Pub Date : 2014-05-05DOI: 10.5278/OJS.JCIR.V2I1.605
Yang Jiang
How dangerous is Chinese outward foreign direct investment (OFDI) because of the state's influence over business, particularly state-owned enterprises (SOEs)? To what extent are business and politics interwoven in Chinese investment decisions? Crucial knowledge is lacking on the relationship between the state and companies in China's OFDI. This study does not claim to completely refute the conventional view that Chinese companies, particularly SOEs, are controlled by the state in their OFDI activities. However, it tries to provide some evidence that suggests the need for a revised look at them. It argues that although Chinese SOEs are supported by Chinese diplomacy and loans in their OFDI and have a tacit understanding of certain strategic goals of the state, they enjoy autonomy to make business decisions and have prioritized maximizing their own business interests. Importantly, this is enabled by the state's view that the profit of SOEs is consistent with national interests.
{"title":"Red Trojan Horses? A New Look at Chinese SOEs' Outward Investment","authors":"Yang Jiang","doi":"10.5278/OJS.JCIR.V2I1.605","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5278/OJS.JCIR.V2I1.605","url":null,"abstract":"How dangerous is Chinese outward foreign direct investment (OFDI) because of the state's influence over business, particularly state-owned enterprises (SOEs)? To what extent are business and politics interwoven in Chinese investment decisions? Crucial knowledge is lacking on the relationship between the state and companies in China's OFDI. This study does not claim to completely refute the conventional view that Chinese companies, particularly SOEs, are controlled by the state in their OFDI activities. However, it tries to provide some evidence that suggests the need for a revised look at them. It argues that although Chinese SOEs are supported by Chinese diplomacy and loans in their OFDI and have a tacit understanding of certain strategic goals of the state, they enjoy autonomy to make business decisions and have prioritized maximizing their own business interests. Importantly, this is enabled by the state's view that the profit of SOEs is consistent with national interests.","PeriodicalId":37130,"journal":{"name":"Journal of China and International Relations","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2014-05-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"70987801","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2014-05-05DOI: 10.5278/OJS.JCIR.V2I1.608
Jukka Aukia
Research on the soft power of China has proliferated to the point where little coherence can be detected. This paper attempts to bring together the various forms of analyses in both international and Chinese literature. A division in the non-Chinese research is drawn between those who recognize the international and domestic dimension in the Chinese soft power discourse and those who do not. It is concluded that Chinese academia envisages cultural soft power as a tool for tackling the challenges of modernization for the PRC state in search of itself in a dualistic manner using both the international and domestic arenas. In essence, the soft power discourse of China has long since outgrown the narrow definition used in the West more in the direction of national security.
{"title":"The Cultural Soft Power of China: A Tool for Dualistic National Security","authors":"Jukka Aukia","doi":"10.5278/OJS.JCIR.V2I1.608","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5278/OJS.JCIR.V2I1.608","url":null,"abstract":"Research on the soft power of China has proliferated to the point where little coherence can be detected. This paper attempts to bring together the various forms of analyses in both international and Chinese literature. A division in the non-Chinese research is drawn between those who recognize the international and domestic dimension in the Chinese soft power discourse and those who do not. It is concluded that Chinese academia envisages cultural soft power as a tool for tackling the challenges of modernization for the PRC state in search of itself in a dualistic manner using both the international and domestic arenas. In essence, the soft power discourse of China has long since outgrown the narrow definition used in the West more in the direction of national security.","PeriodicalId":37130,"journal":{"name":"Journal of China and International Relations","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2014-05-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"70988106","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2014-05-05DOI: 10.5278/OJS.JCIR.V2I1.609
Peer Møller Christensen
The new economic importance of the Chinese economy has created Chinese expectations that the country will be able to regain a political and cultural position in the world in accordance with this economic status. But for China to become a respected member of world society, one of the most severe obstacles is its, from a western perspective, undemocratic political system. The article describes the lively debate going on among Chinese intellectuals of diverse political-ideological convictions about what kind of democracy should be the model for China’s future political system. The liberally oriented intellectuals want a political system very much like American liberal constitutional democracy, while intellectuals on the left side of the political spectrum want a democracy with a clear socialist basis. Although Chinese intellectuals form a minority in society, these intellectual debates are sure to have influence on both public opinion and opinions and attitudes among political decision makers inside the Chinese Communist Party. Further investigations will have to establish to what degree the perceptions of China's political future and democratization are reflected in the political attitudes among the Chinese in general, and how they are perceived inside the confines of political decision making in the Chinese Communist Party. Only then will it be possible to answer the questions: "What kind of democracy do the Chinese want?" and "What kind of democracy are the Chinese going to get?"
{"title":"Chinese Debates on the Democratization Process","authors":"Peer Møller Christensen","doi":"10.5278/OJS.JCIR.V2I1.609","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5278/OJS.JCIR.V2I1.609","url":null,"abstract":"The new economic importance of the Chinese economy has created Chinese expectations that the country will be able to regain a political and cultural position in the world in accordance with this economic status. But for China to become a respected member of world society, one of the most severe obstacles is its, from a western perspective, undemocratic political system. The article describes the lively debate going on among Chinese intellectuals of diverse political-ideological convictions about what kind of democracy should be the model for China’s future political system. The liberally oriented intellectuals want a political system very much like American liberal constitutional democracy, while intellectuals on the left side of the political spectrum want a democracy with a clear socialist basis. Although Chinese intellectuals form a minority in society, these intellectual debates are sure to have influence on both public opinion and opinions and attitudes among political decision makers inside the Chinese Communist Party. Further investigations will have to establish to what degree the perceptions of China's political future and democratization are reflected in the political attitudes among the Chinese in general, and how they are perceived inside the confines of political decision making in the Chinese Communist Party. Only then will it be possible to answer the questions: \"What kind of democracy do the Chinese want?\" and \"What kind of democracy are the Chinese going to get?\"","PeriodicalId":37130,"journal":{"name":"Journal of China and International Relations","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2014-05-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"70988167","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2013-10-29DOI: 10.5278/OJS.JCIR.V1I2.533
Z. Dong
The study of American trade politics is of great significance when interpreting U.S.A. trade policies and understanding China-U.S.A. trade relations. In order to explain the mechanism of American trade politics, this paper constructs a new analytical framework of “democratic government-interest groups”, which argues that U.S.A. trade policies are not only the choices made by the democratic government between state interests and political private benefits, but also the outcomes of interaction between the U.S.A. government and interest groups. The case study of the U.S.A. trade policies toward China since the new century also demonstrates how the interaction between the government and interest groups ultimately shapes trade policies. Therefore, we need to understand the logic of American trade politics, generate more mutual benefits for our two countries, and work together to promote the bilateral free trade as well as the bilateral relations between China and the U.S.A.
{"title":"“Democratic Government”, Interest Groups and American Trade Politics","authors":"Z. Dong","doi":"10.5278/OJS.JCIR.V1I2.533","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5278/OJS.JCIR.V1I2.533","url":null,"abstract":"The study of American trade politics is of great significance when interpreting U.S.A. trade policies and understanding China-U.S.A. trade relations. In order to explain the mechanism of American trade politics, this paper constructs a new analytical framework of “democratic government-interest groups”, which argues that U.S.A. trade policies are not only the choices made by the democratic government between state interests and political private benefits, but also the outcomes of interaction between the U.S.A. government and interest groups. The case study of the U.S.A. trade policies toward China since the new century also demonstrates how the interaction between the government and interest groups ultimately shapes trade policies. Therefore, we need to understand the logic of American trade politics, generate more mutual benefits for our two countries, and work together to promote the bilateral free trade as well as the bilateral relations between China and the U.S.A.","PeriodicalId":37130,"journal":{"name":"Journal of China and International Relations","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2013-10-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"70987479","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2013-10-29DOI: 10.5278/OJS.JCIR.V1I2.530
Fei Gao, Jian Zhang
Economy and trade relations are considered a weak component in the Sino-Russian Strategic Partnership. The Sino-Russian economy and trade relations are not only restricted by economic development and systemic transition, respectively, but also influenced by economic globalization and the process of regional integrity. This article will analyze achievements and problems in the current Sino-Russian economy and trade relations, and seek solutions for solving these problems through a multilateral perspective.
{"title":"The Prospect of Sino-Russian Economic and Trade Relations from the Perspective of Multilateralism","authors":"Fei Gao, Jian Zhang","doi":"10.5278/OJS.JCIR.V1I2.530","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5278/OJS.JCIR.V1I2.530","url":null,"abstract":"Economy and trade relations are considered a weak component in the Sino-Russian Strategic Partnership. The Sino-Russian economy and trade relations are not only restricted by economic development and systemic transition, respectively, but also influenced by economic globalization and the process of regional integrity. This article will analyze achievements and problems in the current Sino-Russian economy and trade relations, and seek solutions for solving these problems through a multilateral perspective.","PeriodicalId":37130,"journal":{"name":"Journal of China and International Relations","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2013-10-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"70987620","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2013-10-29DOI: 10.5278/OJS.JCIR.V1I2.532
Chi Zhang
This article discusses soft power in international relations and the soft power of China’s foreign policy in recent years. After presenting a critique of the soft power theory developed by Joseph S. Nye, the paper provides an alternative interpretation of soft power. The author proposes a dynamic analysis of soft power in international relations, and argues that whether a power resource is soft or hard depends on the perceptions and feelings of various actors in specific situations. Due to the varying degrees of acceptance, power can be divided into hard power, soft power and bargaining power. An analysis should look at the soft or hard effectiveness of a power resource from three perspectives–horizontally, vertically and relatively. Recently, the soft power of China’s foreign policy and international behavior has mainly been manifested in multilateralism, economic diplomacy and a good-neighborly policy.
{"title":"A Dynamic Approach to the Analysis of Soft Power in International Relations","authors":"Chi Zhang","doi":"10.5278/OJS.JCIR.V1I2.532","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5278/OJS.JCIR.V1I2.532","url":null,"abstract":"This article discusses soft power in international relations and the soft power of China’s foreign policy in recent years. After presenting a critique of the soft power theory developed by Joseph S. Nye, the paper provides an alternative interpretation of soft power. The author proposes a dynamic analysis of soft power in international relations, and argues that whether a power resource is soft or hard depends on the perceptions and feelings of various actors in specific situations. Due to the varying degrees of acceptance, power can be divided into hard power, soft power and bargaining power. An analysis should look at the soft or hard effectiveness of a power resource from three perspectives–horizontally, vertically and relatively. Recently, the soft power of China’s foreign policy and international behavior has mainly been manifested in multilateralism, economic diplomacy and a good-neighborly policy.","PeriodicalId":37130,"journal":{"name":"Journal of China and International Relations","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2013-10-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"70987827","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2013-10-29DOI: 10.5278/OJS.JCIR.V1I2.529
Zugui Gao
Since the beginning of the 21st century, the China-Islamic World relationship has gained more impetus and entered into the fast track of development due to increasing bilateral, regional and global strategic interests. From a strategic perspective, China focuses more on energy and resources, national security in relation to religious extremism, national separatism and terrorism, and changes of regional geo-strategic structures in the Islamic World. Along with increasing mutual interests and the role of China in the Islamic World (including Central Asia, West Asia, South Asia and South-East Asia), political, economic and security relations between China and the Islamic World have been of great significance. As regards this, the recent developments of the relationships between China and both the Central Asian as well as the West Asian States can be used as examples. During these processes, the bilateral and multilateral cooperative regimes, such as Shanghai Cooperative Organization (SCO) and Sino-Arab Co-operation Forum (SACF), were established. In the future, the regional challenges in the Islamic World and the rising role of Central Asia, West Asia, South Asia and South-East Asia and their competitors from current great powers, including the U.S.A., Russia, India, Japan and the EU, will have an impact on the relationship between China and the Islamic World.
{"title":"A Study of China’s Relationship with the Islamic World","authors":"Zugui Gao","doi":"10.5278/OJS.JCIR.V1I2.529","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5278/OJS.JCIR.V1I2.529","url":null,"abstract":"Since the beginning of the 21st century, the China-Islamic World relationship has gained more impetus and entered into the fast track of development due to increasing bilateral, regional and global strategic interests. From a strategic perspective, China focuses more on energy and resources, national security in relation to religious extremism, national separatism and terrorism, and changes of regional geo-strategic structures in the Islamic World. Along with increasing mutual interests and the role of China in the Islamic World (including Central Asia, West Asia, South Asia and South-East Asia), political, economic and security relations between China and the Islamic World have been of great significance. As regards this, the recent developments of the relationships between China and both the Central Asian as well as the West Asian States can be used as examples. During these processes, the bilateral and multilateral cooperative regimes, such as Shanghai Cooperative Organization (SCO) and Sino-Arab Co-operation Forum (SACF), were established. In the future, the regional challenges in the Islamic World and the rising role of Central Asia, West Asia, South Asia and South-East Asia and their competitors from current great powers, including the U.S.A., Russia, India, Japan and the EU, will have an impact on the relationship between China and the Islamic World.","PeriodicalId":37130,"journal":{"name":"Journal of China and International Relations","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2013-10-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"70987567","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2013-10-29DOI: 10.5278/OJS.JCIR.V1I2.534
Chaoyue Yang
Energy cooperation is an important component in the Sino-Russia relationship. After more than a decade of efforts, China and Russia have made great progress in their cooperation in the area of oil and natural gas, which has not only promoted the economic developments in both countries, but also expanded their common interests to a large extent, resulting in a tremendous improvement of the two countries’ international strategies towards each other. Nevertheless, constrained and influenced by the evolution of contemporary international politics and economies, the Sino-Russia energy cooperation is facing some problems and barriers. Therefore, the aim of this article is to analyze the multiple elements affecting the Sino-Russia energy cooperation through the prism of Neo-realism, Neo-liberalism and Social Constructivism, hence a clear account of the opportunities and challenges that constitute this cooperation will be gained.
{"title":"A Study of Sino-Russian Energy Cooperation from the Perspective of Theories of International Relations","authors":"Chaoyue Yang","doi":"10.5278/OJS.JCIR.V1I2.534","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5278/OJS.JCIR.V1I2.534","url":null,"abstract":"Energy cooperation is an important component in the Sino-Russia relationship. After more than a decade of efforts, China and Russia have made great progress in their cooperation in the area of oil and natural gas, which has not only promoted the economic developments in both countries, but also expanded their common interests to a large extent, resulting in a tremendous improvement of the two countries’ international strategies towards each other. Nevertheless, constrained and influenced by the evolution of contemporary international politics and economies, the Sino-Russia energy cooperation is facing some problems and barriers. Therefore, the aim of this article is to analyze the multiple elements affecting the Sino-Russia energy cooperation through the prism of Neo-realism, Neo-liberalism and Social Constructivism, hence a clear account of the opportunities and challenges that constitute this cooperation will be gained.","PeriodicalId":37130,"journal":{"name":"Journal of China and International Relations","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2013-10-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"70987602","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2013-10-29DOI: 10.5278/OJS.JCIR.V1I2.527
Hongyu Lin
International monetary power has become a new area of interest since the outbreak of the global financial crisis in 2008. The USA, the EU and China will pursue global monetary power in the future, and the USD, the EURO and the RMB will become the most important world reserve currencies. The pattern of international monetary power will shift from a unilateral-hegemony structure to a triangle-balance structure. This shift has a very strong influence on changes in the current international political system. As the largest emerging economy, China will speed up the globalization of the RMB to meet the challenges of the international monetary system.
{"title":"International Monetary Power and China’s Response","authors":"Hongyu Lin","doi":"10.5278/OJS.JCIR.V1I2.527","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5278/OJS.JCIR.V1I2.527","url":null,"abstract":"International monetary power has become a new area of interest since the outbreak of the global financial crisis in 2008. The USA, the EU and China will pursue global monetary power in the future, and the USD, the EURO and the RMB will become the most important world reserve currencies. The pattern of international monetary power will shift from a unilateral-hegemony structure to a triangle-balance structure. This shift has a very strong influence on changes in the current international political system. As the largest emerging economy, China will speed up the globalization of the RMB to meet the challenges of the international monetary system.","PeriodicalId":37130,"journal":{"name":"Journal of China and International Relations","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2013-10-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"70987817","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2013-10-29DOI: 10.5278/OJS.JCIR.V1I2.531
F. Zhong
This paper attempts to examine the dynamics and evolutional way of the Asia-Pacific regional order. In general, there have been three waves of regional order change since the 1970s. The first kind of regional order adjustment was the reconciliation between China and the U.S.A.-Japan alliance, which was a geopolitical arrangement driven by the strategic imbalance between the U.S.A. and the Soviet Union. The second one took place in the late 1980s with the rise of Japanese economic power, and the United States having succeeded in persuading Japan to 50 upgrade the U.S.A.-Japan alliance without any great change in the regional order. The most recent regional order adjustment continues to develop and initially emerged due to the quick and continuous rise of China. Due to the great scale and multi-dimensionality of the rise of China, Asia-Pacific regional order adjustment might change the global order in the near future. On the one hand, the third wave of regional order adjustment is driven by peaceful dynamics, and the current American hegemony cannot contain China’s rise through military force. On the other hand, the new regional order is directly based on the experiences of its two predecessors and tries to combine geopolitical balance with geo-economics. Focusing on the power transition between China and the U.S.A., many believe that regional order has disintegrated into “two Asias”, with China dominating economic growth and the United States providing security order. However, this kind of judgment is not a reality but merely speculation. Although China and the United States certainly play the greatest roles in future regional order formation, other regional countries still have their positions in the new regional order. The ideal regional order model in their minds is a much more balanced and stable relationship between the U.S.A. and China, not a conflictual and divided one. Moreover, an open regionalism may help them to play a functional role in regional order.
{"title":"The Historical Experience of the Transformation of the Asia-Pacific Order and Its Future Development Direction","authors":"F. Zhong","doi":"10.5278/OJS.JCIR.V1I2.531","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5278/OJS.JCIR.V1I2.531","url":null,"abstract":"This paper attempts to examine the dynamics and evolutional way of the Asia-Pacific regional order. In general, there have been three waves of regional order change since the 1970s. The first kind of regional order adjustment was the reconciliation between China and the U.S.A.-Japan alliance, which was a geopolitical arrangement driven by the strategic imbalance between the U.S.A. and the Soviet Union. The second one took place in the late 1980s with the rise of Japanese economic power, and the United States having succeeded in persuading Japan to 50 upgrade the U.S.A.-Japan alliance without any great change in the regional order. The most recent regional order adjustment continues to develop and initially emerged due to the quick and continuous rise of China. Due to the great scale and multi-dimensionality of the rise of China, Asia-Pacific regional order adjustment might change the global order in the near future. On the one hand, the third wave of regional order adjustment is driven by peaceful dynamics, and the current American hegemony cannot contain China’s rise through military force. On the other hand, the new regional order is directly based on the experiences of its two predecessors and tries to combine geopolitical balance with geo-economics. Focusing on the power transition between China and the U.S.A., many believe that regional order has disintegrated into “two Asias”, with China dominating economic growth and the United States providing security order. However, this kind of judgment is not a reality but merely speculation. Although China and the United States certainly play the greatest roles in future regional order formation, other regional countries still have their positions in the new regional order. The ideal regional order model in their minds is a much more balanced and stable relationship between the U.S.A. and China, not a conflictual and divided one. Moreover, an open regionalism may help them to play a functional role in regional order.","PeriodicalId":37130,"journal":{"name":"Journal of China and International Relations","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2013-10-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"70987715","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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