们
求助内容：
应助结果提醒方式：