Pub Date : 2014-12-01DOI: 10.6092/ISSN.2421-4124/5179
J. M. López
Based on his doctoral thesis Sociocultural construction and anthropological perspective on Montesquieu. Political Implications (2013), which is built on the assumptions stated in the works of Sergio Cotta, Berger and Luckmann, and also on the theory of Edgar Morin, in this article the author takes an approach to the complexity present in Montesquieu’s thinking, arguing that it foreshadows a science of society which, in turn, anticipates a political science based on the paradigm of complexity, that has not yet been assumed by the contemporary political theory
{"title":"Montesquieu y la ciencia de la sociedad: política y complejidad","authors":"J. M. López","doi":"10.6092/ISSN.2421-4124/5179","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.6092/ISSN.2421-4124/5179","url":null,"abstract":"Based on his doctoral thesis Sociocultural construction and anthropological perspective on Montesquieu. Political Implications (2013), which is built on the assumptions stated in the works of Sergio Cotta, Berger and Luckmann, and also on the theory of Edgar Morin, in this article the author takes an approach to the complexity present in Montesquieu’s thinking, arguing that it foreshadows a science of society which, in turn, anticipates a political science based on the paradigm of complexity, that has not yet been assumed by the contemporary political theory","PeriodicalId":36096,"journal":{"name":"Montesquieu.it","volume":"50 1","pages":"57"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2014-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"89820944","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2014-12-01DOI: 10.6092/ISSN.2421-4124/5178
Fabiana Fraulini
Between the 12th and the 13th century the institutional evolution that took place in the Italian Communes determines a change into the communicative practices. This phenomen was accompanied by a new consideration of speech. This paper examines the Liber de doctrina dicendi et tacendi, written by Albertanus of Brescia in 1245. According to this author, in order to guarantee common good and civil harmony, the power of language to affect both society and individuals requires rules and regulations that lead people to an ethical use of the speech.
{"title":"Disciplina della parola, educazione del cittadino. Analisi del Liber de doctrina dicendi et tacendi di Albertano da Brescia","authors":"Fabiana Fraulini","doi":"10.6092/ISSN.2421-4124/5178","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.6092/ISSN.2421-4124/5178","url":null,"abstract":"Between the 12th and the 13th century the institutional evolution that took place in the Italian Communes determines a change into the communicative practices. This phenomen was accompanied by a new consideration of speech. This paper examines the Liber de doctrina dicendi et tacendi, written by Albertanus of Brescia in 1245. According to this author, in order to guarantee common good and civil harmony, the power of language to affect both society and individuals requires rules and regulations that lead people to an ethical use of the speech.","PeriodicalId":36096,"journal":{"name":"Montesquieu.it","volume":"17 1","pages":"27"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2014-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"89462644","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2014-12-01DOI: 10.6092/ISSN.2421-4124/5176
A. H. Andújar
This article attempts to demonstrate that Book II in Aristotle’s Politics is not simply pars destruens in Aristotelic doctrine. The author has reconstructed the first theory of power in history by gathering, ordering and systematizing the diverse critics to Plato or Faleas, as well to the constitutions of Crete, Lacedaemonia and Cartago.
{"title":"Crítica y teoría del poder en Aristóteles (Análisis del libro II de la Política)","authors":"A. H. Andújar","doi":"10.6092/ISSN.2421-4124/5176","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.6092/ISSN.2421-4124/5176","url":null,"abstract":"This article attempts to demonstrate that Book II in Aristotle’s Politics is not simply pars destruens in Aristotelic doctrine. The author has reconstructed the first theory of power in history by gathering, ordering and systematizing the diverse critics to Plato or Faleas, as well to the constitutions of Crete, Lacedaemonia and Cartago.","PeriodicalId":36096,"journal":{"name":"Montesquieu.it","volume":"75 1","pages":"1-1"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2014-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"89910652","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"L’Europa cristiana del Duecento e la “grande paura” tartara","authors":"S. Simonetta","doi":"10.6092/ISSN.2421-4124/5177","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.6092/ISSN.2421-4124/5177","url":null,"abstract":"The paper examines the book: Davide Bigalli, \"I Tartari e l’Apocalisse\" (Milano, FrancoAngeli, 1971).","PeriodicalId":36096,"journal":{"name":"Montesquieu.it","volume":"24 1","pages":"23"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2014-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"77593036","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2014-12-01DOI: 10.6092/ISSN.2421-4124/5183
Marc Hersant
Considered from a strictly formal point of view, the concision of Voltaire’s narrative style could be compared with the indifference, and even despise, that Voltaire as historian always showed toward details. On the contrary, the paper argues that such analogy is just apparent in so far as the reasons of Voltaire’s refusal of detail in his historical works are mainly methodological: they concern the criteria of historical relevance of past events rather than the stylistic or rhetorical features of his prose writing. Voltaire criticizes the use of detail in ancient historians and memorialists because he contests the traditional historical method and pleads for a «new historiographical world» where the «spirit of the age» is the main character, and not princes, conquerors or heroes.
{"title":"«Accidenti al dettaglio»: Voltaire, lo storico impaziente","authors":"Marc Hersant","doi":"10.6092/ISSN.2421-4124/5183","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.6092/ISSN.2421-4124/5183","url":null,"abstract":"Considered from a strictly formal point of view, the concision of Voltaire’s narrative style could be compared with the indifference, and even despise, that Voltaire as historian always showed toward details. On the contrary, the paper argues that such analogy is just apparent in so far as the reasons of Voltaire’s refusal of detail in his historical works are mainly methodological: they concern the criteria of historical relevance of past events rather than the stylistic or rhetorical features of his prose writing. Voltaire criticizes the use of detail in ancient historians and memorialists because he contests the traditional historical method and pleads for a «new historiographical world» where the «spirit of the age» is the main character, and not princes, conquerors or heroes.","PeriodicalId":36096,"journal":{"name":"Montesquieu.it","volume":"24 1","pages":"145"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2014-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"78236609","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2014-12-01DOI: 10.6092/ISSN.2421-4124/5181
Paolo Romeo
This paper revolves around the great figure of Montesquieu; the problems considered by the philosopher, that, as is known, are those of liberty, equality and power, are not only limited the legal-political field, but also the moral field. To understand the work of Montesquieu, therefore it seems necessary not to separate these two areas. So the thought of Montesquieu appears, as a great attempt to reconcile moral and politics. No doubt the concept of law that he has reveals a similar desire: the law, for him, not only has a role in social and political life, is not only an expression of purpose, values and particular traditions, but also a moral content universally valid. Here we relied on the following books: De l’Esprit des lois by Montesquieu, l’Essai sur les causes qui peuvent affecter les esprits et les caracteres by Montesquieu, Introduzione a Montesquieu by D. Felice, and Lo spirito della politica, edited by D. Felice.
{"title":"Legge-rapporto e relativismo in Montesquieu","authors":"Paolo Romeo","doi":"10.6092/ISSN.2421-4124/5181","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.6092/ISSN.2421-4124/5181","url":null,"abstract":"This paper revolves around the great figure of Montesquieu; the problems considered by the philosopher, that, as is known, are those of liberty, equality and power, are not only limited the legal-political field, but also the moral field. To understand the work of Montesquieu, therefore it seems necessary not to separate these two areas. So the thought of Montesquieu appears, as a great attempt to reconcile moral and politics. No doubt the concept of law that he has reveals a similar desire: the law, for him, not only has a role in social and political life, is not only an expression of purpose, values and particular traditions, but also a moral content universally valid. Here we relied on the following books: De l’Esprit des lois by Montesquieu, l’Essai sur les causes qui peuvent affecter les esprits et les caracteres by Montesquieu, Introduzione a Montesquieu by D. Felice, and Lo spirito della politica, edited by D. Felice.","PeriodicalId":36096,"journal":{"name":"Montesquieu.it","volume":"78 1","pages":"123"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2014-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"90490699","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2014-12-01DOI: 10.6092/ISSN.2421-4124/5184
R. Martinelli
According to G. Anders totalitarianism arises from the age of technology: political totalitarianism, though terrible, is only an effect of the technological one. The terrorism of technology world is not represented by the violence but rather by the entertainment. The frightening aspect of the entertainment is represented by its harmless seductive and disarming lacking, by its lack of seriousness which captures us unprepared and defenseless. The human being in front of the new media becomes a “mass hermit”, a passive world consumer, pleasantly deprived of his freedom of choice. Fully involved in a conformist society, the individual is robbed of the awareness of his condition of non freedom. In that social environment totalitarianism evolves, becomes soft and leads to an absolutely superior capacity of control compared to that achieved by the classical totalitarianism since it isn’t personified by a political institutional actor any longer, it does not use the terror but the lure, making individuals prey to their illusory false consciousness of freedom.
{"title":"Totalitarismo morbido in Günther Anders","authors":"R. Martinelli","doi":"10.6092/ISSN.2421-4124/5184","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.6092/ISSN.2421-4124/5184","url":null,"abstract":"According to G. Anders totalitarianism arises from the age of technology: political totalitarianism, though terrible, is only an effect of the technological one. The terrorism of technology world is not represented by the violence but rather by the entertainment. The frightening aspect of the entertainment is represented by its harmless seductive and disarming lacking, by its lack of seriousness which captures us unprepared and defenseless. The human being in front of the new media becomes a “mass hermit”, a passive world consumer, pleasantly deprived of his freedom of choice. Fully involved in a conformist society, the individual is robbed of the awareness of his condition of non freedom. In that social environment totalitarianism evolves, becomes soft and leads to an absolutely superior capacity of control compared to that achieved by the classical totalitarianism since it isn’t personified by a political institutional actor any longer, it does not use the terror but the lure, making individuals prey to their illusory false consciousness of freedom.","PeriodicalId":36096,"journal":{"name":"Montesquieu.it","volume":"s3-15 1","pages":"159-159"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2014-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"90808179","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2014-12-01DOI: 10.6092/ISSN.2421-4124/5185
M. Goldoni
The revival of republican political philosophy has certainly impacted upon many different areas. Obviously, its main contribution is on politics. However, contemporary republican theory actually fails to redeem an autonomous conception of politics. Despite the recognition of the central role of contestation, republican political theory either moralises or legalises politics. In this way, all the epistemic and normative potential of the idea of contestation is attenuated, up to a point where this idea does not add a particular value to republicanism. Astonishingly, there is no discussion of constituent power; but if republican political theory wants to remain true to its own aspirations, it has take into account the reflexive dimension of politics.
{"title":"Il repubblicanesimo e la questione del potere costituente","authors":"M. Goldoni","doi":"10.6092/ISSN.2421-4124/5185","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.6092/ISSN.2421-4124/5185","url":null,"abstract":"The revival of republican political philosophy has certainly impacted upon many different areas. Obviously, its main contribution is on politics. However, contemporary republican theory actually fails to redeem an autonomous conception of politics. Despite the recognition of the central role of contestation, republican political theory either moralises or legalises politics. In this way, all the epistemic and normative potential of the idea of contestation is attenuated, up to a point where this idea does not add a particular value to republicanism. Astonishingly, there is no discussion of constituent power; but if republican political theory wants to remain true to its own aspirations, it has take into account the reflexive dimension of politics.","PeriodicalId":36096,"journal":{"name":"Montesquieu.it","volume":"31 2 1","pages":"211-211"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2014-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"74925949","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2014-12-01DOI: 10.6092/ISSN.2421-4124/5187
Gaetano Antonio Gualtieri
This paper analyses the following book: Voltaire, "Dizionario filosofico. Tutte le voci del Dizionario filosofico e delle Domande sull’Enciclopedia", a cura di D. Felice e R. Campi, Milano, Bompiani (“Il pensiero occidentale”), 2013.
{"title":"«Scrivere per agire». A proposito del Dizionario filosofico e delle Domande sull’Enciclopedia di Voltaire","authors":"Gaetano Antonio Gualtieri","doi":"10.6092/ISSN.2421-4124/5187","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.6092/ISSN.2421-4124/5187","url":null,"abstract":"This paper analyses the following book: Voltaire, \"Dizionario filosofico. Tutte le voci del Dizionario filosofico e delle Domande sull’Enciclopedia\", a cura di D. Felice e R. Campi, Milano, Bompiani (“Il pensiero occidentale”), 2013.","PeriodicalId":36096,"journal":{"name":"Montesquieu.it","volume":"19 1","pages":"241"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2014-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"73410896","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2014-12-01DOI: 10.6092/ISSN.2421-4124/5180
Corrado Ocone
Quando, nel 1748, in Svizzera fu dato alle stampe L’esprit des lois1, il suo autore aveva ormai raggiunto da tempo una maturita di vita e intellettuale non disprezzabile. Charles-Louis de Secondat, barone di La Brede e di Montesquieu, era infatti nato nel suo castello nei pressi di Bordeaux in Francia nel 1689, e aveva cominciato subito a impadronirsi della vasta cultura classica e moderna che era allora patrimonio delle elites politiche e intellettuali del continente europeo. Se Montesquieu ha sicuramente un posto definito nella storia del pensiero politico, non si puo dire altrettanto per quel che concerne la storia del liberalismo. A parte qualche tributo formale alla sua teoria della separazione dei poteri, che e poi l’architrave del costituzionalismo liberale, non si puo dire che in genere si sia prestata al suo pensiero l’attenzione dovuta, soprattutto quando si e trattato di ricostruire la genesi ideale e storica del liberalismo. Pochi (o forse quasi nessuno) si sono spinti a considerarlo, come qui tenteremo di fare, un padre della dottrina, al pari di un Locke; o, ancora piu radicalmente, il padre di un modo diverso e altro, piu compiuto, di concepire il liberalismo stesso. Da questa prospettiva, L’esprit des lois e stata la prima opera di riconosciuto spessore a fornire due elementi o nuclei concettuali qualificanti che potremmo individuare con qualche approssimazione nei termini di pluralismo e storicismo. Bisogna poi aggiungere che in Montesquieu si trova una convinta critica liberale della democrazia diretta e di conseguenza, un secolo prima che in Tocqueville, di quello che sara chiamato «dispotismo della maggioranza». E forse una critica che gli deriva dalla naturale indole aristocratica e dalla conseguente diffidenza per le passioni piu estreme del suo tempo, di cui pure fu interprete, ma cio nulla toglie, anzi se possibile la avvalora ancor di piu, alla sua ineludibile centralita e importanza. Ma procediamo per gradi. Sicuramente cio che salta subito all’occhio nell’opera piu importante di Montesquieu e la classificazione dei poteri, o meglio dei tipi di governo. E una suddivisione classica per la teoria politica, ma il Nostro, nel II libro del suo capolavoro, la trasforma e le da un senso nuovo. Rispetto alla tradizionale distinzione basata sul numero o sulla quantita di chi in ultima istanza possiede il potere o la sovranita − distinzione presente gia nella Politica2 di Aristotele − qui se ne propone una tutta affatto qualitativa. La differenza fondamentale fra le forme politiche non e data pertanto fra «democrazia» o governo dei molti ovvero di tutti, «aristocrazia» o governo dei pochi e «monarchia» o governo di uno solo. La vera distinzione e, al contrario, fra la «repubblica» o governo del popolo (di tutto o di una sua parte scelta: democrazia o aristocrazia a seconda dell’uno o dell’altro caso); la «monarchia», in cui «uno solo governa secondo leggi
1748年，瑞士发行了《路易斯一世》(esprit des lois1)。1689年，拉布雷德和孟德斯鸠的男爵查理-路易斯·德·赛德特(Charles-Louis de Secondat)出生在法国波尔多附近的城堡里，他立即开始掌握当时欧洲大陆政治和知识分子精英所拥有的丰富的古典和现代文化。虽然孟德斯鸠在政治思想的历史上确实有一个固定的位置，但在自由主义的历史上却不能这样说。除了对他的三权分立理论(这是自由宪政的基石)的一些正式赞扬外，人们不能说他的思想得到了应有的注意，特别是在重建自由主义的理想和历史起源方面。很少有人(或者几乎没有人)像我们在这里要做的那样，把他看作是教义之父，就像洛克一样;或者，从根本上说，是一种不同的、更成熟的自由主义思想之父。从这个角度来看，埃斯普里特·德·露易丝是第一个公认的有价值的作品，它提供了两个重要的元素或概念核心，我们可以从多元主义和历史的角度来看待它们。此外，孟德斯鸠对直接民主有强烈的自由主义批评，因此，在托克维尔被称为“多数专制”的一个世纪之前。这也许是对他的一种批评，这种批评来自于他天生的贵族性格，以及由此产生的对他那个时代最极端激情的不信任，尽管他表达了这种激情，但没有什么能削弱他的中心地位和重要性，如果可能的话，甚至进一步加强他的中心地位和重要性。但我们要一步一步来。当然，孟德斯鸠最重要的作品中最引人注目的是权力的分类，或者更确切地说，是政府的类型。这是政治理论的经典细分，但我们的细分，在你的杰作的第二本书中，改变了它，赋予了它新的意义。关于数量的数量为基础的传统区别或最终谁拥有权力或亚里士多德−−区别Politica2中本的主权的在这里任何地方都没有提出整个定性。因此，政治形式的根本区别并不在于“民主”或“多数”或“全部”的政府、“贵族”或“少数”的政府和“君主制”或“单一”的政府。另一方面，人民的“共和国”或政府(全部或部分:民主或贵族，视情况而定)之间的真正区别;“君主制”，其中“一人按法律统治”
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