Pub Date : 2017-01-01DOI: 10.5278/OJS.JCIR.V5I2.2096
Sun Jisheng
{"title":"“人类命运共同体”话语传播与国际安全治理 / On Dissemination of the Discourse of \"A Community of A Shared Future for Mankind\" and the Governance of International Security","authors":"Sun Jisheng","doi":"10.5278/OJS.JCIR.V5I2.2096","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5278/OJS.JCIR.V5I2.2096","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":37130,"journal":{"name":"Journal of China and International Relations","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2017-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"70990116","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"“人类命运共同体”理念引领中国外交创新 / The Idea of \"A Community of A Shared Future for Mankind\" Leads China's Diplomatic Innovation","authors":"Zhao Xiaochun","doi":"10.5278/ojs.jcir.v5i2.2093","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5278/ojs.jcir.v5i2.2093","url":null,"abstract":"[摘要] 构建人类命运共同体理念是以习近平为核心的党中央就解 决事关人类前途命运的重大问题所提出的中国方案,同时也是引领中 国外交的核心理念与行动指南。在这一理念的指引下,中国外交目标、 国际定位、外交理念与外交实践等诸多方面都发生了显著创新。基于 对世界大势的准确把握,以及人类命运的深刻思考,中国将构建人类 命运共同体确立为中国外交的新目标。为实现这一目标,中国进一步 明确了自身作为“世界和平的建设者”、“全球发展的贡献者”、“国际 秩序的维护者”的国际新定位;实现了外交战略思想从“韬光养晦、 有所作为”到更加“奋发有为”、“积极有为”的理念更新;开展了以 发挥引领新作用、开创合作新模式、承担大国新责任为主要特征的外 交实践创新。 [关键词] 人类命运共同体 中国外交 外交创新 外交理念 [作者介绍] 赵晓春,国际关系学院国际政治系教授、博士生导师, 全国高校国际政治研究会常务理事,主要研究国际政治理论。","PeriodicalId":37130,"journal":{"name":"Journal of China and International Relations","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2017-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"70990009","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2016-12-20DOI: 10.5278/ojs.jcir.v4i2.1703
Wang Kong-xiang
巴勒斯坦人民的自决权得到包括国际法院的咨询意见在内的国际法支持。落实“两国方案”、建立一个独立自主的巴勒斯坦国，是巴勒斯坦人民行使外部自决权的现实选择；争取加入联合国、国际刑事法院等国际组织或机构，进而追究以色列对巴勒斯坦人民犯下的战争罪责任，是巴勒斯坦人民多年追求实现的梦想。国际刑事法院检察官的意见表明，巴勒斯坦人民虽长期遭受以色列的暴行，却无法追究以色列的国家责任、实现其权利救济，其原因在很大程度上是由于巴勒斯坦国家身份的缺失!近年来，巴勒斯坦成功地加入联合国教科文组织、成为联合国的非会员观察员国；巴勒斯坦批准多项国际条约、加入国际刑事法院并向国际刑事法院起诉以色列，是其追求国家身份的历史征程上的重大进展。 According to the United Nations’ partition plan of Israel-Palestine, Palestinians enjoy autonomy. But with Israel’s invasion by force, thousands of Palestinian people have been displaced and made homeless. In its Advisory Opinion, “the legitimacy of the building of an isolation wall in the occupied Palestinian territories”, the ICJ confirmed that the Palestinians enjoy the people’s right to self-determination. Also, a tit-for-tat legal struggle was launched in the UNSC and the GA, the UNESCO, the ICC and other agencies concerning the issue of Palestinian’s national identity. In September 2011, Palestine applied to become a formal member state in the UN, and failed to get the Security Council’s support due to the US and Israel’s blockade. Shortly thereafter, Palestine was allowed to join the UNESCO. On November 29, 2012, Palestine upgraded its status to “Non-Member Observer” through the GA’s votes. The focus of Palestine’s national identity is on whether Palestine obtains the desired qualification of the United Nations Member States.
巴勒斯坦人民的自决权得到包括国际法院的咨询意见在内的国际法支持。落实“两国方案”、建立一个独立自主的巴勒斯坦国，是巴勒斯坦人民行使外部自决权的现实选择；争取加入联合国、国际刑事法院等国际组织或机构，进而追究以色列对巴勒斯坦人民犯下的战争罪责任，是巴勒斯坦人民多年追求实现的梦想。国际刑事法院检察官的意见表明，巴勒斯坦人民虽长期遭受以色列的暴行，却无法追究以色列的国家责任、实现其权利救济，其原因在很大程度上是由于巴勒斯坦国家身份的缺失!近年来，巴勒斯坦成功地加入联合国教科文组织、成为联合国的非会员观察员国；巴勒斯坦批准多项国际条约、加入国际刑事法院并向国际刑事法院起诉以色列，是其追求国家身份的历史征程上的重大进展。 According to the United Nations’ partition plan of Israel-Palestine, Palestinians enjoy autonomy. But with Israel’s invasion by force, thousands of Palestinian people have been displaced and made homeless. In its Advisory Opinion, “the legitimacy of the building of an isolation wall in the occupied Palestinian territories”, the ICJ confirmed that the Palestinians enjoy the people’s right to self-determination. Also, a tit-for-tat legal struggle was launched in the UNSC and the GA, the UNESCO, the ICC and other agencies concerning the issue of Palestinian’s national identity. In September 2011, Palestine applied to become a formal member state in the UN, and failed to get the Security Council’s support due to the US and Israel’s blockade. Shortly thereafter, Palestine was allowed to join the UNESCO. On November 29, 2012, Palestine upgraded its status to “Non-Member Observer” through the GA’s votes. The focus of Palestine’s national identity is on whether Palestine obtains the desired qualification of the United Nations Member States.
{"title":"从国际法视角看巴勒斯坦的国家身份 / A Review of The Statehood of Palestine from The Perspective of International Law","authors":"Wang Kong-xiang","doi":"10.5278/ojs.jcir.v4i2.1703","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5278/ojs.jcir.v4i2.1703","url":null,"abstract":"巴勒斯坦人民的自决权得到包括国际法院的咨询意见在内的国际法支持。落实“两国方案”、建立一个独立自主的巴勒斯坦国，是巴勒斯坦人民行使外部自决权的现实选择；争取加入联合国、国际刑事法院等国际组织或机构，进而追究以色列对巴勒斯坦人民犯下的战争罪责任，是巴勒斯坦人民多年追求实现的梦想。国际刑事法院检察官的意见表明，巴勒斯坦人民虽长期遭受以色列的暴行，却无法追究以色列的国家责任、实现其权利救济，其原因在很大程度上是由于巴勒斯坦国家身份的缺失!近年来，巴勒斯坦成功地加入联合国教科文组织、成为联合国的非会员观察员国；巴勒斯坦批准多项国际条约、加入国际刑事法院并向国际刑事法院起诉以色列，是其追求国家身份的历史征程上的重大进展。 According to the United Nations’ partition plan of Israel-Palestine, Palestinians enjoy autonomy. But with Israel’s invasion by force, thousands of Palestinian people have been displaced and made homeless. In its Advisory Opinion, “the legitimacy of the building of an isolation wall in the occupied Palestinian territories”, the ICJ confirmed that the Palestinians enjoy the people’s right to self-determination. Also, a tit-for-tat legal struggle was launched in the UNSC and the GA, the UNESCO, the ICC and other agencies concerning the issue of Palestinian’s national identity. In September 2011, Palestine applied to become a formal member state in the UN, and failed to get the Security Council’s support due to the US and Israel’s blockade. Shortly thereafter, Palestine was allowed to join the UNESCO. On November 29, 2012, Palestine upgraded its status to “Non-Member Observer” through the GA’s votes. The focus of Palestine’s national identity is on whether Palestine obtains the desired qualification of the United Nations Member States.","PeriodicalId":37130,"journal":{"name":"Journal of China and International Relations","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2016-12-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"70990372","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2016-12-20DOI: 10.5278/OJS.JCIR.V4I2.1699
Zhang Zhaoxi
长期以来，亚太安全结构受美国亚太同盟体系影响巨大。在各国相互依赖日益加深的背景下，现时的亚太安全结构愈发难以适应地区国际关系的发展，存在着安全理念落后、安全机制破碎、安全公共产品缺乏等困境，亟待改良。“一带一路”作为新型多边合作倡议的代表，与亚太安全存在内生性联系，互动深刻。“一带一路”倡议的安全改良作用主要体现以下方面：以理念先导引领基于多边合作的新型安全模式；以机制创新助力建设规范有效的新型安全制度框架；以共建共商共享充实亚太地区安全公共产品的提供。同时，寻求改良还将面临来自内外多方面的现实挑战，需要审慎分析、有区别地看待处理，以期更好实现带路建设与改良安全结构的共同进化，推动亚太地区的繁荣稳定。 The U.S alliance in the Asia-Pacific region has exerted significant influence on Asia-Pacific security architecture for a long time. While with the deepening of interdependence among Asia-Pacific countries, the development of regional international relations has outdated the existing security architecture in this region. It is imperative to improve the architecture in that there are plenty of structural hurdles, such as the obsolescence of security concepts, the fragmentation of security mechanism and the dearth of public goods on security affairs. OBOR, which is exemplary as a new multilateral cooperative initiative and has interacted profoundly with the regional security of the Asia-Pacific, holds endogenous relations with the Asia-Pacific security architecture. OBOR could improve the Asia-Pacific security architecture in the following ways: to create a new model of security maintenance in light of the advanced ideas given by OBOR; to design new institutional frameworks which are more normative and effective with mechanical innovations stemming from OBOR; to enrich the security public goods in the Asia-Pacific region under the reference of co-construction and sharing the idea of OBOR. However, the practice of improvement will face tremendous challenges both internally and externally. These challenges should be prudently analyzed and treated in order to better fulfill the co-evolution in the process of the construction of OBOR and the improvement of the Asia-Pacific security architecture, for the promotion of long-termed prosperity and stability in this region.
长期以来，亚太安全结构受美国亚太同盟体系影响巨大。在各国相互依赖日益加深的背景下，现时的亚太安全结构愈发难以适应地区国际关系的发展，存在着安全理念落后、安全机制破碎、安全公共产品缺乏等困境，亟待改良。“一带一路”作为新型多边合作倡议的代表，与亚太安全存在内生性联系，互动深刻。“一带一路”倡议的安全改良作用主要体现以下方面：以理念先导引领基于多边合作的新型安全模式；以机制创新助力建设规范有效的新型安全制度框架；以共建共商共享充实亚太地区安全公共产品的提供。同时，寻求改良还将面临来自内外多方面的现实挑战，需要审慎分析、有区别地看待处理，以期更好实现带路建设与改良安全结构的共同进化，推动亚太地区的繁荣稳定。 The U.S alliance in the Asia-Pacific region has exerted significant influence on Asia-Pacific security architecture for a long time. While with the deepening of interdependence among Asia-Pacific countries, the development of regional international relations has outdated the existing security architecture in this region. It is imperative to improve the architecture in that there are plenty of structural hurdles, such as the obsolescence of security concepts, the fragmentation of security mechanism and the dearth of public goods on security affairs. OBOR, which is exemplary as a new multilateral cooperative initiative and has interacted profoundly with the regional security of the Asia-Pacific, holds endogenous relations with the Asia-Pacific security architecture. OBOR could improve the Asia-Pacific security architecture in the following ways: to create a new model of security maintenance in light of the advanced ideas given by OBOR; to design new institutional frameworks which are more normative and effective with mechanical innovations stemming from OBOR; to enrich the security public goods in the Asia-Pacific region under the reference of co-construction and sharing the idea of OBOR. However, the practice of improvement will face tremendous challenges both internally and externally. These challenges should be prudently analyzed and treated in order to better fulfill the co-evolution in the process of the construction of OBOR and the improvement of the Asia-Pacific security architecture, for the promotion of long-termed prosperity and stability in this region.
{"title":"突破困境：“一带一路”视域下的 亚太安全结构改良 / Seeking A Breakthrough: The Improvement of The Asia-Pacific Security Structure From the Perspective of “One Belt One Road” Initiative","authors":"Zhang Zhaoxi","doi":"10.5278/OJS.JCIR.V4I2.1699","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5278/OJS.JCIR.V4I2.1699","url":null,"abstract":"长期以来，亚太安全结构受美国亚太同盟体系影响巨大。在各国相互依赖日益加深的背景下，现时的亚太安全结构愈发难以适应地区国际关系的发展，存在着安全理念落后、安全机制破碎、安全公共产品缺乏等困境，亟待改良。“一带一路”作为新型多边合作倡议的代表，与亚太安全存在内生性联系，互动深刻。“一带一路”倡议的安全改良作用主要体现以下方面：以理念先导引领基于多边合作的新型安全模式；以机制创新助力建设规范有效的新型安全制度框架；以共建共商共享充实亚太地区安全公共产品的提供。同时，寻求改良还将面临来自内外多方面的现实挑战，需要审慎分析、有区别地看待处理，以期更好实现带路建设与改良安全结构的共同进化，推动亚太地区的繁荣稳定。 The U.S alliance in the Asia-Pacific region has exerted significant influence on Asia-Pacific security architecture for a long time. While with the deepening of interdependence among Asia-Pacific countries, the development of regional international relations has outdated the existing security architecture in this region. It is imperative to improve the architecture in that there are plenty of structural hurdles, such as the obsolescence of security concepts, the fragmentation of security mechanism and the dearth of public goods on security affairs. OBOR, which is exemplary as a new multilateral cooperative initiative and has interacted profoundly with the regional security of the Asia-Pacific, holds endogenous relations with the Asia-Pacific security architecture. OBOR could improve the Asia-Pacific security architecture in the following ways: to create a new model of security maintenance in light of the advanced ideas given by OBOR; to design new institutional frameworks which are more normative and effective with mechanical innovations stemming from OBOR; to enrich the security public goods in the Asia-Pacific region under the reference of co-construction and sharing the idea of OBOR. However, the practice of improvement will face tremendous challenges both internally and externally. These challenges should be prudently analyzed and treated in order to better fulfill the co-evolution in the process of the construction of OBOR and the improvement of the Asia-Pacific security architecture, for the promotion of long-termed prosperity and stability in this region.","PeriodicalId":37130,"journal":{"name":"Journal of China and International Relations","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2016-12-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"70990077","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2016-12-20DOI: 10.5278/OJS.JCIR.V4I2.1700
Liu Zhongwei, Tang Huiyuan
2013年9月，中国国家主席习近平提出建设“丝绸之路经济带”的新构想。在这一新构想下，各国将利用全方位的区域合作实现共同发展和繁荣。其中，中俄作为相互毗邻的大国，在世界大国关系中具有重要的政治和经济地位，而能源合作又是中俄关系中最为关键、影响巨大的重点领域之一。本文在围绕中俄能源合作中具体问题探讨的基础上，以“丝绸之路经济带”为视角，对新构想下中俄能源合作的前景进行展望，并就深化中俄能源合作提出政策建议参考。 In September 2013, Chinese President Xi Jinping initially proposed the building of the Strategic Framework of The Silk Road Economic Belt. Against this background, the involved countries will achieve joint development and co-prosperity by carrying out all-round regional cooperation. As close neighbors, both China and Russia have very important political and economic positions in the world; meanwhile, energy cooperation is one of most significant and influential fields in the China-Russia relationship. This paper tries to analyze some concrete issues in the process of the China-Russia energy cooperation, illustrate the outlook of the cooperation between the two countries in terms of the Silk Road Economic Belt, and finally raise policy references to deepen the China-Russia energy cooperation in the future.
在这一新构想下，各国将利用全方位的区域合作实现共同发展和繁荣。其中，中俄作为相互毗邻的大国，在世界大国关系中具有重要的政治和经济地位，而能源合作又是中俄关系中最为关键、影响巨大的重点领域之一。本文在围绕中俄能源合作中具体问题探讨的基础上，以“丝绸之路经济带”为视角，对新构想下中俄能源合作的前景进行展望，并就深化中俄能源合作提出政策建议参考。 In September 2013, Against this background, the involved countries will achieve joint development and co-prosperity by carrying out all-round regional cooperation. As close neighbors, both China and Russia have very important political and economic positions in the world; meanwhile, energy cooperation is one of most significant and influential fields in the China-Russia relationship. This paper tries to analyze some concrete issues in the process of the China-Russia energy cooperation, illustrate the outlook of the cooperation between the two countries in terms of the Silk Road Economic Belt, and finally raise policy references to deepen the China-Russia energy cooperation in the future.
{"title":"“丝绸之路经济带”战略构想与中俄能源合作深化展望 / The Outlook of China-Russia Energy Cooperation in The Light of the Strategic Framework of The Silk Road Economic Belt","authors":"Liu Zhongwei, Tang Huiyuan","doi":"10.5278/OJS.JCIR.V4I2.1700","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5278/OJS.JCIR.V4I2.1700","url":null,"abstract":"2013年9月，中国国家主席习近平提出建设“丝绸之路经济带”的新构想。在这一新构想下，各国将利用全方位的区域合作实现共同发展和繁荣。其中，中俄作为相互毗邻的大国，在世界大国关系中具有重要的政治和经济地位，而能源合作又是中俄关系中最为关键、影响巨大的重点领域之一。本文在围绕中俄能源合作中具体问题探讨的基础上，以“丝绸之路经济带”为视角，对新构想下中俄能源合作的前景进行展望，并就深化中俄能源合作提出政策建议参考。 In September 2013, Chinese President Xi Jinping initially proposed the building of the Strategic Framework of The Silk Road Economic Belt. Against this background, the involved countries will achieve joint development and co-prosperity by carrying out all-round regional cooperation. As close neighbors, both China and Russia have very important political and economic positions in the world; meanwhile, energy cooperation is one of most significant and influential fields in the China-Russia relationship. This paper tries to analyze some concrete issues in the process of the China-Russia energy cooperation, illustrate the outlook of the cooperation between the two countries in terms of the Silk Road Economic Belt, and finally raise policy references to deepen the China-Russia energy cooperation in the future.","PeriodicalId":37130,"journal":{"name":"Journal of China and International Relations","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2016-12-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"70990151","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2016-12-20DOI: 10.5278/OJS.JCIR.V4I2.1696
Z. Shuai
二战后，国际体系逐渐从“权力体系”进入“制度体系”时代，国际制度成为国际体系建设的核心，大国围绕制度结构中优势地位的争夺变为推动彼此关系变化的主要动因。“制度体系”背景下，国际制度主导国为维护自身主导地位，往往使用“安全杠杆”，在维持国际市场开放性前提下，建立“歧视”崛起国的国际经济制度，推动经济要素向着有利于己方的方向流动，削弱崛起国的物质基础和政策自由度。2010年前后，国际制度结构进入加速调整期，重点是在东亚地区，中国则是主要推动力。国际制度结构的调整威胁了美国原有的主导地位。因此，2010年前后，中美之间的矛盾瞬时尖锐起来。中美此轮博弈的焦点是东亚国际制度主导权，美国的安全战略只是手段，面对美国即将建立的针对中国的“歧视”性国际经济制度安排（TPP），中国需在更大范围内的加大开放，以“共同发展”应对该歧视战略。 After World War II, international order gradually changed from a 'power-centered system' to an 'Institution-based System'. International Institution became the core stone in the construction of the international order. Occupying an advantageous position in the institutional structure became the main factor in driving relational changes between major powers. Against the background of 'institutional system', the dominant countries are inclined to use the 'security lever' as a tool to maintain their dominant position. In order to promote economic factors conducive to their own benefit, these dominant powers set up a series of discriminative international institutions against emerging powers by weakening their material foundation and their room for maneuver in policy-making without destabilizing the liberalization of global market. After 2010, the international order entered into a period of re-adjustment during which East Asia became the pivotal center of attention while China became the main driving force. This situation was seen as a threat to the existing US hegemony. Therefore, before and after 2010 the contradictions between China and the United States were intensifying, and the focus of this round of China-US power struggle aimed to occupy the hegemonic position in shaping the international order in East Asia. Perceiving the US “security strategy” as a means and facing the US-led discriminative international economic order (TPP), China needs to broaden its openness and to use the "common development" strategy to deal with the US discriminative strategy.
二战后，国际体系逐渐从“权力体系”进入“制度体系”时代，国际制度成为国际体系建设的核心，大国围绕制度结构中优势地位的争夺变为推动彼此关系变化的主要动因。“制度体系”背景下，国际制度主导国为维护自身主导地位，往往使用“安全杠杆”，在维持国际市场开放性前提下，建立“歧视”崛起国的国际经济制度，推动经济要素向着有利于己方的方向流动，削弱崛起国的物质基础和政策自由度。2010年前后，国际制度结构进入加速调整期，重点是在东亚地区，中国则是主要推动力。国际制度结构的调整威胁了美国原有的主导地位。因此，2010年前后，中美之间的矛盾瞬时尖锐起来。中美此轮博弈的焦点是东亚国际制度主导权，美国的安全战略只是手段，面对美国即将建立的针对中国的“歧视”性国际经济制度安排（TPP），中国需在更大范围内的加大开放，以“共同发展”应对该歧视战略。 After World War II, international order gradually changed from a 'power-centered system' to an 'Institution-based System'. International Institution became the core stone in the construction of the international order. Occupying an advantageous position in the institutional structure became the main factor in driving relational changes between major powers. Against the background of 'institutional system', the dominant countries are inclined to use the 'security lever' as a tool to maintain their dominant position. In order to promote economic factors conducive to their own benefit, these dominant powers set up a series of discriminative international institutions against emerging powers by weakening their material foundation and their room for maneuver in policy-making without destabilizing the liberalization of global market. After 2010, the international order entered into a period of re-adjustment during which East Asia became the pivotal center of attention while China became the main driving force. This situation was seen as a threat to the existing US hegemony. Therefore, before and after 2010 the contradictions between China and the United States were intensifying, and the focus of this round of China-US power struggle aimed to occupy the hegemonic position in shaping the international order in East Asia. Perceiving the US “security strategy” as a means and facing the US-led discriminative international economic order (TPP), China needs to broaden its openness and to use the "common development" strategy to deal with the US discriminative strategy.
{"title":"2010年后中美关系调整 ——基于“制度体系”理论解读 / The Readjustment of China-US Relations After 2010 - Based on The Theory of 'Institutional System'","authors":"Z. Shuai","doi":"10.5278/OJS.JCIR.V4I2.1696","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5278/OJS.JCIR.V4I2.1696","url":null,"abstract":"二战后，国际体系逐渐从“权力体系”进入“制度体系”时代，国际制度成为国际体系建设的核心，大国围绕制度结构中优势地位的争夺变为推动彼此关系变化的主要动因。“制度体系”背景下，国际制度主导国为维护自身主导地位，往往使用“安全杠杆”，在维持国际市场开放性前提下，建立“歧视”崛起国的国际经济制度，推动经济要素向着有利于己方的方向流动，削弱崛起国的物质基础和政策自由度。2010年前后，国际制度结构进入加速调整期，重点是在东亚地区，中国则是主要推动力。国际制度结构的调整威胁了美国原有的主导地位。因此，2010年前后，中美之间的矛盾瞬时尖锐起来。中美此轮博弈的焦点是东亚国际制度主导权，美国的安全战略只是手段，面对美国即将建立的针对中国的“歧视”性国际经济制度安排（TPP），中国需在更大范围内的加大开放，以“共同发展”应对该歧视战略。 After World War II, international order gradually changed from a 'power-centered system' to an 'Institution-based System'. International Institution became the core stone in the construction of the international order. Occupying an advantageous position in the institutional structure became the main factor in driving relational changes between major powers. Against the background of 'institutional system', the dominant countries are inclined to use the 'security lever' as a tool to maintain their dominant position. In order to promote economic factors conducive to their own benefit, these dominant powers set up a series of discriminative international institutions against emerging powers by weakening their material foundation and their room for maneuver in policy-making without destabilizing the liberalization of global market. After 2010, the international order entered into a period of re-adjustment during which East Asia became the pivotal center of attention while China became the main driving force. This situation was seen as a threat to the existing US hegemony. Therefore, before and after 2010 the contradictions between China and the United States were intensifying, and the focus of this round of China-US power struggle aimed to occupy the hegemonic position in shaping the international order in East Asia. Perceiving the US “security strategy” as a means and facing the US-led discriminative international economic order (TPP), China needs to broaden its openness and to use the \"common development\" strategy to deal with the US discriminative strategy.","PeriodicalId":37130,"journal":{"name":"Journal of China and International Relations","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2016-12-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"70990291","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2016-12-20DOI: 10.5278/OJS.JCIR.V4I2.1697
Wang Hui
“亚太再平衡”战略是奥巴马政府最重要的外交遗产，使亚太地区在美国全球战略中的地位提升到前所未有的高度。“中国崛起”导致亚太地区结构的变化是奥巴马政府推出“再平衡”战略的重要背景。随着“亚太再平衡”战略在政治外交、军事和经济领域的全面推进，美国对华政策出现了由强调合作到转向防范的演变。这种转变导致了中美战略互信受损，美国消极回应中美“新型大国关系”倡议，中美在南海问题和网络安全问题上的博弈升级。 “Rebalancing toward Asia-Pacific” is the most important diplomatic legacy of the Obama administration. The United States put the Asia-Pacific region in an unprecedented position in its global strategy. The rise of China led to changes in the structure of the Asia-Pacific region. It is the important background of the Obama administration that launched the “rebalancing” strategy. With the promotion of the “Asia-Pacific rebalancing” strategy in the political, diplomatic, military and economic fields, American Policy towards China has evolved from cooperation to prevention. This change undermines the strategic mutual trust between China and the United States. The United States do not actively build “the new model of major-country relationship”. The struggle between China and the United States is becoming increasingly fierce in the South China Sea issue and network security issues.
“亚太再平衡”战略是奥巴马政府最重要的外交遗产，使亚太地区在美国全球战略中的地位提升到前所未有的高度。“中国崛起”导致亚太地区结构的变化是奥巴马政府推出“再平衡”战略的重要背景。随着“亚太再平衡”战略在政治外交、军事和经济领域的全面推进，美国对华政策出现了由强调合作到转向防范的演变。这种转变导致了中美战略互信受损，美国消极回应中美“新型大国关系”倡议，中美在南海问题和网络安全问题上的博弈升级。 “Rebalancing toward Asia-Pacific” is the most important diplomatic legacy of the Obama administration. The United States put the Asia-Pacific region in an unprecedented position in its global strategy. The rise of China led to changes in the structure of the Asia-Pacific region. It is the important background of the Obama administration that launched the “rebalancing” strategy. With the promotion of the “Asia-Pacific rebalancing” strategy in the political, diplomatic, military and economic fields, American Policy towards China has evolved from cooperation to prevention. This change undermines the strategic mutual trust between China and the United States. The United States do not actively build “the new model of major-country relationship”. The struggle between China and the United States is becoming increasingly fierce in the South China Sea issue and network security issues.
{"title":"“中国崛起”背景下的美国“亚太再平衡”战略 / The U.S. Rebalance toward Asia-Pacific in The Light of “The Rise of China”","authors":"Wang Hui","doi":"10.5278/OJS.JCIR.V4I2.1697","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5278/OJS.JCIR.V4I2.1697","url":null,"abstract":"“亚太再平衡”战略是奥巴马政府最重要的外交遗产，使亚太地区在美国全球战略中的地位提升到前所未有的高度。“中国崛起”导致亚太地区结构的变化是奥巴马政府推出“再平衡”战略的重要背景。随着“亚太再平衡”战略在政治外交、军事和经济领域的全面推进，美国对华政策出现了由强调合作到转向防范的演变。这种转变导致了中美战略互信受损，美国消极回应中美“新型大国关系”倡议，中美在南海问题和网络安全问题上的博弈升级。 “Rebalancing toward Asia-Pacific” is the most important diplomatic legacy of the Obama administration. The United States put the Asia-Pacific region in an unprecedented position in its global strategy. The rise of China led to changes in the structure of the Asia-Pacific region. It is the important background of the Obama administration that launched the “rebalancing” strategy. With the promotion of the “Asia-Pacific rebalancing” strategy in the political, diplomatic, military and economic fields, American Policy towards China has evolved from cooperation to prevention. This change undermines the strategic mutual trust between China and the United States. The United States do not actively build “the new model of major-country relationship”. The struggle between China and the United States is becoming increasingly fierce in the South China Sea issue and network security issues.","PeriodicalId":37130,"journal":{"name":"Journal of China and International Relations","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2016-12-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"70990358","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2016-12-20DOI: 10.5278/ojs.jcir.v4i2.1704
Li Chunxia
在东盟一体化步伐加快的背景下，越南认识到东盟在其外交中的战略性作用，同时，为了进一步提高国家在地区和国际上的地位与作用，越南加强了对东盟事务的参与力度。越南不仅积极推动东盟内部的一体化进程，而且着力推动东盟在政治安全领域的合作，欲在此领域发挥主导作用。在外交实践上，越南一方面积极推动和建构东盟政治安全合作机制，如ARF、ADMM+等；另一方面，抓住地区热点，南海问题，通过推动其东盟化和国际化，突显和稳固其在东盟中的地位与作用，同时实现其在南海争端中的利益最大化。未来，越南将会进一步提高和巩固其在东盟中的地位与作用，其中政治安全领域仍是其重点领域。 In the context of the integration of ASEAN, Vietnam recognized that the strategic role of ASEAN is in its diplomacy. At the same time, to further improve the status in the region and in the international community, Vietnam has actively been participating in ASEAN affairs. Vietnam not only promoted the integration process of ASEAN, but also promoted the political security cooperation of ASEAN, in which Vietnam has advantages and wants to play a leading role. On the one hand, Vietnam promotes the construction of political security cooperation mechanisms, such as ARF, ADMM+, and so on; on the other hand, Vietnam took the South China Sea as a common concern, actively appeals for a common ASEAN position, to maximize its own benefit. Vietnam will further enhance and consolidate its status and role in ASEAN in the future.
在东盟一体化步伐加快的背景下，越南认识到东盟在其外交中的战略性作用，同时，为了进一步提高国家在地区和国际上的地位与作用，越南加强了对东盟事务的参与力度。越南不仅积极推动东盟内部的一体化进程，而且着力推动东盟在政治安全领域的合作，欲在此领域发挥主导作用。在外交实践上，越南一方面积极推动和建构东盟政治安全合作机制，如ARF、ADMM+等；另一方面，抓住地区热点，南海问题，通过推动其东盟化和国际化，突显和稳固其在东盟中的地位与作用，同时实现其在南海争端中的利益最大化。未来，越南将会进一步提高和巩固其在东盟中的地位与作用，其中政治安全领域仍是其重点领域。 In the context of the integration of ASEAN, Vietnam recognized that the strategic role of ASEAN is in its diplomacy. At the same time, to further improve the status in the region and in the international community, Vietnam has actively been participating in ASEAN affairs. Vietnam not only promoted the integration process of ASEAN, but also promoted the political security cooperation of ASEAN, in which Vietnam has advantages and wants to play a leading role. On the one hand, Vietnam promotes the construction of political security cooperation mechanisms, such as ARF, ADMM+, and so on; on the other hand, Vietnam took the South China Sea as a common concern, actively appeals for a common ASEAN position, to maximize its own benefit. Vietnam will further enhance and consolidate its status and role in ASEAN in the future.
{"title":"越南在东盟地区安全合作中的作用： 从机制建设到争端解决 / The Role of Vietnam in The ASEAN Regional Security Cooperation: From Mechanism Construction to Dispute Settlement","authors":"Li Chunxia","doi":"10.5278/ojs.jcir.v4i2.1704","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5278/ojs.jcir.v4i2.1704","url":null,"abstract":"在东盟一体化步伐加快的背景下，越南认识到东盟在其外交中的战略性作用，同时，为了进一步提高国家在地区和国际上的地位与作用，越南加强了对东盟事务的参与力度。越南不仅积极推动东盟内部的一体化进程，而且着力推动东盟在政治安全领域的合作，欲在此领域发挥主导作用。在外交实践上，越南一方面积极推动和建构东盟政治安全合作机制，如ARF、ADMM+等；另一方面，抓住地区热点，南海问题，通过推动其东盟化和国际化，突显和稳固其在东盟中的地位与作用，同时实现其在南海争端中的利益最大化。未来，越南将会进一步提高和巩固其在东盟中的地位与作用，其中政治安全领域仍是其重点领域。 In the context of the integration of ASEAN, Vietnam recognized that the strategic role of ASEAN is in its diplomacy. At the same time, to further improve the status in the region and in the international community, Vietnam has actively been participating in ASEAN affairs. Vietnam not only promoted the integration process of ASEAN, but also promoted the political security cooperation of ASEAN, in which Vietnam has advantages and wants to play a leading role. On the one hand, Vietnam promotes the construction of political security cooperation mechanisms, such as ARF, ADMM+, and so on; on the other hand, Vietnam took the South China Sea as a common concern, actively appeals for a common ASEAN position, to maximize its own benefit. Vietnam will further enhance and consolidate its status and role in ASEAN in the future.","PeriodicalId":37130,"journal":{"name":"Journal of China and International Relations","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2016-12-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"70989996","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2016-12-20DOI: 10.5278/ojs.jcir.v4i2.1702
Meng Xiao-xu, Xin Xiaoyang
作为战败后崛起的国家，日本对国家发展道路的选择深受国际格局的影响。冷战时期的两极格局使日本在美国的支持下重新获得主权国家的身份。在冷战格局的框架下，日本在经济大国基础上提出了谋求政治大国的目标。冷战结束后，世界格局向多极化转变，日本将其视为实现政治大国的“机运”，期望更多地参与国际事务以及在国际秩序和经济体制方面发挥责任和作用；同时，日本在军事力量上也积极突破，为其践行政治大国化目标助力。21世纪后，多极化格局深化，新兴国家群体性崛起，日本谋求政治大国的进程加速，增强自身在区域经济中的领导力和影响力，谋求修改和平宪法，突破战后军事限制，在反恐等国际事务及联合国等国际组织活跃，推动政治大国化目标的实现。当前，日本政治大国的追求仍面临着不少障碍。 The boom of post-war Japan is deeply affected by the international framework when choosing the development path of the state. The bipolar architecture of the Cold War has made Japan a sovereign state again with the support of the United States. Within the Cold War framework, Japan has come up with the goal of being a political power based on its economic strength. After the end of Cold War, multipolar architecture has become the main trend in the world, and Japan has regarded this trend as its opportunity to realize its political dream, expecting to be more involved in world affairs as well as taking responsibilities within the international order and economic system. Meanwhile, Japan has also made a breakthrough within military power and used this to become a political power. Entering the 21st century, the multipolar architecture has deepened, while emerging nations have risen sharply collectively. Japan has speeded up the process of pursuing a political path accordingly, enhancing its leadership and influence in the regional economy, revising peace constitution to breakthrough military shackles, playing a role in counter-terrorism affairs and international organizations, thus making its dream of being a political power come true. Nevertheless, Japan has faced obstacles both at home and abroad.
作为战败后崛起的国家，日本对国家发展道路的选择深受国际格局的影响。冷战时期的两极格局使日本在美国的支持下重新获得主权国家的身份。在冷战格局的框架下，日本在经济大国基础上提出了谋求政治大国的目标。冷战结束后，世界格局向多极化转变，日本将其视为实现政治大国的“机运”，期望更多地参与国际事务以及在国际秩序和经济体制方面发挥责任和作用；同时，日本在军事力量上也积极突破，为其践行政治大国化目标助力。21世纪后，多极化格局深化，新兴国家群体性崛起，日本谋求政治大国的进程加速，增强自身在区域经济中的领导力和影响力，谋求修改和平宪法，突破战后军事限制，在反恐等国际事务及联合国等国际组织活跃，推动政治大国化目标的实现。当前，日本政治大国的追求仍面临着不少障碍。 The boom of post-war Japan is deeply affected by the international framework when choosing the development path of the state. The bipolar architecture of the Cold War has made Japan a sovereign state again with the support of the United States. Within the Cold War framework, Japan has come up with the goal of being a political power based on its economic strength. After the end of Cold War, multipolar architecture has become the main trend in the world, and Japan has regarded this trend as its opportunity to realize its political dream, expecting to be more involved in world affairs as well as taking responsibilities within the international order and economic system. Meanwhile, Japan has also made a breakthrough within military power and used this to become a political power. Entering the 21st century, the multipolar architecture has deepened, while emerging nations have risen sharply collectively. Japan has speeded up the process of pursuing a political path accordingly, enhancing its leadership and influence in the regional economy, revising peace constitution to breakthrough military shackles, playing a role in counter-terrorism affairs and international organizations, thus making its dream of being a political power come true. Nevertheless, Japan has faced obstacles both at home and abroad.
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Pub Date : 2016-12-01DOI: 10.5278/OJS.JCIR.V4I2.1701
Liu Yi
现有关于国际公共物品的论述过度关注“公益”性质，相对忽视国家特别是核心国家作为供给主体的主动地位及其战略考量。事实上，核心国家在提供各种国际公共物品时已经考虑到他国“搭便车”的可能性，纳入对外供给与消费模式设计。中国关于“欢迎周边国家搭便车”的提法可以视为此类战略动向的最新回应。为此，有必要重新审视原有理论，理解“搭便车”行为的可能性与现实性，从“非纯公共物品”角度出发讨论国际公共物品的推动因素以及运作机制。作为新兴大国，中国应该明确战略重点，注重“供给”与“营销”相互配合，创设或创新具体形式，提高国际公共物品供给效率与精致程度。 The existing analysis of global public goods over-emphasizes the significance of public. Great power as a main provider has played an active role in these strategic initiatives, which may be ignored. In fact, main power has thought about the possible free-riders when providing public goods and making its foreign strategic plan. China’s announcement to “welcome the neighbouring countries to be a free-rider and benefit from China’s rise” is a good example. It is necessary to think about the theory of public goods and take another look at the free-riding phenomenon. The concept of impure public goods may be useful and effective when we understand the reason why global public goods are being provided and are relatively efficient. As an emerging power, China should have a clear strategy on global public goods with a possible “marketing” viewpoint, including more initiatives and specific measures, so that the global public goods provision may be more diverse and well-planned.
现有关于国际公共物品的论述过度关注“公益”性质，相对忽视国家特别是核心国家作为供给主体的主动地位及其战略考量。事实上，核心国家在提供各种国际公共物品时已经考虑到他国“搭便车”的可能性，纳入对外供给与消费模式设计。中国关于“欢迎周边国家搭便车”的提法可以视为此类战略动向的最新回应。为此，有必要重新审视原有理论，理解“搭便车”行为的可能性与现实性，从“非纯公共物品”角度出发讨论国际公共物品的推动因素以及运作机制。作为新兴大国，中国应该明确战略重点，注重“供给”与“营销”相互配合，创设或创新具体形式，提高国际公共物品供给效率与精致程度。 The existing analysis of global public goods over-emphasizes the significance of public. Great power as a main provider has played an active role in these strategic initiatives, which may be ignored. In fact, main power has thought about the possible free-riders when providing public goods and making its foreign strategic plan. China’s announcement to “welcome the neighbouring countries to be a free-rider and benefit from China’s rise” is a good example. It is necessary to think about the theory of public goods and take another look at the free-riding phenomenon. The concept of impure public goods may be useful and effective when we understand the reason why global public goods are being provided and are relatively efficient. As an emerging power, China should have a clear strategy on global public goods with a possible “marketing” viewpoint, including more initiatives and specific measures, so that the global public goods provision may be more diverse and well-planned.
{"title":"全球公共物品供给与新兴大国参与—基于“非纯公共物品”概念的分析 / Global Public Goods and The Role of Emerging Power: Considering the Concept of Impure Public Goods","authors":"Liu Yi","doi":"10.5278/OJS.JCIR.V4I2.1701","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5278/OJS.JCIR.V4I2.1701","url":null,"abstract":"现有关于国际公共物品的论述过度关注“公益”性质，相对忽视国家特别是核心国家作为供给主体的主动地位及其战略考量。事实上，核心国家在提供各种国际公共物品时已经考虑到他国“搭便车”的可能性，纳入对外供给与消费模式设计。中国关于“欢迎周边国家搭便车”的提法可以视为此类战略动向的最新回应。为此，有必要重新审视原有理论，理解“搭便车”行为的可能性与现实性，从“非纯公共物品”角度出发讨论国际公共物品的推动因素以及运作机制。作为新兴大国，中国应该明确战略重点，注重“供给”与“营销”相互配合，创设或创新具体形式，提高国际公共物品供给效率与精致程度。 The existing analysis of global public goods over-emphasizes the significance of public. Great power as a main provider has played an active role in these strategic initiatives, which may be ignored. In fact, main power has thought about the possible free-riders when providing public goods and making its foreign strategic plan. China’s announcement to “welcome the neighbouring countries to be a free-rider and benefit from China’s rise” is a good example. It is necessary to think about the theory of public goods and take another look at the free-riding phenomenon. The concept of impure public goods may be useful and effective when we understand the reason why global public goods are being provided and are relatively efficient. As an emerging power, China should have a clear strategy on global public goods with a possible “marketing” viewpoint, including more initiatives and specific measures, so that the global public goods provision may be more diverse and well-planned.","PeriodicalId":37130,"journal":{"name":"Journal of China and International Relations","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2016-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"70990262","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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