An enduring myth about artists of all kinds is that work arises from personal physical experience. A case in point is Shelley's great political sonnet "Ozymandias," which is conventionally presumed to have been "inspired" by an ancient Egyptian sculpture. Shelley never traveled to Egypt and thus certainly never saw the landscape he describes in his sonnet. Contrary to popular belief, moreover, he likewise never saw the sculptured head allegedly described in the sonnet, which did not arrive in England until a day or two after he and his family had moved permanently to Italy and more than six months after he had published the poem. All the sources and influences visible in the poem were entirely literary and all were part of the common currency of the era. Apart from Diodorus Siculus and the political sonnets of Milton and Wordsworth, they include several classics of travel literature in English and French, most notably the work of Volney. ********** This article concentrates on one of the greatest and most famous poems in the English language, Shelley's masterly sonnet "Ozymandias," and deals with three areas of inquiry: 1) the sources of the poem in contemporary travel literature, 2) its meaning, and 3) what its sources and meaning tell us about the nature of "poetic inspiration." Travel literature offers experience to the entirety of a literate public and for that reason alone has historically had far greater cultural impact than the experience of mere travel itself, which can only be individual and private. To take one small and suggestive example: the two most popular manuscript texts of the late Middle Ages were probably Mandeville's Travels and Marco Polo's Description of the World. Like Herodotus' Histories, these two books are literary compilations, rather than simple records or observations, and as such they quite rightly include fictional elements. It was inevitable that they should have been among the earliest European best-sellers in print, anticipating by many decades the great Renaissance collections of Ramusio and Hakluyt. (1) But what were the needs they obviously fulfilled? The question cannot begin to be answered until we bear in mind that they inspired not only More's Utopia--the fountainhead of an artistic lineage that includes major works of Rabelais, Cervantes, Bacon, Swift, Defoe, Voltaire, Melville, Twain, Shaw, Wells, Huxley, Orwell, Nabokov, and Calvino, not to mention V. S. Naipaul, Paul Theroux and J. G. Ballard--but also Columbus' voyage in search of the Indies. In the case of Shelley's "Ozymandias" the fact that the poem has nothing to do with the poet/speaker's personal physical experience is announced by the first line, which tells us explicitly that the person who had the fictive experience that the poem uses as its central metaphor was not the poet-speaker at all, but "a traveler": Ozymandias I met a traveler from an antique land Who said: "Two vast and trunkless legs of stone Stand in the desert. Near them on the
{"title":"Travelers from an Antique Land: Shelley's Inspiration for \"Ozymandias\"","authors":"John Rodenbeck","doi":"10.2307/4047422","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2307/4047422","url":null,"abstract":"An enduring myth about artists of all kinds is that work arises from personal physical experience. A case in point is Shelley's great political sonnet \"Ozymandias,\" which is conventionally presumed to have been \"inspired\" by an ancient Egyptian sculpture. Shelley never traveled to Egypt and thus certainly never saw the landscape he describes in his sonnet. Contrary to popular belief, moreover, he likewise never saw the sculptured head allegedly described in the sonnet, which did not arrive in England until a day or two after he and his family had moved permanently to Italy and more than six months after he had published the poem. All the sources and influences visible in the poem were entirely literary and all were part of the common currency of the era. Apart from Diodorus Siculus and the political sonnets of Milton and Wordsworth, they include several classics of travel literature in English and French, most notably the work of Volney. ********** This article concentrates on one of the greatest and most famous poems in the English language, Shelley's masterly sonnet \"Ozymandias,\" and deals with three areas of inquiry: 1) the sources of the poem in contemporary travel literature, 2) its meaning, and 3) what its sources and meaning tell us about the nature of \"poetic inspiration.\" Travel literature offers experience to the entirety of a literate public and for that reason alone has historically had far greater cultural impact than the experience of mere travel itself, which can only be individual and private. To take one small and suggestive example: the two most popular manuscript texts of the late Middle Ages were probably Mandeville's Travels and Marco Polo's Description of the World. Like Herodotus' Histories, these two books are literary compilations, rather than simple records or observations, and as such they quite rightly include fictional elements. It was inevitable that they should have been among the earliest European best-sellers in print, anticipating by many decades the great Renaissance collections of Ramusio and Hakluyt. (1) But what were the needs they obviously fulfilled? The question cannot begin to be answered until we bear in mind that they inspired not only More's Utopia--the fountainhead of an artistic lineage that includes major works of Rabelais, Cervantes, Bacon, Swift, Defoe, Voltaire, Melville, Twain, Shaw, Wells, Huxley, Orwell, Nabokov, and Calvino, not to mention V. S. Naipaul, Paul Theroux and J. G. Ballard--but also Columbus' voyage in search of the Indies. In the case of Shelley's \"Ozymandias\" the fact that the poem has nothing to do with the poet/speaker's personal physical experience is announced by the first line, which tells us explicitly that the person who had the fictive experience that the poem uses as its central metaphor was not the poet-speaker at all, but \"a traveler\": Ozymandias I met a traveler from an antique land Who said: \"Two vast and trunkless legs of stone Stand in the desert. Near them on the","PeriodicalId":36717,"journal":{"name":"Alif","volume":"96 1","pages":"121"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2004-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"74254816","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This article investigates the representation of the famous West African abiku phenomenon in three works by three Nigerian writers, namely, J. P. Clark-Bekederemo's poem "Abiku" (1965), Wole Soyinka's poem also entitled "Abiku" (1967) and Ben Okri's novel The Famished Road (1991). The article offers a socio-political reading of the abiku (the myth of a child who dies to be reborn) as handled by the three writers and based on a traditional West African world view. The article investigates how the abiku motif has attracted many writers who are engaged in various agendas of cultural nationalism and identity formation, and how a close reading of their work points to their aesthetic and ideological concerns. ********** Our country is an abiku country. Like the spirit child, it keeps coming and going. One day it will decide to remain. It will become strong. --Okri, Infinite Riches Modern African literature, written in European languages, is characterized as being a literature that is extremely culture-specific as it relies heavily on local cultures, on African cosmology, and on oral tradition. This cultural specificity, in most cases, projects a political intention that is hard to disregard in any attempted interpretation of a literary text. On the other hand, these two characteristics of African literature have for the past fifty years or so created a kind of literature that is not quite accessible to the Western reader who, first of all, is not well versed in African local cultures and, second, is unable to perceive the political intentions of African writers. Ultimately modern African literature has come to be regarded as an exotic kind of writing but not really serious literature. The Nigerian writer, Ben Okri, sarcastically comments on the way the West perceives African literature: "'[t]hey say, 'oh dear, I'm reading an African novel. Ooh dear it's bound to be a bit strange--there are bound to be rituals and things'" (Taylor 34). What the West fails to understand, in fact, is that culture specificity in this case is part of the national agenda of many African writers who are keen on promoting an exclusively African literary identity despite their awareness of the problematic and implications of writing in a foreign language as in the case of writers like Chinua Achebe, Gabriel Okara, Aye Kei Armah, among others. Indeed, Anthony Appiah explains that African intellectuals are always seeking to develop their cultures in directions that will give them a role and that, unlike the European writer, the African writer asks not "who am I?" but "who are we?" (76). Thus, the resort of African writers to their oral tradition is not simply an act of anthropological retrieval of a culture that has been intentionally confiscated by the colonizer, as Western criticism is fond of pointing out (see Cooper's discussion on this point 51-60). On the contrary, it is more of a socio-political agenda. For even though the anthropological project may have been true at a ver
本文考察了三位尼日利亚作家j·p·克拉克-贝克德雷莫的《阿比库》(1965)、沃勒·索因卡的《阿比库》(1967)和本·奥克里的小说《饥饿之路》(1991)对西非著名的阿比库现象的表现。这篇文章以西非传统的世界观为基础，从社会政治的角度解读了三位作者所写的阿比库(一个孩子死后重生的神话)。本文探讨了“阿比库”主题如何吸引了许多从事文化民族主义和身份形成各种议程的作家，以及仔细阅读他们的作品如何指出他们的审美和意识形态关注。**********我们的国家是一个阿比库国家。就像精灵孩子一样，它不断地来来去去。总有一天它会决定留下来。它会变得强大。现代非洲文学，用欧洲语言写成，被认为是一种极度文化特异性的文学，因为它严重依赖于当地文化、非洲宇宙学和口头传统。在大多数情况下，这种文化特殊性投射出一种政治意图，在任何试图解释文学文本时都很难忽视这种意图。另一方面，非洲文学的这两个特点在过去50年左右的时间里创造了一种西方读者无法理解的文学，首先，他们不太了解非洲当地文化，其次，他们无法理解非洲作家的政治意图。最终，现代非洲文学被视为一种异域文学，而不是真正的严肃文学。尼日利亚作家本·奥克里(Ben Okri)讽刺地评论了西方对非洲文学的看法:“他们说，‘哦，天哪，我在读一本非洲小说。哦，天哪，这肯定有点奇怪——肯定有仪式和事情’”(泰勒34)。事实上，西方无法理解的是，在这种情况下，文化特殊性是许多非洲作家的国家议程的一部分，他们热衷于促进非洲文学的独特性，尽管他们意识到用外语写作的问题和影响，比如Chinua Achebe, Gabriel Okara, Aye Kei Armah等作家。事实上，Anthony Appiah解释说，非洲的知识分子总是在寻求发展他们的文化的方向，这将赋予他们一个角色，与欧洲作家不同，非洲作家问的不是“我是谁”，而是“我们是谁”。(76)。因此，非洲作家诉诸于他们的口头传统，并不像西方批评家喜欢指出的那样，仅仅是一种对被殖民者故意没收的文化进行人类学检索的行为(见Cooper关于这一点的讨论51-60)。相反，它更像是一个社会政治议程。因为即使人类学项目在非洲文学(尤其是西非文学)的早期阶段可能是正确的，在一些作家的手中，比如D. O. Fagunwa和Amos Tutuola在20世纪40年代和50年代对民俗材料的文学创作，然而这些试图记录非洲民俗文化的作家的意图在很大程度上仍然是有争议的。事实上，可以说，这种人类学项目有其自身的社会政治议程，因为对民俗材料的历史记录确实有助于建立非洲集体记忆的过程，而殖民政权曾认真地试图消除这种记忆。这篇文章将通过关注著名的西非阿比库现象以及它在三位尼日利亚作家的三篇文学文本中的表现来研究非洲口头传统的使用，这三位作家分别是j.p. Clark-Bekederemo的诗歌《阿比库》(1965)，woll soinka的诗歌《阿比库》(1967)和Ben Okri的小说《饥饿之路》(1991)。其中主角是一个阿比库儿童(参见本文末尾附录中的两首诗)。…
{"title":"From Past to Present and Future: The Regenerative Spirit of the Abiku","authors":"Mounira Soliman","doi":"10.2307/4047423","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2307/4047423","url":null,"abstract":"This article investigates the representation of the famous West African abiku phenomenon in three works by three Nigerian writers, namely, J. P. Clark-Bekederemo's poem \"Abiku\" (1965), Wole Soyinka's poem also entitled \"Abiku\" (1967) and Ben Okri's novel The Famished Road (1991). The article offers a socio-political reading of the abiku (the myth of a child who dies to be reborn) as handled by the three writers and based on a traditional West African world view. The article investigates how the abiku motif has attracted many writers who are engaged in various agendas of cultural nationalism and identity formation, and how a close reading of their work points to their aesthetic and ideological concerns. ********** Our country is an abiku country. Like the spirit child, it keeps coming and going. One day it will decide to remain. It will become strong. --Okri, Infinite Riches Modern African literature, written in European languages, is characterized as being a literature that is extremely culture-specific as it relies heavily on local cultures, on African cosmology, and on oral tradition. This cultural specificity, in most cases, projects a political intention that is hard to disregard in any attempted interpretation of a literary text. On the other hand, these two characteristics of African literature have for the past fifty years or so created a kind of literature that is not quite accessible to the Western reader who, first of all, is not well versed in African local cultures and, second, is unable to perceive the political intentions of African writers. Ultimately modern African literature has come to be regarded as an exotic kind of writing but not really serious literature. The Nigerian writer, Ben Okri, sarcastically comments on the way the West perceives African literature: \"'[t]hey say, 'oh dear, I'm reading an African novel. Ooh dear it's bound to be a bit strange--there are bound to be rituals and things'\" (Taylor 34). What the West fails to understand, in fact, is that culture specificity in this case is part of the national agenda of many African writers who are keen on promoting an exclusively African literary identity despite their awareness of the problematic and implications of writing in a foreign language as in the case of writers like Chinua Achebe, Gabriel Okara, Aye Kei Armah, among others. Indeed, Anthony Appiah explains that African intellectuals are always seeking to develop their cultures in directions that will give them a role and that, unlike the European writer, the African writer asks not \"who am I?\" but \"who are we?\" (76). Thus, the resort of African writers to their oral tradition is not simply an act of anthropological retrieval of a culture that has been intentionally confiscated by the colonizer, as Western criticism is fond of pointing out (see Cooper's discussion on this point 51-60). On the contrary, it is more of a socio-political agenda. For even though the anthropological project may have been true at a ver","PeriodicalId":36717,"journal":{"name":"Alif","volume":"68 1","pages":"149"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2004-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"87260689","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This article explores one Urdu poem of the early twentieth century, by the Indian poet Sayyid Muhammad "Muhsin" Kakorvi. "In Praise of the Best of Messengers" includes imagery of shape-shifting clouds that the poet skillfully uses to evoke the sacred and to describe his own relationship to the Prophet Muhammad from his locale as a Muslim in colonial India. He does this by invoking multiple geographic, cultural, and religious references in juxtaposition, as he moves from Qur'anic to Indic religious motifs through cloud images. His sense of the sacred is rooted in Indian imagery even as it embraces a wider Islamic identity that is also Persianate and Arabian. Muhsin's poetry seeks to reassert a multi-dimensional Islamic identity in India, anchored in Sufi theo-erotic mysticism and "oneness of being" philosophy. This is in stark contrast to other colonial Urdu poets, like Hali and Iqbal, whose use of religious imagery is more ideological and who saw poetry as a vehicle for nascent nationalism and communal separatism in a self-consciously "modernist" movement. ********** Ritual gives the force of the sacred a fixed form and knowable boundaries. Temples, mosques, and pilgrimage destinations root the sacred in specific places and known precincts. Prayers, sacrifices, and pilgrimage journeys fix the sacred a specific time and known duration. These sacred times and places give the chaos and uncertainty of profane life a certain sureness and foundation in a time beyond time and a place beyond place. (1) In contrast, in the field of poetry, the sacred can manifest in a persistently polymorphous way. In the free play of words, the sacred can infuse any metaphor or image, even those that seemingly belong to more profane spheres of life. In poetry, a single metaphor can suggest both sacredness and profane life at the same time in ways that are provocative and arresting, or even transgressive. Like clouds, metaphors in poetry are free to shift spaces and forms, suggesting a sense of space and time which is beyond the structure of routine life on the ground. The clouds are natural symbols of liminality, that quality of the sacred which anthropologist Victor Turner captures as "betwixt and between" the structures of social life on the one hand and ritual life on the other. The shape-shifting dynamism of clouds inspired one of modern Urdu literature's most intriguing poems in praise of the Prophet Muhammad. Written by Sayyid Muhammad "Muhsin" (who died in 1905 CE), this poem is in the genre of na't. Na't literally means "description" but in Urdu poetry always means the poetic description of the virtuous qualities of the Prophet Muhammad. This na't is unusual, however, in that it describes the movement of clouds. Beneath the shifting surface of cloud images, their power of movement and ability to change shape allow Muhsin to use clouds as an intermediary between heaven and earth. The image of clouds helps Muhsin to overcome the geo-cultural distance between himsel
{"title":"Pilgrim Clouds: The Polymorphous Sacred in Indo-Muslim Imagination","authors":"S. Kugle","doi":"10.2307/1350079","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2307/1350079","url":null,"abstract":"This article explores one Urdu poem of the early twentieth century, by the Indian poet Sayyid Muhammad \"Muhsin\" Kakorvi. \"In Praise of the Best of Messengers\" includes imagery of shape-shifting clouds that the poet skillfully uses to evoke the sacred and to describe his own relationship to the Prophet Muhammad from his locale as a Muslim in colonial India. He does this by invoking multiple geographic, cultural, and religious references in juxtaposition, as he moves from Qur'anic to Indic religious motifs through cloud images. His sense of the sacred is rooted in Indian imagery even as it embraces a wider Islamic identity that is also Persianate and Arabian. Muhsin's poetry seeks to reassert a multi-dimensional Islamic identity in India, anchored in Sufi theo-erotic mysticism and \"oneness of being\" philosophy. This is in stark contrast to other colonial Urdu poets, like Hali and Iqbal, whose use of religious imagery is more ideological and who saw poetry as a vehicle for nascent nationalism and communal separatism in a self-consciously \"modernist\" movement. ********** Ritual gives the force of the sacred a fixed form and knowable boundaries. Temples, mosques, and pilgrimage destinations root the sacred in specific places and known precincts. Prayers, sacrifices, and pilgrimage journeys fix the sacred a specific time and known duration. These sacred times and places give the chaos and uncertainty of profane life a certain sureness and foundation in a time beyond time and a place beyond place. (1) In contrast, in the field of poetry, the sacred can manifest in a persistently polymorphous way. In the free play of words, the sacred can infuse any metaphor or image, even those that seemingly belong to more profane spheres of life. In poetry, a single metaphor can suggest both sacredness and profane life at the same time in ways that are provocative and arresting, or even transgressive. Like clouds, metaphors in poetry are free to shift spaces and forms, suggesting a sense of space and time which is beyond the structure of routine life on the ground. The clouds are natural symbols of liminality, that quality of the sacred which anthropologist Victor Turner captures as \"betwixt and between\" the structures of social life on the one hand and ritual life on the other. The shape-shifting dynamism of clouds inspired one of modern Urdu literature's most intriguing poems in praise of the Prophet Muhammad. Written by Sayyid Muhammad \"Muhsin\" (who died in 1905 CE), this poem is in the genre of na't. Na't literally means \"description\" but in Urdu poetry always means the poetic description of the virtuous qualities of the Prophet Muhammad. This na't is unusual, however, in that it describes the movement of clouds. Beneath the shifting surface of cloud images, their power of movement and ability to change shape allow Muhsin to use clouds as an intermediary between heaven and earth. The image of clouds helps Muhsin to overcome the geo-cultural distance between himsel","PeriodicalId":36717,"journal":{"name":"Alif","volume":"10 4 1","pages":"155"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2003-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"78348810","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
In France, the "modern" generation of poets--like Baudelaire, Mallarme and Rimbaud--had the ambition to give birth to a new conception of the sacred. Until then, the sacred was the experience of a transcendence whose inscrutable profundity language had to strive to reach. With poetic modernity, it is the immanence of poetic structure that contains and distills the sacral dimension. The poem is henceforth sacred because it is secret, locked up on itself and from the inside. It is secret in the etymological meaning of the word secretus: it is the mystery. Dreaming language, language of dream, lost tongue--these are the founding and heroic permutations of poetic modernity, a new sacred which disposes transcendence within structure. ********** La theologie, Qu'est-ce que la chute? Si c'est l'unite devenue dualite, c'est Dieu qui a chute, En d' autres termes, la creation ne serait-elle pas la chute de Dieu? Charles Baudelaire, Fusees Le moment poetique defini comme tel par Rimbaud: "Ineffable torture ou il (le Poete) a besoin de toute la foi, de toute la force surhumaine, ou il devient entre tous le grand malade, le grand criminel, le grand maudit--et le supreme Savant!", repond d'un clivage absolument moderne en meme temps qu'il conjoint des aspirations plus qu'inactuelles. Don de prophetie ou d'enthousiasme, la poesie est l'articulation d'une part divine, celle de l'"Est deus in nobis" d'Ovide et d'une part maudite, celle que theorisera Bataille. "Voleurs de feu", les modernes veulent recomposer une societe qui n'est pas possible sans art. L'art ne leur est pas seulement une religion figuree par le Livre comme Temple, mais aussi le lieu des ceremonies sociales. Le Livre n'est pas un cenacle restreint mais le centre radiant de la Cite. Outrepassant le cadre chretien et le neoplatonisme d'epoque, il s'agit pour le poete d'integrer cette heterodoxie au profit d'un syncretisme de plus en plus profane. Non seulement le moderne peut se reclamer de faire autorite, puisqu'il est inspire: cela signifie que le politique devient un attribut (une greffe) de la "vertu poetique", le poete pouvant tout aussi bien creer des vers, conseiller les puissants et guider l'opinion comme du Bellay; mais d'autre part il peut suppleer les pretres puisqu'il detient les secrets du nouveau Verbe s'edifiant sur les ruines de la theologie. Pour le poete chretien, il s'agissait de louer, double mouvement d'une invocation et d'une dedicace, le Createur et la Creation. La poesie etait subordonnee a son modele qui etait la Nature et les arcanes de la Creation. Desormais, la poesie opere une dissociation entre le sacre et le profane et la poesie elle-meme passe dans l'espace laique. C'est dire qu'elle est disponible au plus grand nombre. Il s'agit de travailler le vers: celui-ci n'est pas immediatement disponible ni mediatement abouti, la creation poetique reste un metier, le meme que Boileau ou Bossuet, mais c'est un metier investi. C'est la la condition pour le poete d'exprimer avec
在法国，“现代”一代诗人——如波德莱尔、马拉美和兰波——有雄心产生一种新的神圣概念。在此之前，神圣是一种超越的体验，语言必须努力达到其不可思议的深度。在诗歌现代性中，包含和提炼神圣维度的是诗歌结构的内在性。这首诗从此变得神圣，因为它是秘密，被锁在自己的内心。从secretus这个词的词源意义上来说，它是秘密的:它就是神秘。梦的语言，梦的语言，失落的语言——这些是诗歌现代性的基础和英雄的排列，一种新的神圣，在结构中处理超越性。********** La theologie, Qu'est-ce que La chute?“我的上帝是双重的”，“我的上帝是双重的”，“我的上帝是双重的”，“我的上帝是双重的”。Charles Baudelaire，《Le moment poetique defini comme tel par limbaud》:“不可言说的折磨，你将(Le Poete)，你将(Le Poete)，你将(Le Poete)，你将(Le Poete)，你将(Le Poete)，你将(Le Poete)，你将(Le Poete)，你将(Le devient)，你将(Le grand malade)，你将(Le grand criminel)，你将(Le grand)，你将(Le devient)，你将(Le devient)，你将(Le devient)，你将(Le devient)，你将(Le devient)，你将(Le devient)，你将(Le devient)，你将(Le grand)，你将(Le grand)， (Le grand)， (Le grand)， (Le grand)， (Le grand)， (Le supreme)学者!”不要预言，不要热情，不要诗歌，不要表达，不要神圣，不要上帝，不要上帝，不要上帝，不要上帝，不要上帝，不要理论，不要理论。“少数的自愿者”，这是现代主义对一个社会的猛烈重构，这是一个没有艺术的社会。L'art ne leur est pas seulement one religion figree par le Livre comme Temple, mais aussi le lieu des ceremonies sociales。Le Livre ' s est pas uncenacle reremaes Le centre radiant de la Cite。卓越的“新柏拉图主义”、“新时代”、“新时代”、“新时代”、“新时代”、“新时代”、“新时代”、“新时代”、“新时代”、“新时代”、“新时代”、“新时代”、“新时代”、“新时代”。不解决现代问题的办法是利用权力，不解决问题的办法是利用权力;不解决政治问题的办法是利用权力;不解决政治问题的办法是利用权力;不解决政治问题的办法是利用权力;mais d' autrepart将使供应商更容易理解，将使供应商更容易理解，将使供应商更容易理解，将使供应商更容易理解，使供应商更容易理解。Pour le poete chretien, il ' s agissait de low，双重运动，' one invocation and d' one奉献，'造物主和造物主。诗歌是一种从属的形式，是一种自然的形式，也是一种创造的形式。从本质上讲，诗歌是一种分离，一种神圣，一种世俗，一种诗意，一种文化，一种世俗的空间。C'est terrible qu' le est disposable au + grand nombre。“我的作品是我的作品，我的作品是我的作品，我的作品是我的作品，我的作品是我的作品，我的作品是我的作品，我的作品是我的作品。”“我的生活条件就是我的诗人，我的生活条件就是我的诗人，我的生活条件就是我的诗歌。”比起文化基因，文化基因更倾向于存在者。Elle是下一代。最重要的是，它的基础是平等的，而不是平等的，因为它的部署者是集成的。在“幻影互联网上的模因”中，在“内在的偏差”中，在“自主的vertu”中，在“意象”中在“马尔多洛的圣歌”中在“话语的新kristevien”中在“适当的”中。现代诗歌的神圣性是当代文学的神圣性是当代文学的神圣性是客体的神圣性;“没有足够的模仿，没有餐厅，没有订单，没有怀旧，没有时间，没有效率，没有时间，没有时间，没有时间，没有时间，没有时间，没有时间，没有时间，没有时间，没有时间，没有时间，没有时间，没有时间，没有时间，没有时间，没有时间，没有时间，没有时间。”(1) Des modernes, ce sont sans doute Rimbaud(1854-1891)和Mallarme(1842-1898)，他们认为“sont sans doute ribaud”(1854-1891)和“les plus”(1842-1898)的影响都是相同的。…
{"title":"La Poesie Impie Ou le Sacre Du Poete: Sur Quelques Modernes","authors":"Olivier Sécardin","doi":"10.2307/1350081","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2307/1350081","url":null,"abstract":"In France, the \"modern\" generation of poets--like Baudelaire, Mallarme and Rimbaud--had the ambition to give birth to a new conception of the sacred. Until then, the sacred was the experience of a transcendence whose inscrutable profundity language had to strive to reach. With poetic modernity, it is the immanence of poetic structure that contains and distills the sacral dimension. The poem is henceforth sacred because it is secret, locked up on itself and from the inside. It is secret in the etymological meaning of the word secretus: it is the mystery. Dreaming language, language of dream, lost tongue--these are the founding and heroic permutations of poetic modernity, a new sacred which disposes transcendence within structure. ********** La theologie, Qu'est-ce que la chute? Si c'est l'unite devenue dualite, c'est Dieu qui a chute, En d' autres termes, la creation ne serait-elle pas la chute de Dieu? Charles Baudelaire, Fusees Le moment poetique defini comme tel par Rimbaud: \"Ineffable torture ou il (le Poete) a besoin de toute la foi, de toute la force surhumaine, ou il devient entre tous le grand malade, le grand criminel, le grand maudit--et le supreme Savant!\", repond d'un clivage absolument moderne en meme temps qu'il conjoint des aspirations plus qu'inactuelles. Don de prophetie ou d'enthousiasme, la poesie est l'articulation d'une part divine, celle de l'\"Est deus in nobis\" d'Ovide et d'une part maudite, celle que theorisera Bataille. \"Voleurs de feu\", les modernes veulent recomposer une societe qui n'est pas possible sans art. L'art ne leur est pas seulement une religion figuree par le Livre comme Temple, mais aussi le lieu des ceremonies sociales. Le Livre n'est pas un cenacle restreint mais le centre radiant de la Cite. Outrepassant le cadre chretien et le neoplatonisme d'epoque, il s'agit pour le poete d'integrer cette heterodoxie au profit d'un syncretisme de plus en plus profane. Non seulement le moderne peut se reclamer de faire autorite, puisqu'il est inspire: cela signifie que le politique devient un attribut (une greffe) de la \"vertu poetique\", le poete pouvant tout aussi bien creer des vers, conseiller les puissants et guider l'opinion comme du Bellay; mais d'autre part il peut suppleer les pretres puisqu'il detient les secrets du nouveau Verbe s'edifiant sur les ruines de la theologie. Pour le poete chretien, il s'agissait de louer, double mouvement d'une invocation et d'une dedicace, le Createur et la Creation. La poesie etait subordonnee a son modele qui etait la Nature et les arcanes de la Creation. Desormais, la poesie opere une dissociation entre le sacre et le profane et la poesie elle-meme passe dans l'espace laique. C'est dire qu'elle est disponible au plus grand nombre. Il s'agit de travailler le vers: celui-ci n'est pas immediatement disponible ni mediatement abouti, la creation poetique reste un metier, le meme que Boileau ou Bossuet, mais c'est un metier investi. C'est la la condition pour le poete d'exprimer avec","PeriodicalId":36717,"journal":{"name":"Alif","volume":"34 1","pages":"212"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2003-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"88172829","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The principal intention of this article is to discuss some of the difficulties that challenge a literary approach to the Qur'an, an approach that focuses on the Qur'an as basically a literary text. Such an approach was invoked by Amin al-Khuli (1895-1966) as the only approach capable of explaining the inimitability, i'jaz, of the Qur'an. His point is that the acceptance of the Qur'an, and accordingly the acceptance of Islam by the Arabs, was based on recognizing its absolute supremacy compared to human texts. In other words, the Arabs accepted Islam on the basis of evaluating the Qur'an as a literary text that surpasses all human production. The literary method should, therefore, supersede any other religio-theological, philosophical, ethical, mystical or judicial approach. (1) Our analysis is based on the discussion that took place in the 1940s in Egypt around Muhammad Ahmad Khalafallah's (1916-98) Ph.D. thesis, presented to the Department of Arabic Language and Literature, Faculty of Arts, Fu'ad al-Awwal University (now Cairo University) in 1947. It was entitled Al-Fann al-qasasi fi al-Qur'an alkarim and was written under the supervision of Amin al-Khuli. The nature of the discussion that the thesis raised inside and outside the university will be the main focus of analysis. When the thesis was submitted to the examiners' committee in 1947 to set the date for the defense, the committee members, according to al-Khuli, were satisfied with the academic level, but they demanded some modification. Some information about the thesis was leaked to the media, and a heated polemical debate took place questioning the university academic regulation in a Muslim society that allowed such a thesis. The line of argumentation against the method and the thesis could be summarized as follows: (1) A literary text is a composition of human imagination while the Qur'an represents the word of God that should not be compared to any human discourse. (2) To deal with the Qur'an as a work of literary art, fann, is to suggest that it is written by Muhammad. (3) Furthermore, claiming that the stories of the Qur'an do not present actual historical facts, as the literary approach suggests, is committing the greatest blasphemy that amounts to apostasy. (2) It places the Qur'an in a lower position than a book of history. (3) (4) More insulting to the Qur'an from the point of view of the traditional dogma is to claim that its language and structure is historically determined and culturally formed. It could be easily interpreted to mean that the Qur'an is a human text. (4) The objection against the literary approach to the Qur'an is still very strong in the ongoing debate in modern Islamic thought between the traditionalists and the modernists, on one hand, and between Muslim and Western non-Muslim scholars, on the other hand. It presents to a great extent a continuation of the debate about Khalafallah's thesis, in which classical Islamic thought always plays an undeniable role
这篇文章的主要目的是讨论一些挑战《古兰经》文学研究方法的困难，这种方法基本上把《古兰经》作为文学文本来关注。这种方法被Amin al-Khuli(1895-1966)引用，作为唯一能够解释《古兰经》的不可模仿性的方法。他的观点是，接受《古兰经》，以及相应地阿拉伯人接受伊斯兰教，是建立在承认它与人类文本相比绝对至高无上的基础上的。换句话说，阿拉伯人接受伊斯兰教是基于对《古兰经》的评价，认为它是一部超越所有人类作品的文学作品。因此，文学方法应该取代任何其他宗教——神学、哲学、伦理、神秘或司法方法。(1)我们的分析基于20世纪40年代在埃及围绕穆罕默德·艾哈迈德·哈拉法拉(1916-98)博士论文的讨论，该论文于1947年提交给富阿德·奥瓦尔大学(现开罗大学)文学院阿拉伯语言文学系。它的题目是Al-Fann al-qasasi fi al- quuran alkarim，是在Amin al-Khuli的监督下编写的。论文在大学内外所引起的讨论的性质将是分析的主要焦点。据al-Khuli说，当论文于1947年提交给审查委员会确定答辩日期时，委员会成员对其学术水平感到满意，但他们要求进行一些修改。这篇论文的一些信息被泄露给了媒体，引发了一场激烈的辩论，质疑在穆斯林社会中允许这样一篇论文的大学学术规范。反对该方法和论文的论证路线可以概括如下:(1)文学文本是人类想象力的组成，而古兰经代表的是真主的话语，不应与任何人类话语相提并论。(2)如果把《古兰经》当作一部文学艺术作品来看待，范恩，就意味着它是穆罕默德写的。(3)此外，声称《古兰经》的故事没有呈现真实的历史事实，正如文学方法所暗示的那样，是犯下了相当于叛教的最大亵渎。(2)它将《古兰经》置于比历史书更低的地位。从传统教条的观点来看，更侮辱古兰经的是声称古兰经的语言和结构是历史决定的，是文化形成的。这很容易解释为古兰经是人类的文本。(4)在现代伊斯兰思想中，传统主义者和现代主义者之间，穆斯林和西方非穆斯林学者之间正在进行的辩论中，对古兰经文学方法的反对仍然非常强烈。它在很大程度上呈现了关于哈拉法拉论点的辩论的延续，其中古典伊斯兰思想总是在证明所有参与者的立场方面发挥着不可否认的作用。Khalafallah和他的教授al-Khuli直接将自己与穆罕默德·阿布杜(Muhammad 'Abduh, 1855-1905)发起的伊斯兰改革运动联系起来，阿布杜本人在神学和哲学上援引了开明的伊斯兰传统。将《古兰经》的文学方法追溯至伊兹兹教义的经典讨论，有必要分析传统因素对现代文学方法争论的影响。这将在第一部分中讨论。另一方面，现代伊斯兰改革运动——众所周知，始于欧洲对穆斯林世界的军事和政治统治的中期——将是第二部分的重点。现代性是由殖民政权或后殖民政权自上而下强加的。一些欧洲文化和哲学元素涉及宗教问题，引发了穆斯林学者的争论和道歉反应。．．．
{"title":"The Dilemma of the Literary Approach to the Qur'an","authors":"Nasr Abu-Zayd","doi":"10.2307/1350075","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2307/1350075","url":null,"abstract":"The principal intention of this article is to discuss some of the difficulties that challenge a literary approach to the Qur'an, an approach that focuses on the Qur'an as basically a literary text. Such an approach was invoked by Amin al-Khuli (1895-1966) as the only approach capable of explaining the inimitability, i'jaz, of the Qur'an. His point is that the acceptance of the Qur'an, and accordingly the acceptance of Islam by the Arabs, was based on recognizing its absolute supremacy compared to human texts. In other words, the Arabs accepted Islam on the basis of evaluating the Qur'an as a literary text that surpasses all human production. The literary method should, therefore, supersede any other religio-theological, philosophical, ethical, mystical or judicial approach. (1) Our analysis is based on the discussion that took place in the 1940s in Egypt around Muhammad Ahmad Khalafallah's (1916-98) Ph.D. thesis, presented to the Department of Arabic Language and Literature, Faculty of Arts, Fu'ad al-Awwal University (now Cairo University) in 1947. It was entitled Al-Fann al-qasasi fi al-Qur'an alkarim and was written under the supervision of Amin al-Khuli. The nature of the discussion that the thesis raised inside and outside the university will be the main focus of analysis. When the thesis was submitted to the examiners' committee in 1947 to set the date for the defense, the committee members, according to al-Khuli, were satisfied with the academic level, but they demanded some modification. Some information about the thesis was leaked to the media, and a heated polemical debate took place questioning the university academic regulation in a Muslim society that allowed such a thesis. The line of argumentation against the method and the thesis could be summarized as follows: (1) A literary text is a composition of human imagination while the Qur'an represents the word of God that should not be compared to any human discourse. (2) To deal with the Qur'an as a work of literary art, fann, is to suggest that it is written by Muhammad. (3) Furthermore, claiming that the stories of the Qur'an do not present actual historical facts, as the literary approach suggests, is committing the greatest blasphemy that amounts to apostasy. (2) It places the Qur'an in a lower position than a book of history. (3) (4) More insulting to the Qur'an from the point of view of the traditional dogma is to claim that its language and structure is historically determined and culturally formed. It could be easily interpreted to mean that the Qur'an is a human text. (4) The objection against the literary approach to the Qur'an is still very strong in the ongoing debate in modern Islamic thought between the traditionalists and the modernists, on one hand, and between Muslim and Western non-Muslim scholars, on the other hand. It presents to a great extent a continuation of the debate about Khalafallah's thesis, in which classical Islamic thought always plays an undeniable role ","PeriodicalId":36717,"journal":{"name":"Alif","volume":"34 1","pages":"8"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2003-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"87076566","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"الجميل والمقدس في خبرتي الدين والفن","authors":"سعيد توفيق, S. Tawfiq","doi":"10.2307/1350086","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2307/1350086","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":36717,"journal":{"name":"Alif","volume":"14 1","pages":"8"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2003-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"80667676","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
In the late twelfth-century Old French aristocratic version of Floire and Blancheflor, the writer employs sacred forms to subvert Church ideology. In this romance, the writer uses Christian iconography and narrative conventions to elaborate the courtly love relation, and to assert affinity between Christians and Muslims. In showing affinity across lines of religion and culture, the writer undermines the medieval Christian eschatological understanding of history based in radical difference between Christians and non-Christians. In so doing, the author also launches a critique of Catholic Church policy predicated on radical difference between Christians and non-Chrsitians, such as the drive toward Crusades and forced conversion. ********** The Old French aristocratic version of Floire and Blancheflor is generally considered a roman idyllique, an idyllic romance treating the adventures of two innocents, unconcerned with the courtly or the political. While the characters themselves are, in the beginning, seemingly uninterested in these matters, the romance as a whole advances some unconventional political opinions in the form of a counter-history. The redactor for the Old French aristocratic version of Floire et Blancheflor uses sacred conventions to rewrite a secularized communal history. This version of history expresses ancestral and cultural affinity to Muslims, a secularized view of human relations, and ultimately, a strong argument against crusade. Floire et Blancheflor was one of the most popular medieval romances, with a multitude of surviving manuscripts in Old French, Middle English, Low German, Old Icelandic, Old Norse, Ladino, Italian, Middle Dutch, and Old Spanish. Historically, there has been significant contention over the derivation of this romance, with "some critics believing in its creation by a French poet, and others arguing for Persian, Byzantine, or otherwise undefined Oriental origins." (1) While the derivation of the tale has not been established, Patricia Grieve, in her recent book Floire and Blancheflor and the European Romance, (2) definitively identifies the Spanish versions as the earliest strains of the tale, probably composed in about the ninth century. (3) The Cronica version with which Grieve worked, the Cronica de Flores y Blancaflor, was found interpolated at various points in a late-fourteenth or early fifteenth century manuscript of Alfonso el Sabio's thirteenth century history of Spain, the Primera Cronica General. Chronologically next are the two Old French versions, with the aristocratic version--the work under study here--dating from about 1150-1170, by some estimates, and about 1200-1225 by others, (4) with its earliest surviving manuscript in Old French dating from about 1288. (5) The popular version appears slightly later than the composition date of the aristocratic version, probably in the mid-thirteenth century. (6) Soon after these the Middle English version appears in about 1250. In the Old French ari
{"title":"Floire and Blancheflor: Courtly Hagiography or Radical Romance?","authors":"Marla Segol","doi":"10.2307/1350082","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2307/1350082","url":null,"abstract":"In the late twelfth-century Old French aristocratic version of Floire and Blancheflor, the writer employs sacred forms to subvert Church ideology. In this romance, the writer uses Christian iconography and narrative conventions to elaborate the courtly love relation, and to assert affinity between Christians and Muslims. In showing affinity across lines of religion and culture, the writer undermines the medieval Christian eschatological understanding of history based in radical difference between Christians and non-Christians. In so doing, the author also launches a critique of Catholic Church policy predicated on radical difference between Christians and non-Chrsitians, such as the drive toward Crusades and forced conversion. ********** The Old French aristocratic version of Floire and Blancheflor is generally considered a roman idyllique, an idyllic romance treating the adventures of two innocents, unconcerned with the courtly or the political. While the characters themselves are, in the beginning, seemingly uninterested in these matters, the romance as a whole advances some unconventional political opinions in the form of a counter-history. The redactor for the Old French aristocratic version of Floire et Blancheflor uses sacred conventions to rewrite a secularized communal history. This version of history expresses ancestral and cultural affinity to Muslims, a secularized view of human relations, and ultimately, a strong argument against crusade. Floire et Blancheflor was one of the most popular medieval romances, with a multitude of surviving manuscripts in Old French, Middle English, Low German, Old Icelandic, Old Norse, Ladino, Italian, Middle Dutch, and Old Spanish. Historically, there has been significant contention over the derivation of this romance, with \"some critics believing in its creation by a French poet, and others arguing for Persian, Byzantine, or otherwise undefined Oriental origins.\" (1) While the derivation of the tale has not been established, Patricia Grieve, in her recent book Floire and Blancheflor and the European Romance, (2) definitively identifies the Spanish versions as the earliest strains of the tale, probably composed in about the ninth century. (3) The Cronica version with which Grieve worked, the Cronica de Flores y Blancaflor, was found interpolated at various points in a late-fourteenth or early fifteenth century manuscript of Alfonso el Sabio's thirteenth century history of Spain, the Primera Cronica General. Chronologically next are the two Old French versions, with the aristocratic version--the work under study here--dating from about 1150-1170, by some estimates, and about 1200-1225 by others, (4) with its earliest surviving manuscript in Old French dating from about 1288. (5) The popular version appears slightly later than the composition date of the aristocratic version, probably in the mid-thirteenth century. (6) Soon after these the Middle English version appears in about 1250. In the Old French ari","PeriodicalId":36717,"journal":{"name":"Alif","volume":"130 1","pages":"233"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2003-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"79612360","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This article explores authorship in the Sufi poetry of Egypt. How do we explain apparent paradoxes: attribution of new poetry to an old saint, to more than one person, or to a performer? The Sufi's world includes a close-knit spiritual-social network, spanning entities (both living and dead), across which text and inspiration flow. Poetic production (primarily the recombination of pre-fabricated units), occurs as much in social performance as in "private" composition. Since the Sufi author is always network-connected, every poetic practice is always collaborative. Conversely, every Sufi ("poet," performer, or listener) acquires authorial attributes. The article terms the social network of authors the "interauthor," and claims that it is precisely the social analog to the symbolic "intertext" emphasized through textual repetition. Paradoxes result from coercing the Sufi interauthor into an alien modernist frame of autonomous authorship. Ironically, in practice this sacred "tradition" exhibits more postmodern features of authorship than contemporary secular Arab poetry. ********** The celebrated Sudanese Shaykh Muhammad 'Uthman 'Abdu al-Burhani, founder of a now-global Sufi order (tariqa), (1) passed away on April 4th, 1983; several years later, the tariqa published his collection (diwan) of sacred poetry, Sharab al-wasl [The Drink of Union] (al-Burhani). Each poem in this diwan carries the date of its composition, and poems are presented in chronological order. All of this seems perfectly ordinary. Somewhat less ordinary is the date of the first poem, April 13th, 1983, a full week after the death of its putative author. How can we understand such an enigma? What is the meaning of authorship for the Sufis? I. Problems of Authorship, and Sufi Poetry This article is an exploration of authorship, and related concepts of textuality and meaning, in Sufi poetry, based on more than five years' participant-observation research among Sufis, Sufi singers, and Sufi poets in Egypt. What I intend to do is to interpret the concept of authorship of Sufi poetry as Sufis themselves appear to understand it, without attempting to bracket their beliefs within the confines of a "higher" theory. Rather, I seek to trace the relation between their "emic" (insider) view, and the "etic" (outsider) theories propounded by Western literary philosophers and critics. An analysis of Sufi authorship may help in developing a theory of authorship for sacred literatures, and perhaps even contribute towards theories of authorship in general. Conventional assumptions about authorship were most famously challenged by Roland Barthes in a highly influential article (Barthes, "The Death of the Author"), in which he melodramatically declared the "death of the author." But I rather follow Foucault ("What is an Author?") in problematizing the contours of authorship (the "author-function"), freeing "authorship" from necessary attachment to a singular concept of individualized creative genius.
本文探讨了埃及苏菲派诗歌的作者身份。我们如何解释明显的悖论:将新诗归于一个老圣人，一个以上的人，或一个表演者?苏菲的世界包括一个紧密结合的精神社会网络，跨越实体(活着的和死去的)，文本和灵感在其中流动。诗歌创作(主要是预制单元的重组)在社会表演和“私人”创作中同样多地出现。由于苏菲作者总是与网络相连，所以每一次诗歌实践都是协作的。相反，每个苏菲派(“诗人”、表演者或听众)都获得了作者的属性。本文将作者的社会网络称为“互作者”，并声称这正是通过文本重复强调的象征性“互文”的社会类比。悖论的产生是由于把苏菲派的作者强迫进入一个陌生的现代主义自主作者的框架。具有讽刺意味的是，在实践中，这种神圣的“传统”表现出比当代世俗阿拉伯诗歌更多的后现代作家特征。**********苏丹著名的谢赫穆罕默德·奥斯曼·阿卜杜·布尔哈尼(sheikh Muhammad ' othman 'Abdu al-Burhani)，当今全球苏菲派(tariqa)的创始人，于1983年4月4日去世;几年后，塔利卡出版了他的圣诗集《联合之饮》(al-Burhani)。每首诗都有其创作日期，并按时间顺序呈现。所有这些看起来都很平常。不那么寻常的是第一首诗的日期，1983年4月13日，在假定的作者去世整整一周之后。我们如何理解这样一个谜?对苏菲派来说，作者身份的意义是什么?本文基于对埃及苏菲派、苏菲派歌手和苏菲派诗人五年多的参与式观察研究，对苏菲派诗歌中的作者身份以及相关的文本性和意义概念进行了探索。我打算做的是按照苏菲派自己的理解来解释苏菲派诗歌作者的概念，而不是试图将他们的信仰置于“更高”理论的范围内。相反，我试图追踪他们的“内位”(局内人)观点与西方文学哲学家和评论家提出的“外位”(局外人)理论之间的关系。对苏菲作者身份的分析可能有助于发展一种关于神圣文献作者身份的理论，甚至可能对一般的作者身份理论有所贡献。罗兰·巴特(Roland Barthes)在一篇极具影响力的文章(《作者之死》(The Death of The Author))中挑战了关于作者身份的传统假设，他在这篇文章中戏剧性地宣布了“作者之死”。但我更愿意追随福柯(《作者是什么?》)，对作者身份的轮廓(“作者功能”)提出质疑，将“作者身份”从对个性化创造天才的单一概念的必要依恋中解放出来。在这种问题化的推动下，对苏非诗歌实践的民族志调查可以继续提供一种完全相反的广义作者的社会学概念。正如我所说的，这种“互作者”恰恰是符号互文和客位互文(由克里斯蒂娃和其他许多人提出)的社会和主题对应物。局内人(苏菲派)将超越个体作者的精神-社会关系网络视为文本生产的分布式来源，而局外人(批评家)则将超越个体文本的符号-文本关系网络视为文本。与世俗的阿拉伯文学传统相比，这两个概念都对应于个性化的作者和文本的相对背景，在更广泛的苏菲社会和象征关系网络中。尽管(或者，正如我们将看到的，因为)它们是建立在传统的(前现代的)神秘主义神学基础上的，这样的网络确保了意义的流动性和多余性，这样每一次“阅读”都可以是不同的。…
{"title":"Authorship in Sufi Poetry","authors":"Michael Frishkopf","doi":"10.2307/1350077","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2307/1350077","url":null,"abstract":"This article explores authorship in the Sufi poetry of Egypt. How do we explain apparent paradoxes: attribution of new poetry to an old saint, to more than one person, or to a performer? The Sufi's world includes a close-knit spiritual-social network, spanning entities (both living and dead), across which text and inspiration flow. Poetic production (primarily the recombination of pre-fabricated units), occurs as much in social performance as in \"private\" composition. Since the Sufi author is always network-connected, every poetic practice is always collaborative. Conversely, every Sufi (\"poet,\" performer, or listener) acquires authorial attributes. The article terms the social network of authors the \"interauthor,\" and claims that it is precisely the social analog to the symbolic \"intertext\" emphasized through textual repetition. Paradoxes result from coercing the Sufi interauthor into an alien modernist frame of autonomous authorship. Ironically, in practice this sacred \"tradition\" exhibits more postmodern features of authorship than contemporary secular Arab poetry. ********** The celebrated Sudanese Shaykh Muhammad 'Uthman 'Abdu al-Burhani, founder of a now-global Sufi order (tariqa), (1) passed away on April 4th, 1983; several years later, the tariqa published his collection (diwan) of sacred poetry, Sharab al-wasl [The Drink of Union] (al-Burhani). Each poem in this diwan carries the date of its composition, and poems are presented in chronological order. All of this seems perfectly ordinary. Somewhat less ordinary is the date of the first poem, April 13th, 1983, a full week after the death of its putative author. How can we understand such an enigma? What is the meaning of authorship for the Sufis? I. Problems of Authorship, and Sufi Poetry This article is an exploration of authorship, and related concepts of textuality and meaning, in Sufi poetry, based on more than five years' participant-observation research among Sufis, Sufi singers, and Sufi poets in Egypt. What I intend to do is to interpret the concept of authorship of Sufi poetry as Sufis themselves appear to understand it, without attempting to bracket their beliefs within the confines of a \"higher\" theory. Rather, I seek to trace the relation between their \"emic\" (insider) view, and the \"etic\" (outsider) theories propounded by Western literary philosophers and critics. An analysis of Sufi authorship may help in developing a theory of authorship for sacred literatures, and perhaps even contribute towards theories of authorship in general. Conventional assumptions about authorship were most famously challenged by Roland Barthes in a highly influential article (Barthes, \"The Death of the Author\"), in which he melodramatically declared the \"death of the author.\" But I rather follow Foucault (\"What is an Author?\") in problematizing the contours of authorship (the \"author-function\"), freeing \"authorship\" from necessary attachment to a singular concept of individualized creative genius. ","PeriodicalId":36717,"journal":{"name":"Alif","volume":"28 1","pages":"78"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2003-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"73328422","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"قراءة في سفر الجسد","authors":"بطرس الحلاق, Butrus al-Hallaq","doi":"10.2307/1350092","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2307/1350092","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":36717,"journal":{"name":"Alif","volume":"80 1","pages":"133"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2003-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"79703875","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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