Pub Date : 2016-05-30DOI: 10.5278/OJS.JCIR.V4I1.1512
Shichen Wang
People-to-people exchange has become a heated topic of the Chinese foreign policy. Since the beginning of the twenty-first century, China has established people-to-people dialogues with the United States, the European Union, the United Kingdom, France and Russia. In 2012, China and the EU established a high-level dialogue for people-to-people exchange, making people-to-people exchange the third pillar of China-EU relations. However, China is not a newcomer to people-to-people exchanges with Europe. Why does China launch the people-to-people diplomacy? Is it a plus or a must for China as well as for China-EU relations? The author reviews the history and current situation of China's people-to-people exchange and investigates China’s motivations behind the policy. Using the historical institutionalism as an approach, this paper argues that people-to-people diplomacy is a key component of the contemporary Chinese foreign policy towards Europe. China has long been an unequal counterpart to Europe since the 1840s. After the development of bilateral political and economic cooperation in the past four decades, people-to-people diplomacy is the last part that China needs to finish in order to regain equal status with Europe. In addition, it is also a step towards realising the "great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation".
{"title":"China's People-to-people Diplomacy and Its Importance to China-EU Relations: A Historical Institutionalism Perspective","authors":"Shichen Wang","doi":"10.5278/OJS.JCIR.V4I1.1512","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5278/OJS.JCIR.V4I1.1512","url":null,"abstract":"People-to-people exchange has become a heated topic of the Chinese foreign policy. Since the beginning of the twenty-first century, China has established people-to-people dialogues with the United States, the European Union, the United Kingdom, France and Russia. In 2012, China and the EU established a high-level dialogue for people-to-people exchange, making people-to-people exchange the third pillar of China-EU relations. However, China is not a newcomer to people-to-people exchanges with Europe. Why does China launch the people-to-people diplomacy? Is it a plus or a must for China as well as for China-EU relations? The author reviews the history and current situation of China's people-to-people exchange and investigates China’s motivations behind the policy. Using the historical institutionalism as an approach, this paper argues that people-to-people diplomacy is a key component of the contemporary Chinese foreign policy towards Europe. China has long been an unequal counterpart to Europe since the 1840s. After the development of bilateral political and economic cooperation in the past four decades, people-to-people diplomacy is the last part that China needs to finish in order to regain equal status with Europe. In addition, it is also a step towards realising the \"great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation\".","PeriodicalId":37130,"journal":{"name":"Journal of China and International Relations","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2016-05-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"70989842","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2016-05-30DOI: 10.5278/OJS.JCIR.V4I1.1513
Sanna Kopra
By exploring international practice of great power management, this paper examines how the U.S. (an established power) and China (an emerging power) discursively frame great power responsibility in the context of international negotiations on climate politics. Firstly, this paper will argue that the American discourse on "responsible great powerhood" attempts to redirect and constrain China’s position in global politics. Secondly, this paper claims that China defends its interests and responds to Western demands by advancing two, partly conflicting, climate discourses simultaneously. On the one hand, despite its growing international status, China emphasizes its status as a poor developing country. On the other, the rhetoric of being a "responsible major power" is used to assure other nations of China's credibility and benevolence; China is neither a threat to other countries nor to the environment.
{"title":"Great Power Management and China's Responsibility in International Climate Politics","authors":"Sanna Kopra","doi":"10.5278/OJS.JCIR.V4I1.1513","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5278/OJS.JCIR.V4I1.1513","url":null,"abstract":"By exploring international practice of great power management, this paper examines how the U.S. (an established power) and China (an emerging power) discursively frame great power responsibility in the context of international negotiations on climate politics. Firstly, this paper will argue that the American discourse on \"responsible great powerhood\" attempts to redirect and constrain China’s position in global politics. Secondly, this paper claims that China defends its interests and responds to Western demands by advancing two, partly conflicting, climate discourses simultaneously. On the one hand, despite its growing international status, China emphasizes its status as a poor developing country. On the other, the rhetoric of being a \"responsible major power\" is used to assure other nations of China's credibility and benevolence; China is neither a threat to other countries nor to the environment.","PeriodicalId":37130,"journal":{"name":"Journal of China and International Relations","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2016-05-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"70989518","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2016-05-30DOI: 10.5278/OJS.JCIR.V4I1.1514
Yu-Wen Chen, Niall Duggan
The increase of Sino-African interactions in trade, aid and investments has attracted Chinese tourists to Africa. The Beijing Action Plan of the Forum on China-Africa Cooperation (FOCAC) outlines China’s cultural diplomacy in Africa, delineating a number of areas of cultural cooperation: education; press, publishing and media; and tourism and people-to-people exchange programs in academia and think tanks among young people, women and athletes. Though scholars of International relations (IR) have detected that tourism is one way of manifesting soft power, they do not feel comfortable nor ready to place the promotion of tourism into standard IR discourse. This is in contrast to scholars of tourism studies who have recognized the political nature of China's outbound tourism, particularly to less-developed areas such as Africa. In this paper, we have argued that the Chinese government uses outbound tourism to perform its perceived relationship with African countries; that is, Beijing aspires to be seen as a benign rising power willing to help weaker countries develop and establish harmonious ties. It is hard to separate the economic and cultural functions of outbound tourism, each of which reinforces the other, although not without limits. We find that not all African countries’ national tourism policies are capable of, or willing to prioritize, attracting Chinese tourists. Moreover, we find that South Africa is most active in working with public relations companies in China to promote South Africa as a tourist destination.
{"title":"Soft power and tourism: a study of Chinese outbound tourism to Africa","authors":"Yu-Wen Chen, Niall Duggan","doi":"10.5278/OJS.JCIR.V4I1.1514","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5278/OJS.JCIR.V4I1.1514","url":null,"abstract":"The increase of Sino-African interactions in trade, aid and investments has attracted Chinese tourists to Africa. The Beijing Action Plan of the Forum on China-Africa Cooperation (FOCAC) outlines China’s cultural diplomacy in Africa, delineating a number of areas of cultural cooperation: education; press, publishing and media; and tourism and people-to-people exchange programs in academia and think tanks among young people, women and athletes. Though scholars of International relations (IR) have detected that tourism is one way of manifesting soft power, they do not feel comfortable nor ready to place the promotion of tourism into standard IR discourse. This is in contrast to scholars of tourism studies who have recognized the political nature of China's outbound tourism, particularly to less-developed areas such as Africa. In this paper, we have argued that the Chinese government uses outbound tourism to perform its perceived relationship with African countries; that is, Beijing aspires to be seen as a benign rising power willing to help weaker countries develop and establish harmonious ties. It is hard to separate the economic and cultural functions of outbound tourism, each of which reinforces the other, although not without limits. We find that not all African countries’ national tourism policies are capable of, or willing to prioritize, attracting Chinese tourists. Moreover, we find that South Africa is most active in working with public relations companies in China to promote South Africa as a tourist destination.","PeriodicalId":37130,"journal":{"name":"Journal of China and International Relations","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2016-05-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"70989656","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2015-11-30DOI: 10.5278/OJS.JCIR.V3I2.1303
Li Xing
{"title":"目录/Table of Content - English","authors":"Li Xing","doi":"10.5278/OJS.JCIR.V3I2.1303","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5278/OJS.JCIR.V3I2.1303","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":37130,"journal":{"name":"Journal of China and International Relations","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2015-11-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"70988645","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2015-11-30DOI: 10.5278/OJS.JCIR.V3I2.1304
Pang Zhongying
本文提出和讨论了在已有的“一带一路”研究中被忽略的极其重要的几个问题。它们分别是：第一，“一带一路”的政治逻辑。第二，“一带一路”为什么是中国自己给自己在国际上“找路”？第三，“一带一路”的多边化可以采取亚投行模式。不过，“一带一路”的多边化可以不限于亚投行模式。第四，“一带一路”与下一代全球治理（尤其是全球经济治理）的国际制度和国际规则之间的关系。本文的结论是，在“一带一路”的理论化和具体实施上，需要从公开的政治目的、国际领导、多边主义、国际制度、国际规则等方面入手，尤其是要以现存全球治理的改革和下一代全球治理制度与规则为中心。本文第一个建议，中国尽快发起召开“丝绸之路合作峰会”（SRS），让“一带一路”成为主要的国际合作平台，推动全球治理的深入改革。 This article addresses several extremely political questions which are perhaps somewhat neglected in the current discussions and research on the China-sponsored international initiative “One Belt One Road” (OBOR). They are: 1. Why does the political logic of the OBOR matter? 2. Why does the OBOR not just mean that China takes the lead in global development, but that China seeks its own road for further development in the world? 3. Why does the OBOR need to be multilateralized towards a global institution? Can the new international financial institution AIIB help the multilateralization of the OBOR? 4. Can the OBOR contribute to the next generation of global governance? Finally, the article suggests that China should call for the OBOR nations, or the Silk Road System of Nations, to have their 1st summit – the Silk Road Summit – to gather political support for the reform of global governance.
本文提出和讨论了在已有的“一带一路”研究中被忽略的极其重要的几个问题。它们分别是：第一，“一带一路”的政治逻辑。第二，“一带一路”为什么是中国自己给自己在国际上“找路”？第三，“一带一路”的多边化可以采取亚投行模式。不过，“一带一路”的多边化可以不限于亚投行模式。第四，“一带一路”与下一代全球治理（尤其是全球经济治理）的国际制度和国际规则之间的关系。本文的结论是，在“一带一路”的理论化和具体实施上，需要从公开的政治目的、国际领导、多边主义、国际制度、国际规则等方面入手，尤其是要以现存全球治理的改革和下一代全球治理制度与规则为中心。本文第一个建议，中国尽快发起召开“丝绸之路合作峰会”（SRS），让“一带一路”成为主要的国际合作平台，推动全球治理的深入改革。 This article addresses several extremely political questions which are perhaps somewhat neglected in the current discussions and research on the China-sponsored international initiative “One Belt One Road” (OBOR). They are: 1. Why does the political logic of the OBOR matter? 2. Why does the OBOR not just mean that China takes the lead in global development, but that China seeks its own road for further development in the world? 3. Why does the OBOR need to be multilateralized towards a global institution? Can the new international financial institution AIIB help the multilateralization of the OBOR? 4. Can the OBOR contribute to the next generation of global governance? Finally, the article suggests that China should call for the OBOR nations, or the Silk Road System of Nations, to have their 1st summit – the Silk Road Summit – to gather political support for the reform of global governance.
{"title":"多边主义与中国的“一带一路”/The Multilateralism and China’s OBOR Initiative","authors":"Pang Zhongying","doi":"10.5278/OJS.JCIR.V3I2.1304","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5278/OJS.JCIR.V3I2.1304","url":null,"abstract":"本文提出和讨论了在已有的“一带一路”研究中被忽略的极其重要的几个问题。它们分别是：第一，“一带一路”的政治逻辑。第二，“一带一路”为什么是中国自己给自己在国际上“找路”？第三，“一带一路”的多边化可以采取亚投行模式。不过，“一带一路”的多边化可以不限于亚投行模式。第四，“一带一路”与下一代全球治理（尤其是全球经济治理）的国际制度和国际规则之间的关系。本文的结论是，在“一带一路”的理论化和具体实施上，需要从公开的政治目的、国际领导、多边主义、国际制度、国际规则等方面入手，尤其是要以现存全球治理的改革和下一代全球治理制度与规则为中心。本文第一个建议，中国尽快发起召开“丝绸之路合作峰会”（SRS），让“一带一路”成为主要的国际合作平台，推动全球治理的深入改革。 This article addresses several extremely political questions which are perhaps somewhat neglected in the current discussions and research on the China-sponsored international initiative “One Belt One Road” (OBOR). They are: 1. Why does the political logic of the OBOR matter? 2. Why does the OBOR not just mean that China takes the lead in global development, but that China seeks its own road for further development in the world? 3. Why does the OBOR need to be multilateralized towards a global institution? Can the new international financial institution AIIB help the multilateralization of the OBOR? 4. Can the OBOR contribute to the next generation of global governance? Finally, the article suggests that China should call for the OBOR nations, or the Silk Road System of Nations, to have their 1st summit – the Silk Road Summit – to gather political support for the reform of global governance.","PeriodicalId":37130,"journal":{"name":"Journal of China and International Relations","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2015-11-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"70988700","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2015-11-30DOI: 10.5278/OJS.JCIR.V3I2.1306
W. Yiwei
“一带一路”伟大倡议，尤其是21世纪海上丝绸之路，为中欧海洋合作开启了伟大历史机遇。中欧在海洋观、海洋政策和维护海上安全等方面具有广泛的共通性、共同性与共同利益，海洋合作完全可以成为中欧合作的新亮点。中欧将各自海洋发展战略对接，共同致力于维护海上通道安全,将“中欧合作2020战略规划”予以落实；条件成熟时可共同创立“海上合作组织”，致力海上秩序的共同维护，打造亚非欧合作的新版本。双边与多边协调推进,政策与理念相得益彰，有效管控分歧，成为中欧海上丝路合作的可行途径。 The new Silk Road Economic Belt and 21st Century Maritime Silk Road (OBOR) is a historic opportunity for further Sino-EU maritime cooperation, as both sides have much to share and more to build in terms of vision, policies, and security, making it possible for a new line in the already-thriving exchanges across the continent. The two sides will carry on the China-EU 2020 Strategic Agenda for Cooperation with fusion of maritime strategies and joint efforts for safer sea passage, and may proceed to a Maritime Cooperative Organization (MCO) when needed to build not only a participative maritime order, but also next-gen cooperation between Asia, Africa, and Europe. Yet this still needs a well-assorted toolset of bi- and multilateral cooperation backed by strong policy and theory, to boost consensus and action by management of differences.
“一带一路”伟大倡议，尤其是21世纪海上丝绸之路，为中欧海洋合作开启了伟大历史机遇。中欧在海洋观、海洋政策和维护海上安全等方面具有广泛的共通性、共同性与共同利益，海洋合作完全可以成为中欧合作的新亮点。中欧将各自海洋发展战略对接，共同致力于维护海上通道安全,将“中欧合作2020战略规划”予以落实；条件成熟时可共同创立“海上合作组织”，致力海上秩序的共同维护，打造亚非欧合作的新版本。双边与多边协调推进,政策与理念相得益彰，有效管控分歧，成为中欧海上丝路合作的可行途径。 The new Silk Road Economic Belt and 21st Century Maritime Silk Road (OBOR) is a historic opportunity for further Sino-EU maritime cooperation, as both sides have much to share and more to build in terms of vision, policies, and security, making it possible for a new line in the already-thriving exchanges across the continent. The two sides will carry on the China-EU 2020 Strategic Agenda for Cooperation with fusion of maritime strategies and joint efforts for safer sea passage, and may proceed to a Maritime Cooperative Organization (MCO) when needed to build not only a participative maritime order, but also next-gen cooperation between Asia, Africa, and Europe. Yet this still needs a well-assorted toolset of bi- and multilateral cooperation backed by strong policy and theory, to boost consensus and action by management of differences.
{"title":"中欧在“海上丝绸之路”的合作/ New Sino-EU Cooperation on the Maritime Silk Road","authors":"W. Yiwei","doi":"10.5278/OJS.JCIR.V3I2.1306","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5278/OJS.JCIR.V3I2.1306","url":null,"abstract":"“一带一路”伟大倡议，尤其是21世纪海上丝绸之路，为中欧海洋合作开启了伟大历史机遇。中欧在海洋观、海洋政策和维护海上安全等方面具有广泛的共通性、共同性与共同利益，海洋合作完全可以成为中欧合作的新亮点。中欧将各自海洋发展战略对接，共同致力于维护海上通道安全,将“中欧合作2020战略规划”予以落实；条件成熟时可共同创立“海上合作组织”，致力海上秩序的共同维护，打造亚非欧合作的新版本。双边与多边协调推进,政策与理念相得益彰，有效管控分歧，成为中欧海上丝路合作的可行途径。 The new Silk Road Economic Belt and 21st Century Maritime Silk Road (OBOR) is a historic opportunity for further Sino-EU maritime cooperation, as both sides have much to share and more to build in terms of vision, policies, and security, making it possible for a new line in the already-thriving exchanges across the continent. The two sides will carry on the China-EU 2020 Strategic Agenda for Cooperation with fusion of maritime strategies and joint efforts for safer sea passage, and may proceed to a Maritime Cooperative Organization (MCO) when needed to build not only a participative maritime order, but also next-gen cooperation between Asia, Africa, and Europe. Yet this still needs a well-assorted toolset of bi- and multilateral cooperation backed by strong policy and theory, to boost consensus and action by management of differences.","PeriodicalId":37130,"journal":{"name":"Journal of China and International Relations","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2015-11-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"70989385","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2015-11-30DOI: 10.5278/ojs.jcir.v3i2.1310
Xie Tingting, Huang Rihan
2015年以来涌入欧洲的难民人数大幅增加，不仅影响到欧洲社会秩序的稳定与团结，更对欧洲经济社会的发展造成一定压力。面对不断上升的难民危机，是拒绝还是接纳，欧洲面临人道主义和国家利益的两难选择。本文从国际移民的跨国流动对国家边界内的治理能力所带来的冲击和挑战切入，结合国际移民政策理论分析了国家的三类基本选择，并进一步从国际移民治理机制公共产品的角度为欧洲难民危机的解决提供全新的思考路径。当然，中国也应抓住机会成为国际移民治理机制的倡导者，参与到全球治理的规则制定之中。 The influx of refugees in Europe in 2015 has greatly increased, which not only affects the stability and unity of European society, but also exerts certain pressure on its economic development. In the face of the refugee crisis, it is a dilemma for the European countries to choose either humanitarian or national interests. Starting from the impact and challenge that international migration has had on effective governance within national boundaries, this paper uses the theories of international migration to analyze the three basic choices. Further, the authors provide a new way of thinking about the European refugee crisis from the perspective of international migration governance mechanisms. Of course, China should seize the opportunity to become an advocate of the international migration governance mechanism and rule maker of the global governance.
2015年以来涌入欧洲的难民人数大幅增加，不仅影响到欧洲社会秩序的稳定与团结，更对欧洲经济社会的发展造成一定压力。面对不断上升的难民危机，是拒绝还是接纳，欧洲面临人道主义和国家利益的两难选择。本文从国际移民的跨国流动对国家边界内的治理能力所带来的冲击和挑战切入，结合国际移民政策理论分析了国家的三类基本选择，并进一步从国际移民治理机制公共产品的角度为欧洲难民危机的解决提供全新的思考路径。当然，中国也应抓住机会成为国际移民治理机制的倡导者，参与到全球治理的规则制定之中。 The influx of refugees in Europe in 2015 has greatly increased, which not only affects the stability and unity of European society, but also exerts certain pressure on its economic development. In the face of the refugee crisis, it is a dilemma for the European countries to choose either humanitarian or national interests. Starting from the impact and challenge that international migration has had on effective governance within national boundaries, this paper uses the theories of international migration to analyze the three basic choices. Further, the authors provide a new way of thinking about the European refugee crisis from the perspective of international migration governance mechanisms. Of course, China should seize the opportunity to become an advocate of the international migration governance mechanism and rule maker of the global governance.
{"title":"国际移民治理视角下的欧洲难民危机研究/The European Refugee Crisis from the Perspective of International Migration Governance","authors":"Xie Tingting, Huang Rihan","doi":"10.5278/ojs.jcir.v3i2.1310","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5278/ojs.jcir.v3i2.1310","url":null,"abstract":"2015年以来涌入欧洲的难民人数大幅增加，不仅影响到欧洲社会秩序的稳定与团结，更对欧洲经济社会的发展造成一定压力。面对不断上升的难民危机，是拒绝还是接纳，欧洲面临人道主义和国家利益的两难选择。本文从国际移民的跨国流动对国家边界内的治理能力所带来的冲击和挑战切入，结合国际移民政策理论分析了国家的三类基本选择，并进一步从国际移民治理机制公共产品的角度为欧洲难民危机的解决提供全新的思考路径。当然，中国也应抓住机会成为国际移民治理机制的倡导者，参与到全球治理的规则制定之中。 The influx of refugees in Europe in 2015 has greatly increased, which not only affects the stability and unity of European society, but also exerts certain pressure on its economic development. In the face of the refugee crisis, it is a dilemma for the European countries to choose either humanitarian or national interests. Starting from the impact and challenge that international migration has had on effective governance within national boundaries, this paper uses the theories of international migration to analyze the three basic choices. Further, the authors provide a new way of thinking about the European refugee crisis from the perspective of international migration governance mechanisms. Of course, China should seize the opportunity to become an advocate of the international migration governance mechanism and rule maker of the global governance.","PeriodicalId":37130,"journal":{"name":"Journal of China and International Relations","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2015-11-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"70989173","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2015-11-30DOI: 10.5278/OJS.JCIR.V3I2.1314
Peng Li
2008年，始于美国的次贷危机发展演变成席卷全球的金融危机。对此，美国积极调整其全球战略，一方面在军事上实施亚太再平衡战略，将其军事战略重点逐步倾向亚太地区；另一方面，在国际经济领域企图通过主导TPP，构建新的全球经济贸易规则，达到化解国内经济社会矛盾，继续稳固自身超级大国地位的目的。同期，中国经济持续稳定高速增长，国家实力不断增强，国际地位不断提升。本文在简要回顾TPP诞生的国际背景基础上，重点探讨了美国和中国在TPP问题上的不同战略考虑、计划和对策，并指出了中美两国在这个问题的战略博弈的难度，以及两国未来可能采取的应对之策与博弈发展前景。 This article focuses on the international background of the emergence of Trans-Pacific Partnerships (TPP), which is the new hot point for the US and China. The US considered the TPP as a new effective tool to contain the influence of China in Asia-Pacific areas. Similarly China deems it an obstacle set by the US to block its emergence. TPP may cause mutual misjudgment and confrontation and conflict between the US and China in the future.
2008年，始于美国的次贷危机发展演变成席卷全球的金融危机。对此，美国积极调整其全球战略，一方面在军事上实施亚太再平衡战略，将其军事战略重点逐步倾向亚太地区；另一方面，在国际经济领域企图通过主导TPP，构建新的全球经济贸易规则，达到化解国内经济社会矛盾，继续稳固自身超级大国地位的目的。同期，中国经济持续稳定高速增长，国家实力不断增强，国际地位不断提升。本文在简要回顾TPP诞生的国际背景基础上，重点探讨了美国和中国在TPP问题上的不同战略考虑、计划和对策，并指出了中美两国在这个问题的战略博弈的难度，以及两国未来可能采取的应对之策与博弈发展前景。 This article focuses on the international background of the emergence of Trans-Pacific Partnerships (TPP), which is the new hot point for the US and China. The US considered the TPP as a new effective tool to contain the influence of China in Asia-Pacific areas. Similarly China deems it an obstacle set by the US to block its emergence. TPP may cause mutual misjudgment and confrontation and conflict between the US and China in the future.
{"title":"TPP视角下的中美博弈关系/Strategic Game between China and the US from the Perspective of TPP","authors":"Peng Li","doi":"10.5278/OJS.JCIR.V3I2.1314","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5278/OJS.JCIR.V3I2.1314","url":null,"abstract":"2008年，始于美国的次贷危机发展演变成席卷全球的金融危机。对此，美国积极调整其全球战略，一方面在军事上实施亚太再平衡战略，将其军事战略重点逐步倾向亚太地区；另一方面，在国际经济领域企图通过主导TPP，构建新的全球经济贸易规则，达到化解国内经济社会矛盾，继续稳固自身超级大国地位的目的。同期，中国经济持续稳定高速增长，国家实力不断增强，国际地位不断提升。本文在简要回顾TPP诞生的国际背景基础上，重点探讨了美国和中国在TPP问题上的不同战略考虑、计划和对策，并指出了中美两国在这个问题的战略博弈的难度，以及两国未来可能采取的应对之策与博弈发展前景。 This article focuses on the international background of the emergence of Trans-Pacific Partnerships (TPP), which is the new hot point for the US and China. The US considered the TPP as a new effective tool to contain the influence of China in Asia-Pacific areas. Similarly China deems it an obstacle set by the US to block its emergence. TPP may cause mutual misjudgment and confrontation and conflict between the US and China in the future.","PeriodicalId":37130,"journal":{"name":"Journal of China and International Relations","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2015-11-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"70989732","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2015-11-30DOI: 10.5278/OJS.JCIR.V3I2.1307
L. Hongyu
20世纪号称“美国世纪”，美国作为当今世界最有影响力的世界大国，其强国之路有一定的历史必然性。这种必然性表现为主客观2个方面：优越的地缘安全环境与难得的时代机遇为美国的发展壮大提供了客观条件；美国的创建者与后来的政治精英们构建了当时世界上最好的国内政治文化与成熟的制度安排，同时又得益于独特的政治思潮与精巧的国际战略谋划，这成为支撑美国大国地位的主观条件。正是得益于这些主客观方面的优势，美国保持了较长时间的繁荣和强盛，而且未来只要这些因素没有发生太大变化，美国作为世界超级大国的地位还将维持相当长的一段时间。 As the leading power in the world, the US has had the most important influence on international society in the 20th century which was named by some as the American Century. The reasons behind the success of the US could be characterized as “4 outstanding”. The first was the outstanding secure environment the US faced when it was emerging. Benefitting from the protection of the Pacific and Atlantic, the US grew to be a world power peacefully and quickly. The second was the outstanding historic opportunity the US experienced when it extended its strength toward the western states. Due to the prevailing attitudes of that time, no European countries criticized the violence and acts of aggression the US committed, which would seem impossible today. The third was the outstanding political culture and institution American founders set up in the 18th and 19th centuries, which helped the US to overcome many strategic challenges, and the fourth was the outstanding international regime designed by US elites, which helped the US to maintain its leading influence on the international community.
20世纪号称“美国世纪”，美国作为当今世界最有影响力的世界大国，其强国之路有一定的历史必然性。这种必然性表现为主客观2个方面：优越的地缘安全环境与难得的时代机遇为美国的发展壮大提供了客观条件；美国的创建者与后来的政治精英们构建了当时世界上最好的国内政治文化与成熟的制度安排，同时又得益于独特的政治思潮与精巧的国际战略谋划，这成为支撑美国大国地位的主观条件。正是得益于这些主客观方面的优势，美国保持了较长时间的繁荣和强盛，而且未来只要这些因素没有发生太大变化，美国作为世界超级大国的地位还将维持相当长的一段时间。 As the leading power in the world, the US has had the most important influence on international society in the 20th century which was named by some as the American Century. The reasons behind the success of the US could be characterized as “4 outstanding”. The first was the outstanding secure environment the US faced when it was emerging. Benefitting from the protection of the Pacific and Atlantic, the US grew to be a world power peacefully and quickly. The second was the outstanding historic opportunity the US experienced when it extended its strength toward the western states. Due to the prevailing attitudes of that time, no European countries criticized the violence and acts of aggression the US committed, which would seem impossible today. The third was the outstanding political culture and institution American founders set up in the 18th and 19th centuries, which helped the US to overcome many strategic challenges, and the fourth was the outstanding international regime designed by US elites, which helped the US to maintain its leading influence on the international community.
{"title":"\"山巅之国”的立国之因—支撑美国大国地位的主客观因素透析/\"A State upon the Hill”: Studies of the Subjective and Objective Factors Which Support USA Hegemonic Status","authors":"L. Hongyu","doi":"10.5278/OJS.JCIR.V3I2.1307","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5278/OJS.JCIR.V3I2.1307","url":null,"abstract":"20世纪号称“美国世纪”，美国作为当今世界最有影响力的世界大国，其强国之路有一定的历史必然性。这种必然性表现为主客观2个方面：优越的地缘安全环境与难得的时代机遇为美国的发展壮大提供了客观条件；美国的创建者与后来的政治精英们构建了当时世界上最好的国内政治文化与成熟的制度安排，同时又得益于独特的政治思潮与精巧的国际战略谋划，这成为支撑美国大国地位的主观条件。正是得益于这些主客观方面的优势，美国保持了较长时间的繁荣和强盛，而且未来只要这些因素没有发生太大变化，美国作为世界超级大国的地位还将维持相当长的一段时间。 As the leading power in the world, the US has had the most important influence on international society in the 20th century which was named by some as the American Century. The reasons behind the success of the US could be characterized as “4 outstanding”. The first was the outstanding secure environment the US faced when it was emerging. Benefitting from the protection of the Pacific and Atlantic, the US grew to be a world power peacefully and quickly. The second was the outstanding historic opportunity the US experienced when it extended its strength toward the western states. Due to the prevailing attitudes of that time, no European countries criticized the violence and acts of aggression the US committed, which would seem impossible today. The third was the outstanding political culture and institution American founders set up in the 18th and 19th centuries, which helped the US to overcome many strategic challenges, and the fourth was the outstanding international regime designed by US elites, which helped the US to maintain its leading influence on the international community.","PeriodicalId":37130,"journal":{"name":"Journal of China and International Relations","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2015-11-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"70989301","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2015-11-30DOI: 10.5278/OJS.JCIR.V3I2.1309
Zhang Chi
本文先对此轮国际油价暴跌的主要原因及未来走势作一简要分析，而后阐述造成当前国际能源体系变迁的三个主要原因，即全球能源消费中心东移、美国成为主要油气生产国、石油输出国组织（欧佩克）影响力大幅下降。这三大因素共同推动着国际能源战略格局的演变，塑造着世界能源新秩序，也对中国的国际战略环境产生了重要影响。在可预见的将来，国际能源体系变迁可能使中国从中东地区进口石油面临更大的不确定性，并使中国承受更多来自美国的战略压力，同时也使中国对世界能源格局和经济政治的影响力有所上升。 This article briefly discusses major reasons for the slump of international oil prices and provides a prediction for the future development of international oil prices, before analyzing the three factors leading to significant changes of the global energy system, namely the eastward shift of the world energy consumption centre, the emergence of the United States as a major oil producer and the dramatic waning of the Organization of Petroleum Exporting Countries’ (OPEC) influence. These factors and developments are shaping a new order of the global energy strategic landscape and exerting profound influence on China’s international strategic environment. In the foreseeable future, these changes of the global energy system would bring China more uncertainties regarding the country’s oil imports from the Middle East, more strategic pressure from the United States, while promoting China’s leverage on the global energy system and international relations.
本文先对此轮国际油价暴跌的主要原因及未来走势作一简要分析，而后阐述造成当前国际能源体系变迁的三个主要原因，即全球能源消费中心东移、美国成为主要油气生产国、石油输出国组织（欧佩克）影响力大幅下降。这三大因素共同推动着国际能源战略格局的演变，塑造着世界能源新秩序，也对中国的国际战略环境产生了重要影响。在可预见的将来，国际能源体系变迁可能使中国从中东地区进口石油面临更大的不确定性，并使中国承受更多来自美国的战略压力，同时也使中国对世界能源格局和经济政治的影响力有所上升。 This article briefly discusses major reasons for the slump of international oil prices and provides a prediction for the future development of international oil prices, before analyzing the three factors leading to significant changes of the global energy system, namely the eastward shift of the world energy consumption centre, the emergence of the United States as a major oil producer and the dramatic waning of the Organization of Petroleum Exporting Countries’ (OPEC) influence. These factors and developments are shaping a new order of the global energy strategic landscape and exerting profound influence on China’s international strategic environment. In the foreseeable future, these changes of the global energy system would bring China more uncertainties regarding the country’s oil imports from the Middle East, more strategic pressure from the United States, while promoting China’s leverage on the global energy system and international relations.
{"title":"国际能源体系变迁及其对中国国际战略环境的影响/Changes in the Global Energy System: Implications for China's International Strategic Environment","authors":"Zhang Chi","doi":"10.5278/OJS.JCIR.V3I2.1309","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5278/OJS.JCIR.V3I2.1309","url":null,"abstract":"本文先对此轮国际油价暴跌的主要原因及未来走势作一简要分析，而后阐述造成当前国际能源体系变迁的三个主要原因，即全球能源消费中心东移、美国成为主要油气生产国、石油输出国组织（欧佩克）影响力大幅下降。这三大因素共同推动着国际能源战略格局的演变，塑造着世界能源新秩序，也对中国的国际战略环境产生了重要影响。在可预见的将来，国际能源体系变迁可能使中国从中东地区进口石油面临更大的不确定性，并使中国承受更多来自美国的战略压力，同时也使中国对世界能源格局和经济政治的影响力有所上升。 This article briefly discusses major reasons for the slump of international oil prices and provides a prediction for the future development of international oil prices, before analyzing the three factors leading to significant changes of the global energy system, namely the eastward shift of the world energy consumption centre, the emergence of the United States as a major oil producer and the dramatic waning of the Organization of Petroleum Exporting Countries’ (OPEC) influence. These factors and developments are shaping a new order of the global energy strategic landscape and exerting profound influence on China’s international strategic environment. In the foreseeable future, these changes of the global energy system would bring China more uncertainties regarding the country’s oil imports from the Middle East, more strategic pressure from the United States, while promoting China’s leverage on the global energy system and international relations.","PeriodicalId":37130,"journal":{"name":"Journal of China and International Relations","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2015-11-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"70989094","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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