Pub Date : 2016-12-01DOI: 10.5278/OJS.JCIR.V4I2.1698
Wang Xiang
在中美关系各领域，网络空间问题在极短时间具有了极其重要的意义。近年来中美网络安全博弈烈度与频度大幅上升，增加了中美关系的不稳定性。本文回顾了中美近年来的历次网络安全博弈事件，指出网络安全问题已成为中美关系中的高风险问题和全领域影响因素，网络安全问题呼唤中美合作共同制定网络空间行为准则。展望中美网络安全关系的未来，本文认为，中美互联网领域实力与战略导致陷入“囚徒困境”的可能性增加，中美联手管控网络安全博弈、防止损害中美关系大局迫在眉睫，中美加强网络安全领域合作是必要性和可能性兼备的必然选择。 In the field of Sino-US relations, the network space plays a very important role during a very short period of time. In recent years, the intensity and frequency of Chinese and American network security game has increased significantly, which has increased the instability of Sino-US relations. This paper reviews the network security game events between China and the US in recent years, and points out that network security has become a high risk problem in the relationship between China and the US and it has become the factors affecting the whole area. Network security issues need cooperation between China and the US to develop guidelines for the conduct of Cyberspace. As regards the prospect of Sino-US cyber security relations in the future, this paper argues that the strength and strategy in the Internet field of China and the US lead to the likelihood that China and the US fall into the “prisoner’s dilemma”. China and the US have to control the network security game to prevent damage to the overall situation of Sino-US relations; this is very urgent. Strengthening the network security fields of cooperation between China and the US is an inevitable choice both in terms of necessity and possibility.
在中美关系各领域，网络空间问题在极短时间具有了极其重要的意义。近年来中美网络安全博弈烈度与频度大幅上升，增加了中美关系的不稳定性。本文回顾了中美近年来的历次网络安全博弈事件，指出网络安全问题已成为中美关系中的高风险问题和全领域影响因素，网络安全问题呼唤中美合作共同制定网络空间行为准则。展望中美网络安全关系的未来，本文认为，中美互联网领域实力与战略导致陷入“囚徒困境”的可能性增加，中美联手管控网络安全博弈、防止损害中美关系大局迫在眉睫，中美加强网络安全领域合作是必要性和可能性兼备的必然选择。 In the field of Sino-US relations, the network space plays a very important role during a very short period of time. In recent years, the intensity and frequency of Chinese and American network security game has increased significantly, which has increased the instability of Sino-US relations. This paper reviews the network security game events between China and the US in recent years, and points out that network security has become a high risk problem in the relationship between China and the US and it has become the factors affecting the whole area. Network security issues need cooperation between China and the US to develop guidelines for the conduct of Cyberspace. As regards the prospect of Sino-US cyber security relations in the future, this paper argues that the strength and strategy in the Internet field of China and the US lead to the likelihood that China and the US fall into the “prisoner’s dilemma”. China and the US have to control the network security game to prevent damage to the overall situation of Sino-US relations; this is very urgent. Strengthening the network security fields of cooperation between China and the US is an inevitable choice both in terms of necessity and possibility.
{"title":"中美网络安全领域博弈机理分析及未来展望 / Analysis of The Game Mechanism in The Field of Network Security between China and the US and The Prospect of The Future","authors":"Wang Xiang","doi":"10.5278/OJS.JCIR.V4I2.1698","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5278/OJS.JCIR.V4I2.1698","url":null,"abstract":"在中美关系各领域，网络空间问题在极短时间具有了极其重要的意义。近年来中美网络安全博弈烈度与频度大幅上升，增加了中美关系的不稳定性。本文回顾了中美近年来的历次网络安全博弈事件，指出网络安全问题已成为中美关系中的高风险问题和全领域影响因素，网络安全问题呼唤中美合作共同制定网络空间行为准则。展望中美网络安全关系的未来，本文认为，中美互联网领域实力与战略导致陷入“囚徒困境”的可能性增加，中美联手管控网络安全博弈、防止损害中美关系大局迫在眉睫，中美加强网络安全领域合作是必要性和可能性兼备的必然选择。 In the field of Sino-US relations, the network space plays a very important role during a very short period of time. In recent years, the intensity and frequency of Chinese and American network security game has increased significantly, which has increased the instability of Sino-US relations. This paper reviews the network security game events between China and the US in recent years, and points out that network security has become a high risk problem in the relationship between China and the US and it has become the factors affecting the whole area. Network security issues need cooperation between China and the US to develop guidelines for the conduct of Cyberspace. As regards the prospect of Sino-US cyber security relations in the future, this paper argues that the strength and strategy in the Internet field of China and the US lead to the likelihood that China and the US fall into the “prisoner’s dilemma”. China and the US have to control the network security game to prevent damage to the overall situation of Sino-US relations; this is very urgent. Strengthening the network security fields of cooperation between China and the US is an inevitable choice both in terms of necessity and possibility.","PeriodicalId":37130,"journal":{"name":"Journal of China and International Relations","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2016-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"70990020","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2016-09-16DOI: 10.5278/OJS.JCIR.V4I2.1586
S. Christensen, Danielly Silva Ramos Becard
Historically there has been very scarce interest from academics and politicians in the field of China-Latin America relations. This has recently changed as a consequence of China’s impressive economic development trajectory after the introduction of economic reform policies of growing openness towards the international economy since the late 1970s. With China’s growing economic weight in the global economy, the country has gained a more central role on the international political scene. This “rise” of China’s global importance has made countries from all world regions increasingly interested in relations with China, and has raised the attention of academics in China and its global role as well as its relations with individual countries and different world regions across the board. From a Chinese perspective, interests have mostly been focused on relations with dominant countries in the developed global North as well as on relations with its regional neighbors, while there has barely been any interest in Africa and Latin America (Armony, 2011: 23-24). However, with its growing internationalization and industrialization, China’s economic interest in developing countries has grown. For example, China’s interest in Africa and its economic presence on that continent has grown substantially during the last 15-20 years, gaining much interest from the academic community. In the same period, China has also gradually become important for Latin American countries raising the interest of academics and politicians in Latin America in China-Latin America relations. This interest took off particularly after China’s entry into the World Trade Organization in 2001, although a country like Brazil already celebrated a strategic partnership with China in 1993 (Christensen, 2016). However, it was not until the 2000s that bilateral economic relations between Latin American countries and China took off. Initially, academic interest centered on bilateral economic relations between China and individual Latin American countries, with a particular focus on the differential economic impact of China on Latin American countries. A typical distinction was between South American countries, which were generally considered to be
{"title":"China-Latin America Relations: Main Themes, Main Problems","authors":"S. Christensen, Danielly Silva Ramos Becard","doi":"10.5278/OJS.JCIR.V4I2.1586","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5278/OJS.JCIR.V4I2.1586","url":null,"abstract":"Historically there has been very scarce interest from academics and politicians in the field of China-Latin America relations. This has recently changed as a consequence of China’s impressive economic development trajectory after the introduction of economic reform policies of growing openness towards the international economy since the late 1970s. With China’s growing economic weight in the global economy, the country has gained a more central role on the international political scene. This “rise” of China’s global importance has made countries from all world regions increasingly interested in relations with China, and has raised the attention of academics in China and its global role as well as its relations with individual countries and different world regions across the board. From a Chinese perspective, interests have mostly been focused on relations with dominant countries in the developed global North as well as on relations with its regional neighbors, while there has barely been any interest in Africa and Latin America (Armony, 2011: 23-24). However, with its growing internationalization and industrialization, China’s economic interest in developing countries has grown. For example, China’s interest in Africa and its economic presence on that continent has grown substantially during the last 15-20 years, gaining much interest from the academic community. In the same period, China has also gradually become important for Latin American countries raising the interest of academics and politicians in Latin America in China-Latin America relations. This interest took off particularly after China’s entry into the World Trade Organization in 2001, although a country like Brazil already celebrated a strategic partnership with China in 1993 (Christensen, 2016). However, it was not until the 2000s that bilateral economic relations between Latin American countries and China took off. Initially, academic interest centered on bilateral economic relations between China and individual Latin American countries, with a particular focus on the differential economic impact of China on Latin American countries. A typical distinction was between South American countries, which were generally considered to be","PeriodicalId":37130,"journal":{"name":"Journal of China and International Relations","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2016-09-16","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"70989929","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2016-09-16DOI: 10.5278/OJS.JCIR.V4I2.1589
Antonio C. Hsiang
Based on Power Transition Theory, the paper investigates how China competes with the US in Latin America. The paper divided into four main sections. The first section reviews why the U.S. has tried hard to prevent Latin America and the Caribbean from developing relations with China. It also explains why Secretary of State John Kerry announced "The era of the Monroe Doctrine is over" in November 2013. The second part discusses China's expansion in Latin America. The more states that trade with China, the more likely they are to converge with it on issues of foreign policy. Consequently, the US, whose foreign policy preferences have diverged from those of China, may find it harder to attract allies in Latin America. The third part explores how Latin America has become more assertive. It also examines how such acquiescence increases the responsibility of those states to think carefully about what kind of relationship with China is in their interest, and that of the region. The last section concludes the article and provides policy implications for the US, China, and Latin America.
{"title":"Power Transition: The U.S. vs. China in Latin America","authors":"Antonio C. Hsiang","doi":"10.5278/OJS.JCIR.V4I2.1589","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5278/OJS.JCIR.V4I2.1589","url":null,"abstract":"Based on Power Transition Theory, the paper investigates how China competes with the US in Latin America. The paper divided into four main sections. The first section reviews why the U.S. has tried hard to prevent Latin America and the Caribbean from developing relations with China. It also explains why Secretary of State John Kerry announced \"The era of the Monroe Doctrine is over\" in November 2013. The second part discusses China's expansion in Latin America. The more states that trade with China, the more likely they are to converge with it on issues of foreign policy. Consequently, the US, whose foreign policy preferences have diverged from those of China, may find it harder to attract allies in Latin America. The third part explores how Latin America has become more assertive. It also examines how such acquiescence increases the responsibility of those states to think carefully about what kind of relationship with China is in their interest, and that of the region. The last section concludes the article and provides policy implications for the US, China, and Latin America.","PeriodicalId":37130,"journal":{"name":"Journal of China and International Relations","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2016-09-16","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"70989602","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2016-09-16DOI: 10.5278/OJS.JCIR.V4I2.1587
Xing Li
The paper aims to provide a historical context for understanding the transition of China's development strategies from the "keeping a low profile" approach (Chinese: Tao Guang Yang Hui ) during the past three decades to the current "striving for achievement" approach (Chinese: You Suo Zuo Wei ) in recent years. The former lays a foundation for China's peaceful environment and economic success, while the latter represents a shift toward a more proactive foreign policy. The paper examines the two strategies from historical, regional and global perspectives and analyses the motivation behind China's current strategic repositioning. The author proposes an analytical lens of combining both Neo-Gramscian IR theory and the world system theory in order to comprehend the nexus between the accumulation and consolidation of China’s internal hegemony and its inevitable outward expansion. What are the implications of China's outward expansion of its global strategy? The author argues that Beijing's capital and hegemonic outward expansion represents a world system’s new round of capital and production relocation, which will dialectically enlarge or reduce "room for maneuver" and increase or decrease "upward mobility" for developing regions including Latin America. The paper concludes that it is in the political and economic interest of Latin America to seize the chance of this external "promotion by invitation" and to increase its upward mobility by finding the strategic convergence with China's global strategy.
{"title":"The Expansion of China's Global Hegemonic Strategy: Implications for Latin America","authors":"Xing Li","doi":"10.5278/OJS.JCIR.V4I2.1587","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5278/OJS.JCIR.V4I2.1587","url":null,"abstract":"The paper aims to provide a historical context for understanding the transition of China's development strategies from the \"keeping a low profile\" approach (Chinese: Tao Guang Yang Hui ) during the past three decades to the current \"striving for achievement\" approach (Chinese: You Suo Zuo Wei ) in recent years. The former lays a foundation for China's peaceful environment and economic success, while the latter represents a shift toward a more proactive foreign policy. The paper examines the two strategies from historical, regional and global perspectives and analyses the motivation behind China's current strategic repositioning. The author proposes an analytical lens of combining both Neo-Gramscian IR theory and the world system theory in order to comprehend the nexus between the accumulation and consolidation of China’s internal hegemony and its inevitable outward expansion. What are the implications of China's outward expansion of its global strategy? The author argues that Beijing's capital and hegemonic outward expansion represents a world system’s new round of capital and production relocation, which will dialectically enlarge or reduce \"room for maneuver\" and increase or decrease \"upward mobility\" for developing regions including Latin America. The paper concludes that it is in the political and economic interest of Latin America to seize the chance of this external \"promotion by invitation\" and to increase its upward mobility by finding the strategic convergence with China's global strategy.","PeriodicalId":37130,"journal":{"name":"Journal of China and International Relations","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2016-09-16","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"70989831","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2016-09-16DOI: 10.5278/OJS.JCIR.V4I2.1593
Malayna Raftopoulos, Marieke Riethof
China is now Brazil’s largest trade and investment partner, with Brazil’s exports dominated by primary products such as iron ore, soy and crude oil. China and Brazil have also become major players in international environmental and debates as emerging powers, reflecting their contribution to carbon emissions and their vulnerability to climate change and environmental disasters such as droughts, floods, deforestation, landslides and pollution. In environmental terms, Brazil’s exports to China have led to changes in land use focused on export agriculture, the construction of infrastructure in vulnerable areas such as the Amazon region and a growing need for cheap, renewable energy to fuel transport, consumption and industrial development. In the context of these intensifying trade and economic connections between Brazil and China, this article examines the environmental dimensions of this relationship, focusing in particular on the contradictions created by renewable energy production. Paradoxically, given Brazil’s key role in the international climate change debate, one of the most controversial aspects of the country’s development agenda is the promotion of renewable energy as evidenced in the conflicts around hydro-electric power generation. The latter have provoked protests against the dams’ social and environmental effects among local communities and international environmental groups. Little studied compared to the more well-known aspects of Sino-Latin American relations, such as infrastructure and trade, the article argues that Chinese involvement in hydropower in Brazil reinforces an increasingly unsustainable domestic development agenda, as reflected in the asymmetry between arguments about the general benefits of hydropower and the negative effects on local communities.
{"title":"Promoting Renewable Energy or Environmental Problems?: Environmental Politics and Sustainability in Sino-Brazilian Relations","authors":"Malayna Raftopoulos, Marieke Riethof","doi":"10.5278/OJS.JCIR.V4I2.1593","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5278/OJS.JCIR.V4I2.1593","url":null,"abstract":"China is now Brazil’s largest trade and investment partner, with Brazil’s exports dominated by primary products such as iron ore, soy and crude oil. China and Brazil have also become major players in international environmental and debates as emerging powers, reflecting their contribution to carbon emissions and their vulnerability to climate change and environmental disasters such as droughts, floods, deforestation, landslides and pollution. In environmental terms, Brazil’s exports to China have led to changes in land use focused on export agriculture, the construction of infrastructure in vulnerable areas such as the Amazon region and a growing need for cheap, renewable energy to fuel transport, consumption and industrial development. In the context of these intensifying trade and economic connections between Brazil and China, this article examines the environmental dimensions of this relationship, focusing in particular on the contradictions created by renewable energy production. Paradoxically, given Brazil’s key role in the international climate change debate, one of the most controversial aspects of the country’s development agenda is the promotion of renewable energy as evidenced in the conflicts around hydro-electric power generation. The latter have provoked protests against the dams’ social and environmental effects among local communities and international environmental groups. Little studied compared to the more well-known aspects of Sino-Latin American relations, such as infrastructure and trade, the article argues that Chinese involvement in hydropower in Brazil reinforces an increasingly unsustainable domestic development agenda, as reflected in the asymmetry between arguments about the general benefits of hydropower and the negative effects on local communities.","PeriodicalId":37130,"journal":{"name":"Journal of China and International Relations","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2016-09-16","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"70990406","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2016-09-16DOI: 10.5278/OJS.JCIR.V4I2.1590
S. Christensen
This analysis compares Bolivia's and Venezuela's recent development path and China's impact on it. The two country cases have been chosen due to the fact that they have experienced quite different economic development paths since the international financial crisis in 2008-2009, although they have pursued largely similar economic development strategies and foreign policy strategies. Bolivia has done much better than Venezuela that is now experiencing a chaotic social and economic situation with high levels of inflation and finances out of control. In contrast, Bolivia maintains stable growth figures of between four and five percent and is one of just a small select group of South American commodity exporting countries that is able to pursue counter-cyclical macroeconomic policies. The analysis further argues that China's significance was negligible at the turn of the Century and had become somewhat more significant for Venezuela by 2009, while it was still rather insignificant for Bolivia. Since then, China's significance has grown, particularly in Venezuela that has needed much foreign financing and had been frozen out of international financial markets. However, China has also grown in significance for Bolivia and mostly has had a positive, though, not big impact on its development. In contrast, China's impact on Venezuela has been bigger and mostly positive, but it has not sufficed to end Venezuela’s current development crisis.
{"title":"China's Impact on Latin American Development: A Comparative Study of Bolivia and Venezuela","authors":"S. Christensen","doi":"10.5278/OJS.JCIR.V4I2.1590","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5278/OJS.JCIR.V4I2.1590","url":null,"abstract":"This analysis compares Bolivia's and Venezuela's recent development path and China's impact on it. The two country cases have been chosen due to the fact that they have experienced quite different economic development paths since the international financial crisis in 2008-2009, although they have pursued largely similar economic development strategies and foreign policy strategies. Bolivia has done much better than Venezuela that is now experiencing a chaotic social and economic situation with high levels of inflation and finances out of control. In contrast, Bolivia maintains stable growth figures of between four and five percent and is one of just a small select group of South American commodity exporting countries that is able to pursue counter-cyclical macroeconomic policies. The analysis further argues that China's significance was negligible at the turn of the Century and had become somewhat more significant for Venezuela by 2009, while it was still rather insignificant for Bolivia. Since then, China's significance has grown, particularly in Venezuela that has needed much foreign financing and had been frozen out of international financial markets. However, China has also grown in significance for Bolivia and mostly has had a positive, though, not big impact on its development. In contrast, China's impact on Venezuela has been bigger and mostly positive, but it has not sufficed to end Venezuela’s current development crisis.","PeriodicalId":37130,"journal":{"name":"Journal of China and International Relations","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2016-09-16","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"70989669","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2016-09-16DOI: 10.5278/OJS.JCIR.V4I2.1591
Ó. G. Agustín
In a world order without a sole hegemon, the dialectic relationship between the main global players and emerging powers enables nation-states to strategically favor their national interests as well as mutually beneficial alliances, whilst the multipolar world becomes strengthened. This article draws on this context of 'interdependent hegemony' to explore the existing relationship between Venezuela, as a swing state, and China, as one of the Big Three global powers. Particularly, I focus on Venezuelan efforts to develop, at the domestic and regional level, a counterhegemonic political project against the US and how China is considered a valuable ally to acquire more independence. However, this situation of interdependence can paradoxically lead to a new kind of dependence, in this case on China. To analyze these relations, I propose a conceptual framework consisting of three dimensions: 1) the international positioning towards other Northern and Southern countries and whether the relationship is conceived in terms of conflict or cooperation; 2) the economic model and how it conditions the relationship between countries and whether relationships or dependence are generated; and 3) the development of a political and economic model which can inspire or be followed by other countries. Although China's influence and increasing power in Venezuela is unquestionable in economic terms, the Venezuelan government uses its agreements with China strategically to legitimate its policies, in the name of a South-socialist alternative, and to reaffirm its international positioning.
{"title":"Venezuela and China: Independency and Dependency in the Context of Interdependent Hegemony","authors":"Ó. G. Agustín","doi":"10.5278/OJS.JCIR.V4I2.1591","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5278/OJS.JCIR.V4I2.1591","url":null,"abstract":"In a world order without a sole hegemon, the dialectic relationship between the main global players and emerging powers enables nation-states to strategically favor their national interests as well as mutually beneficial alliances, whilst the multipolar world becomes strengthened. This article draws on this context of 'interdependent hegemony' to explore the existing relationship between Venezuela, as a swing state, and China, as one of the Big Three global powers. Particularly, I focus on Venezuelan efforts to develop, at the domestic and regional level, a counterhegemonic political project against the US and how China is considered a valuable ally to acquire more independence. However, this situation of interdependence can paradoxically lead to a new kind of dependence, in this case on China. To analyze these relations, I propose a conceptual framework consisting of three dimensions: 1) the international positioning towards other Northern and Southern countries and whether the relationship is conceived in terms of conflict or cooperation; 2) the economic model and how it conditions the relationship between countries and whether relationships or dependence are generated; and 3) the development of a political and economic model which can inspire or be followed by other countries. Although China's influence and increasing power in Venezuela is unquestionable in economic terms, the Venezuelan government uses its agreements with China strategically to legitimate its policies, in the name of a South-socialist alternative, and to reaffirm its international positioning.","PeriodicalId":37130,"journal":{"name":"Journal of China and International Relations","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2016-09-16","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"70990189","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2016-09-16DOI: 10.5278/OJS.JCIR.V4I2.1588
Raúl Bernal-Meza
The text analyzes the economic relations between China and Latin America in the context of the capitalist world system. It is argued that as a world power, China has developed a network of economic, trade and financial relations with other economies around the core, the semi-periphery and periphery of the system. The analysis explains the nature of the structure of economic relations between China and Latin America, which is part of China's periphery. The structure of the relationship between China and Latin America is a function of China's development and not of its periphery. In other words, the relationship serves Chinese interests through the unequal relationship in which China exports manufactured goods and high value-added products and imports basic products and commodities from Latin America. To justify this unequal relationship, Beijing argues that both partners are part of the developing world and that the trade structure between the two parties is of mutual benefit. It is what we call "win-win rhetoric". The paper argues that this explanation serves China as a means to hide a bilateral relationship that has a distinct North-South structure and that serves China's own interests. The text further argues that the relationship between the two parties serves China's interests as a world power. Thus, China has a utilitarian relationship with Latin America.
{"title":"China and Latin America Relations: The Win-Win Rhetoric","authors":"Raúl Bernal-Meza","doi":"10.5278/OJS.JCIR.V4I2.1588","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5278/OJS.JCIR.V4I2.1588","url":null,"abstract":"The text analyzes the economic relations between China and Latin America in the context of the capitalist world system. It is argued that as a world power, China has developed a network of economic, trade and financial relations with other economies around the core, the semi-periphery and periphery of the system. The analysis explains the nature of the structure of economic relations between China and Latin America, which is part of China's periphery. The structure of the relationship between China and Latin America is a function of China's development and not of its periphery. In other words, the relationship serves Chinese interests through the unequal relationship in which China exports manufactured goods and high value-added products and imports basic products and commodities from Latin America. To justify this unequal relationship, Beijing argues that both partners are part of the developing world and that the trade structure between the two parties is of mutual benefit. It is what we call \"win-win rhetoric\". The paper argues that this explanation serves China as a means to hide a bilateral relationship that has a distinct North-South structure and that serves China's own interests. The text further argues that the relationship between the two parties serves China's interests as a world power. Thus, China has a utilitarian relationship with Latin America.","PeriodicalId":37130,"journal":{"name":"Journal of China and International Relations","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2016-09-16","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"70989877","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2016-09-16DOI: 10.5278/OJS.JCIR.V4I2.1592
F. P. Flores, Daniel Jatobá
China's increasing presence in several Latin American countries is having different effects on national political arenas, probably making room for new specific cleavages. This article is an exploratory study with the purpose of identifying political reactions to China's growing economic presence in three differently sized Latin American countries (Brazil, Venezuela and Nicaragua). Our analytical perspective considers China-related issues as part of the foreign policy agenda in Latin American countries and, in turn, foreign policy issues as a phenomenon that can be observed like any other public policy issue. That is, a realm where actors inside or outside the state use political resources and energy to advance their own preferences. In analyzing the diverse circumstances generated by China’s economic presence in each of the selected cases, we hope to contribute to studies on the politicization of foreign policy in Latin American countries.
{"title":"Domestic Reactions to China's Presence in Three Latin American Countries: Brazil, Nicaragua and Venezuela","authors":"F. P. Flores, Daniel Jatobá","doi":"10.5278/OJS.JCIR.V4I2.1592","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5278/OJS.JCIR.V4I2.1592","url":null,"abstract":"China's increasing presence in several Latin American countries is having different effects on national political arenas, probably making room for new specific cleavages. This article is an exploratory study with the purpose of identifying political reactions to China's growing economic presence in three differently sized Latin American countries (Brazil, Venezuela and Nicaragua). Our analytical perspective considers China-related issues as part of the foreign policy agenda in Latin American countries and, in turn, foreign policy issues as a phenomenon that can be observed like any other public policy issue. That is, a realm where actors inside or outside the state use political resources and energy to advance their own preferences. In analyzing the diverse circumstances generated by China’s economic presence in each of the selected cases, we hope to contribute to studies on the politicization of foreign policy in Latin American countries.","PeriodicalId":37130,"journal":{"name":"Journal of China and International Relations","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2016-09-16","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"70990242","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2016-05-30DOI: 10.5278/OJS.JCIR.V4I1.1515
L. Durović
Resource-rich Sub-Saharan countries have found themselves trapped in the so-called resource curse. The importance of the aforementioned countries both as sources of natural resources and as consumer markets has been recognized by major world powers. It is rational to assume that the world power that manages to assist Sub-Saharan countries in dealing with the aforementioned curse will be given a preferential treatment in their future economic interaction. Thus finding an instrument that can deal with the resource curse has become of large importance. One of the major powers that has been present in Africa for a long time is China; which has recognized this opportunity and thus enhanced its engagement in the Sub-Saharan region, primarily through the Infrastructure for Resources model. This model enables developing countries to expand their infrastructure by relying on their resource wealth. Thus, it partially subdues the resource curse, which is empirically verified though a case study on its implementation in Angola. It is important to note that there is no consensus among scholars regarding the nature of China's involvement in Africa. However, this research avoids ideological debates, and focuses solely on the efficiency of the model in dealing with the resource curse.
{"title":"Resource Curse and China's Infrastructure for Resources Model: Case Study of Angola","authors":"L. Durović","doi":"10.5278/OJS.JCIR.V4I1.1515","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5278/OJS.JCIR.V4I1.1515","url":null,"abstract":"Resource-rich Sub-Saharan countries have found themselves trapped in the so-called resource curse. The importance of the aforementioned countries both as sources of natural resources and as consumer markets has been recognized by major world powers. It is rational to assume that the world power that manages to assist Sub-Saharan countries in dealing with the aforementioned curse will be given a preferential treatment in their future economic interaction. Thus finding an instrument that can deal with the resource curse has become of large importance. One of the major powers that has been present in Africa for a long time is China; which has recognized this opportunity and thus enhanced its engagement in the Sub-Saharan region, primarily through the Infrastructure for Resources model. This model enables developing countries to expand their infrastructure by relying on their resource wealth. Thus, it partially subdues the resource curse, which is empirically verified though a case study on its implementation in Angola. It is important to note that there is no consensus among scholars regarding the nature of China's involvement in Africa. However, this research avoids ideological debates, and focuses solely on the efficiency of the model in dealing with the resource curse.","PeriodicalId":37130,"journal":{"name":"Journal of China and International Relations","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2016-05-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"70989753","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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