Pub Date : 2020-04-01DOI: 10.6092/ISSN.2421-4124/10733
Sergio Audano
A reflection by Montesquieu on the relationship between absolutism, idleness and politeness (“EL” XIX, 27) is connected, through a note later deleted in the manuscript, to chap. 21 of Tacitus’ “Agricola”, where the author shows how Agricola, the father-in-law of the historian and a general victorious over the Britons, had gradually (and skilfully) imposed a conquest which was not merely military but also cultural. The Roman civilization, defined in its overall “superiority” as “humanitas”, could easily offer seductive tools (temples, forums, houses, elegant clothes and refined manners) that extinguished any memory of past freedom, cancelled any identity and common memory, thus contributing to the long-term affirmation of Roman imperialism. Still in the “Agricola”, Tacitus also proposes the opponent’s point of view through the famous speech by the Britons’ commander Calgacus before the decisive battle of Mons Graupius: the well-known metaphor of the “desert called peace” is well explained if associated not only with the traditional Roman expansionism, but, as acutely noted by Montesquieu, also to the subtle conquests of the “humanitas”.
{"title":"Politeness, “Humanitas” and Imperialism. A Reflection by Montesquieu (“EL”, XIX, 27) and Tacitus’ “Agricola”","authors":"Sergio Audano","doi":"10.6092/ISSN.2421-4124/10733","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.6092/ISSN.2421-4124/10733","url":null,"abstract":"A reflection by Montesquieu on the relationship between absolutism, idleness and politeness (“EL” XIX, 27) is connected, through a note later deleted in the manuscript, to chap. 21 of Tacitus’ “Agricola”, where the author shows how Agricola, the father-in-law of the historian and a general victorious over the Britons, had gradually (and skilfully) imposed a conquest which was not merely military but also cultural. The Roman civilization, defined in its overall “superiority” as “humanitas”, could easily offer seductive tools (temples, forums, houses, elegant clothes and refined manners) that extinguished any memory of past freedom, cancelled any identity and common memory, thus contributing to the long-term affirmation of Roman imperialism. Still in the “Agricola”, Tacitus also proposes the opponent’s point of view through the famous speech by the Britons’ commander Calgacus before the decisive battle of Mons Graupius: the well-known metaphor of the “desert called peace” is well explained if associated not only with the traditional Roman expansionism, but, as acutely noted by Montesquieu, also to the subtle conquests of the “humanitas”.","PeriodicalId":36096,"journal":{"name":"Montesquieu.it","volume":"70 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-04-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"85095253","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-03-18DOI: 10.6092/ISSN.2421-4124/10681
Antonio Andujar
This article explores the mutiny of the Roman legions in Panonia and Germania, not from a historiographical point of view but psychological, ethical and political. In the course from the rise of the rebellion to its final suffocation we find individuals who, in a deliberate, rational, and organized way, claim their rights with increasing violence. When the Roman authorities try to put an end to the rebellion they soon provoke a sense of guilt in the rebels that leads many of them to abandon the revolt and to reaccept the authority previously contested. The feeling of guilt, however, does not end there and the rebels’ need for forgiveness leads to a process of repentance, punishment, and revenge against their former comrades and against themselves until their final expiation on the battlefield, that is, until they compromise their honour. Honour allows politics to achieve what ethics could not: to bring peace to the conscience of the old rebels. However, the new situation puts a price: innocence is not possible in the world of men, but the moral tearing, even perverse and truculent at times, is part of their identity.
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Pub Date : 2020-03-16DOI: 10.6092/ISSN.2421-4124/10665
Silvana Bartoli
A woman who loved to study, physics in particular, and nurtured the ambition of autonomy. If the eighteenth century is traditionally considered a century of stability, obviously excluding the last twenty years, Emilie du Châtelet carries out a personal revolution by transgressing the principles of "bienseances" that prescribed ignorance, obedience and devotion for women. Madame instead presents herself as a multifaceted personality: cultured, unwilling to bow her dead, intolerant of dogmas, often distracted by good manners. But the desire for autonomy did not teach her to get rid of love, on the contrary the need to feel loved led to her premature death.
{"title":"The passions of Émilie","authors":"Silvana Bartoli","doi":"10.6092/ISSN.2421-4124/10665","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.6092/ISSN.2421-4124/10665","url":null,"abstract":"A woman who loved to study, physics in particular, and nurtured the ambition of autonomy. If the eighteenth century is traditionally considered a century of stability, obviously excluding the last twenty years, Emilie du Châtelet carries out a personal revolution by transgressing the principles of \"bienseances\" that prescribed ignorance, obedience and devotion for women. \u0000Madame instead presents herself as a multifaceted personality: cultured, unwilling to bow her dead, intolerant of dogmas, often distracted by good manners. But the desire for autonomy did not teach her to get rid of love, on the contrary the need to feel loved led to her premature death.","PeriodicalId":36096,"journal":{"name":"Montesquieu.it","volume":"42 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-03-16","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"81062626","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-02-27DOI: 10.6092/ISSN.2421-4124/10581
A. Marcone
The kind of religion that Julian wanted to restore had very little in common with classical paganism, which comprised a set of doctrines that presupposed an unprecedented systematization of theology as well as a specific moral teaching. These aspects constituted a radical innovation, whose underpinning was a project of paganism that incorporated, at least to a certain extent, some of the institutions created by the Christian Church during its recent development.
{"title":"Giuliano tra pagani e cristiani","authors":"A. Marcone","doi":"10.6092/ISSN.2421-4124/10581","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.6092/ISSN.2421-4124/10581","url":null,"abstract":"The kind of religion that Julian wanted to restore had very little in common with classical paganism, which comprised a set of doctrines that presupposed an unprecedented systematization of theology as well as a specific moral teaching. These aspects constituted a radical innovation, whose underpinning was a project of paganism that incorporated, at least to a certain extent, some of the institutions created by the Christian Church during its recent development.","PeriodicalId":36096,"journal":{"name":"Montesquieu.it","volume":"28 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-02-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"83481808","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-02-25DOI: 10.6092/ISSN.2421-4124/10543
A. D. Biase
Starting from the frontispiece of a 16th century translation of Aristotle’s "Politics", depicting the scene of Christ appearing to Mary Magdalene as a ‘gardener’ (Jn 20:15), this essay aims to outline a possible reading path in order to describe the meanings and purposes of the image. More precisely, it examines the convergence of issues relating to the limits of political action and voluntary servitude in treatise writers, lexicographers and philosophers between the late 16th century and the early 17th century. An elusive invitation to obedience and moral surrender lies behind the longed-for return to a state of nature prior to sin: only by renouncing the active sphere of the individual wills, as well as the disruptive forces coming from the internal passions and the private interests, will it be possible to guarantee the members of the social body a greater, albeit indirect, political solidity.
{"title":"Dominio, obbedienza, mansuetudine. Effetti dell’immagine del \"Christus hortulanus\" tra Cinquecento e Seicento","authors":"A. D. Biase","doi":"10.6092/ISSN.2421-4124/10543","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.6092/ISSN.2421-4124/10543","url":null,"abstract":"Starting from the frontispiece of a 16th century translation of Aristotle’s \"Politics\", depicting the scene of Christ appearing to Mary Magdalene as a ‘gardener’ (Jn 20:15), this essay aims to outline a possible reading path in order to describe the meanings and purposes of the image. More precisely, it examines the convergence of issues relating to the limits of political action and voluntary servitude in treatise writers, lexicographers and philosophers between the late 16th century and the early 17th century. An elusive invitation to obedience and moral surrender lies behind the longed-for return to a state of nature prior to sin: only by renouncing the active sphere of the individual wills, as well as the disruptive forces coming from the internal passions and the private interests, will it be possible to guarantee the members of the social body a greater, albeit indirect, political solidity.","PeriodicalId":36096,"journal":{"name":"Montesquieu.it","volume":"41 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-02-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"76359442","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-02-03DOI: 10.6092/ISSN.2421-4124/10471
Riccardo Campi
Benche per Voltaire l’espressione “filosofia della storia” non designasse altro che un approccio critico allo studio della storia, e risaputo che la sua opera di storico − e, in primo luogo, nel suo Essai sur les mœurs − volle essere un tentativo di fornire un nuovo oggetto all’indagine storica: la “storia dello spirito umano”. Tale concezione della storia, per la natura stessa del suo oggetto, non puo, da un lato, che aspirare all’universalita, ma, dall’altro, essa esige che la storia venga costruita e strutturata conformemente a una logica e a criteri di coerenza che pieghino la mera contingenza empirica del divenire storico a un ordine razionale: in questa contraddittoria esigenza risiedono l’originalita e i limiti del metodo storico voltairiano.
Benche的伏尔泰历史的“哲学”一词不另提名,历史上的一个关键的研究方法,我们都知道,他的作品和−和历史,首先,在其Essai sur les mœurs−花了一个试图提供一个新的历史调查主题:人类精神的“历史”。历史的这一概念的本质上讲,他的主题,一方面不能,all’universalita追求一个目标,但另一方面,它要求建立结构和历史根据和标准的逻辑一致性历史实证,屈服的生活不仅仅是成为这一矛盾逻辑顺序:要求居住l’originalita voltairiano历史和方法的局限性。
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Pub Date : 2020-02-03DOI: 10.6092/ISSN.2421-4124/10470
Voltaire François-Marie Arouet
Among the latest texts sended to the press by Voltaire, the Histoire de l’etablissement du Christianisme (1776) offers the reader the best possible synthesis of his thoughts on religion. Written in a style as clear and fast as it is dense and passionate, this short text traces all the themes that had fueled the reflection of the French philosopher for more than half a century: the humble origins of Christianity, the close ties of Jesus and his first disciples with the Jewish religion, the importance of the role played by Paul of Tarsus in the elaboration of Christian doctrine, the compromises of the early Church with the Roman imperial power, up to the triumph under Constantine. But Voltaire, with his unparalleled talent for controversy, transforms this historical knowledge into a ferocious anticlerical satire; at the same time, he knows how to draw from his erudition a rich repertoire of arguments, historical figures, facts, to plead the cause of that natural religion, called deism, which constituted the negation of every revealed religion and which it seemed to him, still in the late age (he was over eighty), the "most reasonable religion", the only one capable of healing men from the disease of fanaticism and religious intolerance.
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Pub Date : 2020-01-24DOI: 10.6092/ISSN.2421-4124/10431
Federico Focher
After successfully relaunching the epigenetic theory of generation, reinterpreted in the light of Newtonian attraction and chemical affinities ("Venus physique", 1745), Pierre-Louis Moreau de Maupertuis (1698-1759) deepened his theoretical investigations in the field of the genesis of organisms and species in the "Systeme de la Nature" (1754). In this work, in order to reconcile the scientific postulate of objectivity - which rejects the recourse to final causes - with the evident teleonomic properties of living beings, and at the same time recognizing inadequate for this purpose the mechanistic principles he advanced in the "Venus physique", Maupertuis proposed a bold panpsychist theory of life, of Spinozian inspiration. Therefore, by postulating the matter alive, endowed with instinct and feeling, Maupertuis imagined that some form of intelligence or psychic memory, associated with matter, directed the development of living beings. In light of recent discoveries in biology, the original psychobiological determinism advanced by Maupertuis in the "Systeme de la Nature" appears to be a brilliant intuition of the logic of genetic and evolutionary processes.
在成功地重新启动了表观遗传的生成理论，并根据牛顿的引力和化学亲和(“维纳斯形体”，1745)重新解释后，皮埃尔-路易斯·莫罗(1698-1759)在《自然系统》(1754)中深化了他在生物和物种起源领域的理论研究。在这部作品中，为了调和客观性的科学假设——拒绝诉诸最终原因——与生物明显的目的论特性，同时认识到他在“维纳斯形体”中提出的机械原理不足以达到这一目的，莫珀蒂提出了一个大胆的泛心论的生命理论，即斯宾诺莎的灵感。因此，莫珀蒂假定物质是有生命的，具有本能和感情，他设想某种形式的智慧或精神记忆，与物质联系在一起，指导着生物的发展。从生物学的最新发现来看，Maupertuis在《自然系统》(Systeme de la Nature)中提出的最初的心理生物学决定论似乎是对遗传和进化过程逻辑的杰出直觉。
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Pub Date : 2020-01-19DOI: 10.6092/ISSN.2421-4124/10417
Gaetano Antonio Gualtieri
Voltaire e indubbiamente uno dei filosofi piu interessanti del pensiero moderno. La sua figura risulta stimolante e pregna di arguzia nell’affrontare una molteplicita di temi e di argomenti. Il Taccuino di pensieri, curato da Domenico Felice, presenta una vasta selezione di aforismi, pensieri e materiali dell’autore francese e si propone di evidenziare la complessita dei temi messi in campo dal pensatore transalpino, facendo al contempo risaltare l’abilita di quest’ultimo nell’interagire col lettore, il quale viene considerato non come un passivo ricettore, ma come una sorta di coautore, che irrimediabilmente rimane affascinato dall’impronta arguta di colui che scrive. L’opera, nel prendere in esame la vastita e l’eterogeneita di problemi discussi da Voltaire, ha il merito di sottolinearne pure la modernita e l’attualita in un’epoca come la nostra afflitta da pigrizia intellettuale e poverta culturale.
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Pub Date : 2020-01-16DOI: 10.6092/ISSN.2421-4124/10404
Gaetano Antonio Gualtieri
La virtu, all’interno di questo articolo, viene considerata come il vero e proprio centro nevralgico del pensiero di Gianvincenzo Gravina; non a caso, essa attraversa un po’ tutte le opere piu significative scritte dall’autore calabrese. La virtu, per Gravina, non tocca solamente tematiche di carattere religioso, cosa che e in un certo senso naturale, ma anche questioni che a tutta prima sembrano distanti dal suo raggio d’azione, come ad esempio quelle di tipo poetico e letterario. Infatti, conformemente alla concezione del verosimile, il letterato calabrese pone in essere l’esigenza che l’ottimo poeta non debba rappresentare una virtu fondata su un astratto ideale di perfezione, ma debba invece rappresentare una virtu aderente alla realta. In questo senso, risultano esemplificative le Tragedie cinque scritte dallo stesso Gravina, nelle quali si mettono in scena personaggi del mondo greco e romano incarnanti le quattro virtu cardinali. Nel porre in risalto questo tema, il presente articolo finisce con l’instaurare, inevitabilmente, alcuni confronti significativi, come quello fra Gravina e Montesquieu e soprattutto come quello fra Gravina e Vico, presi, relativamente a questo argomento, come autori emblematici della cultura meridionale italiana del primo Settecento.
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