Pub Date : 2015-05-29DOI: 10.5278/OJS.JCIR.V3I1.1150
Mikael Weissmann
During the last four decades, China has moved from being an isolated country separated from the international community to having become one of the world’s major powers. It is vital to understand what is guiding Chinese foreign policy, why this is so, and not least what kind of power China is and will be in the future. This article analyses the vital elements and thinking that guides Chinese foreign policy, its priorities and decision making process. It is found that China's foreign policy is embedded in domestic issues. The foremost foreign policy objective is domestic political stability, which in turn is a necessity for the survival of one-party rule. Both are dependent on a combination of two key factors: continuing domestic economic growth and nationalism. The foreign policy is also closely linked to the Chinese self-perception, both its self-superiority/self-inferiority dualism and its multitude of confusing (overlapping) identities about what China is and should be. A key turning year is 2008 when the "global" financial crisis severely affected the United States and Europe at a time of Chinese economic success, which gave China confidence to pursue a more active and aggressive/assertive stance on the international stage. It is concluded that China under Xi Jinping will not be a status que power accepting the world as it is, but nor are we to expect China to become a revisionist power aiming to remodel the global order. China is what can best be described as a responsible reformer "striving for achievements".
{"title":"Chinese Foreign Policy in a Global Perspective : A Responsible Reformer “Striving For Achievement”","authors":"Mikael Weissmann","doi":"10.5278/OJS.JCIR.V3I1.1150","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5278/OJS.JCIR.V3I1.1150","url":null,"abstract":"During the last four decades, China has moved from being an isolated country separated from the international community to having become one of the world’s major powers. It is vital to understand what is guiding Chinese foreign policy, why this is so, and not least what kind of power China is and will be in the future. This article analyses the vital elements and thinking that guides Chinese foreign policy, its priorities and decision making process. It is found that China's foreign policy is embedded in domestic issues. The foremost foreign policy objective is domestic political stability, which in turn is a necessity for the survival of one-party rule. Both are dependent on a combination of two key factors: continuing domestic economic growth and nationalism. The foreign policy is also closely linked to the Chinese self-perception, both its self-superiority/self-inferiority dualism and its multitude of confusing (overlapping) identities about what China is and should be. A key turning year is 2008 when the \"global\" financial crisis severely affected the United States and Europe at a time of Chinese economic success, which gave China confidence to pursue a more active and aggressive/assertive stance on the international stage. It is concluded that China under Xi Jinping will not be a status que power accepting the world as it is, but nor are we to expect China to become a revisionist power aiming to remodel the global order. China is what can best be described as a responsible reformer \"striving for achievements\".","PeriodicalId":37130,"journal":{"name":"Journal of China and International Relations","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2015-05-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"70988850","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2015-05-29DOI: 10.5278/OJS.JCIR.V3I1.1151
Xia Liping
Nuclear weapons have played an important role in China's national strategy. China’s nuclear doctrine has a very strong continuity. Nevertheless, China has made readjustments in its nuclear doctrine according to the changes of its internal and external situation and its general strategic threat perception. China’s nuclear doctrine has experienced a process of evolution from anti-nuclear blackmail to minimum deterrence. There are five major parts in China's nuclear doctrine: policy of declaration, nuclear development, nuclear deployment, nuclear employment, and nuclear disarmament. Because China is faced with a different situation from other nuclear powers and has its own strategic culture, China has a nuclear doctrine with its own characteristics. China’s nuclear doctrine has been affiliated with and has served the national development strategy, national security strategy, national defense policy and military strategy of China.
{"title":"On China's Nuclear Doctrine","authors":"Xia Liping","doi":"10.5278/OJS.JCIR.V3I1.1151","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5278/OJS.JCIR.V3I1.1151","url":null,"abstract":"Nuclear weapons have played an important role in China's national strategy. China’s nuclear doctrine has a very strong continuity. Nevertheless, China has made readjustments in its nuclear doctrine according to the changes of its internal and external situation and its general strategic threat perception. China’s nuclear doctrine has experienced a process of evolution from anti-nuclear blackmail to minimum deterrence. There are five major parts in China's nuclear doctrine: policy of declaration, nuclear development, nuclear deployment, nuclear employment, and nuclear disarmament. Because China is faced with a different situation from other nuclear powers and has its own strategic culture, China has a nuclear doctrine with its own characteristics. China’s nuclear doctrine has been affiliated with and has served the national development strategy, national security strategy, national defense policy and military strategy of China.","PeriodicalId":37130,"journal":{"name":"Journal of China and International Relations","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2015-05-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"70988492","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2015-05-29DOI: 10.5278/OJS.JCIR.V3I1.1149
Santa Stopniece
The importance of co-operation with China has been growing in Finland and the rest of Europe in view of the rising global economic and political status of China and the interest in attracting Chinese investments. In Finland, government agencies have been established for this purpose, and regional and local governments are also actively involved. Delegation visits between China and Finland have been intensively on-going for some years, but matching interests and finding common ground for co-operation, trade and investment often still proves to be a challenging task. Based on interviews with Finnish representatives and on observing delegation visits, this paper explores the difficulties that Finns report to be having in moving past a general level of interest by the Chinese in Finland and presents suggested solutions. Speech codes theory by Philipsen (1997) and the notion of common ground by Stalnaker (1999) form the theoretical basis of this paper. The results illustrate how a lack of serious interest, vague or restrictive government regulations, the long time to build relationships, and the involvement of intermediaries are seen by interviewees as factors contributing to talks often remaining at a general level. Suggested strategies to create more possibilities for finding common ground and for making co-operation talks more specific include presenting areas of expertise in Finland and matching those with Chinese needs, utilizing the pragmatism that is seen to be characteristic of both cultures, and investing in building necessary connections and relationships.
{"title":"China-Finland Co-operation, Trade, and Investment: In Search of Common Ground","authors":"Santa Stopniece","doi":"10.5278/OJS.JCIR.V3I1.1149","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5278/OJS.JCIR.V3I1.1149","url":null,"abstract":"The importance of co-operation with China has been growing in Finland and the rest of Europe in view of the rising global economic and political status of China and the interest in attracting Chinese investments. In Finland, government agencies have been established for this purpose, and regional and local governments are also actively involved. Delegation visits between China and Finland have been intensively on-going for some years, but matching interests and finding common ground for co-operation, trade and investment often still proves to be a challenging task. Based on interviews with Finnish representatives and on observing delegation visits, this paper explores the difficulties that Finns report to be having in moving past a general level of interest by the Chinese in Finland and presents suggested solutions. Speech codes theory by Philipsen (1997) and the notion of common ground by Stalnaker (1999) form the theoretical basis of this paper. The results illustrate how a lack of serious interest, vague or restrictive government regulations, the long time to build relationships, and the involvement of intermediaries are seen by interviewees as factors contributing to talks often remaining at a general level. Suggested strategies to create more possibilities for finding common ground and for making co-operation talks more specific include presenting areas of expertise in Finland and matching those with Chinese needs, utilizing the pragmatism that is seen to be characteristic of both cultures, and investing in building necessary connections and relationships.","PeriodicalId":37130,"journal":{"name":"Journal of China and International Relations","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2015-05-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"70988716","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2014-11-04DOI: 10.5278/OJS.JCIR.V2I2.941
Li Xing
p. ix Introduction: The View from the Mountain p. 3 The Setting, the Cherokees, and the First Era of Ducktown Mining, 1843-1878 p. 14 The Revival of Ducktown Mining and the First Smoke Suits, 1890-1903 p. 36 The Farmers and the Copper Companies Wage Battle in the Tennessee Courts p. 58 Georgia Enters the Fray p. 81 The Ducktown Desert and Georgia's First Smoke Suit p. 105 Will Shippen, Forestry, and Georgia's Second Smoke Suit, 1905-1907 p. 141 Attorney General Hart, the National Farmers Union, and the Search for a Remedy, 1907-1910 p. 170
{"title":"目 录 / Table of Contents","authors":"Li Xing","doi":"10.5278/OJS.JCIR.V2I2.941","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5278/OJS.JCIR.V2I2.941","url":null,"abstract":"p. ix Introduction: The View from the Mountain p. 3 The Setting, the Cherokees, and the First Era of Ducktown Mining, 1843-1878 p. 14 The Revival of Ducktown Mining and the First Smoke Suits, 1890-1903 p. 36 The Farmers and the Copper Companies Wage Battle in the Tennessee Courts p. 58 Georgia Enters the Fray p. 81 The Ducktown Desert and Georgia's First Smoke Suit p. 105 Will Shippen, Forestry, and Georgia's Second Smoke Suit, 1905-1907 p. 141 Attorney General Hart, the National Farmers Union, and the Search for a Remedy, 1907-1910 p. 170","PeriodicalId":37130,"journal":{"name":"Journal of China and International Relations","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2014-11-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"70988246","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2014-11-04DOI: 10.5278/OJS.JCIR.V2I2.947
X. Gu, Wei Jin
顾心阳 金威 【摘要】 乌克兰危机短期内对中国拓展在海外的利益是不利的。中国在乌克兰拥有广泛的利益，但这些利益正在或即将因乌克兰危机受到影响。对于中国在乌克兰的利益，本次危机主要带来了负面影响。而对于中国在其他国家的利益，本次危机不光带来了消极影响，也有着积极影响。乌克兰危机仍在进行中，短期内似乎无法解决，如何衡量利弊得失，需要时间来证明。而中国如何利用这次危机达到获益最大、损失最小，实现利益的最大化，需要决策者的智慧。此次乌克兰危机对中国在海外谋求自身利益的影响也促使我们思考今后应该如何应对类似事件、保护在海外的利益。政党轮替、党派冲突是造成乌克兰等国动荡的主要因素，这提醒我们今后在这些国家拓展利益需要谨慎，如果一定要在这些国家拓展利益，不但需要与现任执政者搞好关系，同时也需要与反对派搞好关系。 The Ukrainian crisis is harmful to China’s overseas interests from a short term perspective. A wide range of Chinese interests in Ukraine are facing challenges due to the Ukrainian crisis. The impact of the Ukrainian crisis on China’s interests in Ukraine is mainly negative whereas the impact on China’s interests in other foreign countries is both negative and positive. The Ukrainian crisis is still in progress, and it does not seem to be reaching a resolution in the near future. Only time will tell what the ultimate impact will be. How China utilizes the crisis to maximize its gains and minimize its losses will test the wisdom of decision makers. The Ukrainian crisis’s impact on China’s overseas interests prompts us to consider how to deal with similar events and protect overseas interests. Rotation of ruling parties and the partisan conflicts are the major factors of turmoil occurring in Ukraine and other countries which reminds us that an expansion of interests in these countries needs to be prudent in the future. If China has to do so, it is necessary to build good relationships both with the ruling party and the opposition.
顾心阳 金威 【摘要】 乌克兰危机短期内对中国拓展在海外的利益是不利的。中国在乌克兰拥有广泛的利益，但这些利益正在或即将因乌克兰危机受到影响。对于中国在乌克兰的利益，本次危机主要带来了负面影响。而对于中国在其他国家的利益，本次危机不光带来了消极影响，也有着积极影响。乌克兰危机仍在进行中，短期内似乎无法解决，如何衡量利弊得失，需要时间来证明。而中国如何利用这次危机达到获益最大、损失最小，实现利益的最大化，需要决策者的智慧。此次乌克兰危机对中国在海外谋求自身利益的影响也促使我们思考今后应该如何应对类似事件、保护在海外的利益。政党轮替、党派冲突是造成乌克兰等国动荡的主要因素，这提醒我们今后在这些国家拓展利益需要谨慎，如果一定要在这些国家拓展利益，不但需要与现任执政者搞好关系，同时也需要与反对派搞好关系。 The Ukrainian crisis is harmful to China’s overseas interests from a short term perspective. A wide range of Chinese interests in Ukraine are facing challenges due to the Ukrainian crisis. The impact of the Ukrainian crisis on China’s interests in Ukraine is mainly negative whereas the impact on China’s interests in other foreign countries is both negative and positive. The Ukrainian crisis is still in progress, and it does not seem to be reaching a resolution in the near future. Only time will tell what the ultimate impact will be. How China utilizes the crisis to maximize its gains and minimize its losses will test the wisdom of decision makers. The Ukrainian crisis’s impact on China’s overseas interests prompts us to consider how to deal with similar events and protect overseas interests. Rotation of ruling parties and the partisan conflicts are the major factors of turmoil occurring in Ukraine and other countries which reminds us that an expansion of interests in these countries needs to be prudent in the future. If China has to do so, it is necessary to build good relationships both with the ruling party and the opposition.
{"title":"乌克兰危机与中国海外利益 / The Ukrainian Crisis and China’s Overseas Interests","authors":"X. Gu, Wei Jin","doi":"10.5278/OJS.JCIR.V2I2.947","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5278/OJS.JCIR.V2I2.947","url":null,"abstract":"顾心阳 金威 【摘要】 乌克兰危机短期内对中国拓展在海外的利益是不利的。中国在乌克兰拥有广泛的利益，但这些利益正在或即将因乌克兰危机受到影响。对于中国在乌克兰的利益，本次危机主要带来了负面影响。而对于中国在其他国家的利益，本次危机不光带来了消极影响，也有着积极影响。乌克兰危机仍在进行中，短期内似乎无法解决，如何衡量利弊得失，需要时间来证明。而中国如何利用这次危机达到获益最大、损失最小，实现利益的最大化，需要决策者的智慧。此次乌克兰危机对中国在海外谋求自身利益的影响也促使我们思考今后应该如何应对类似事件、保护在海外的利益。政党轮替、党派冲突是造成乌克兰等国动荡的主要因素，这提醒我们今后在这些国家拓展利益需要谨慎，如果一定要在这些国家拓展利益，不但需要与现任执政者搞好关系，同时也需要与反对派搞好关系。 The Ukrainian crisis is harmful to China’s overseas interests from a short term perspective. A wide range of Chinese interests in Ukraine are facing challenges due to the Ukrainian crisis. The impact of the Ukrainian crisis on China’s interests in Ukraine is mainly negative whereas the impact on China’s interests in other foreign countries is both negative and positive. The Ukrainian crisis is still in progress, and it does not seem to be reaching a resolution in the near future. Only time will tell what the ultimate impact will be. How China utilizes the crisis to maximize its gains and minimize its losses will test the wisdom of decision makers. The Ukrainian crisis’s impact on China’s overseas interests prompts us to consider how to deal with similar events and protect overseas interests. Rotation of ruling parties and the partisan conflicts are the major factors of turmoil occurring in Ukraine and other countries which reminds us that an expansion of interests in these countries needs to be prudent in the future. If China has to do so, it is necessary to build good relationships both with the ruling party and the opposition.","PeriodicalId":37130,"journal":{"name":"Journal of China and International Relations","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2014-11-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"70988427","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2014-11-04DOI: 10.5278/ojs.jcir.v2i2.950
Yunpeng Wu, Xiaoxu Meng
吴云鹏 孟晓旭 【摘要】海外利益是一国国家利益的重要组成部分。对于中国而言海外能源利益尤为重要。中国作为当今国际社会发展势头最为迅猛的国家之一，其所需能源量远超国内的供应量，这使海外能源利益的维护成为了中国发展的重要保障。然而，当前中国作为国际能源体系的后来者，其海外能源利益的维护面临来自各方面的竞争、压力与挑战.因此，如何保障海外能源利益，保证自身安全与发展，是当下中国亟待解决的问题。 The world’s economic integration makes overseas interests an important part of a country's national interests. For China, the overseas energy interests are particularly important. As China is one of the fastest growing countries in the world, the energy quantity China demands is far greater than the one it supplies which makes the protection of its overseas energy interests a vital guarantee for China’s development. However, as the latecomer to the international energy system, China has to face varieties of competition, pressure and challenges to its overseas energy interests. Therefore, finding a way to defend overseas energy interests to ensure China’s development is a problem needing to be solved urgently.
吴云鹏 孟晓旭 【摘要】海外利益是一国国家利益的重要组成部分。对于中国而言海外能源利益尤为重要。中国作为当今国际社会发展势头最为迅猛的国家之一，其所需能源量远超国内的供应量，这使海外能源利益的维护成为了中国发展的重要保障。然而，当前中国作为国际能源体系的后来者，其海外能源利益的维护面临来自各方面的竞争、压力与挑战.因此，如何保障海外能源利益，保证自身安全与发展，是当下中国亟待解决的问题。 The world’s economic integration makes overseas interests an important part of a country's national interests. For China, the overseas energy interests are particularly important. As China is one of the fastest growing countries in the world, the energy quantity China demands is far greater than the one it supplies which makes the protection of its overseas energy interests a vital guarantee for China’s development. However, as the latecomer to the international energy system, China has to face varieties of competition, pressure and challenges to its overseas energy interests. Therefore, finding a way to defend overseas energy interests to ensure China’s development is a problem needing to be solved urgently.
{"title":"中国海外能源利益保护困境及其解决路径 / Difficulties and Solutions to Protecting Chinese Overseas Energy Interests","authors":"Yunpeng Wu, Xiaoxu Meng","doi":"10.5278/ojs.jcir.v2i2.950","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5278/ojs.jcir.v2i2.950","url":null,"abstract":"吴云鹏 孟晓旭 【摘要】海外利益是一国国家利益的重要组成部分。对于中国而言海外能源利益尤为重要。中国作为当今国际社会发展势头最为迅猛的国家之一，其所需能源量远超国内的供应量，这使海外能源利益的维护成为了中国发展的重要保障。然而，当前中国作为国际能源体系的后来者，其海外能源利益的维护面临来自各方面的竞争、压力与挑战.因此，如何保障海外能源利益，保证自身安全与发展，是当下中国亟待解决的问题。 The world’s economic integration makes overseas interests an important part of a country's national interests. For China, the overseas energy interests are particularly important. As China is one of the fastest growing countries in the world, the energy quantity China demands is far greater than the one it supplies which makes the protection of its overseas energy interests a vital guarantee for China’s development. However, as the latecomer to the international energy system, China has to face varieties of competition, pressure and challenges to its overseas energy interests. Therefore, finding a way to defend overseas energy interests to ensure China’s development is a problem needing to be solved urgently.","PeriodicalId":37130,"journal":{"name":"Journal of China and International Relations","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2014-11-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"70988767","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2014-11-04DOI: 10.5278/OJS.JCIR.V2I2.949
Xiao-Min Fang
【摘要】作为一个正在不断崛起的大国，中国必须要加强其海军建设，特别是打造一支具备远洋能力的强大海军，以保护中国正在不断扩大和深化的国家利益。中国具有丰富的海权资源，不断增强的国家综合实力，并且陆地安全趋向稳定，因此具备建设远洋海军的优势条件。中国海军必须要从近海性海军逐步转变为具有强大力量投送能力的远洋海军，实现向远洋攻防战略的转型。 As a rising power, China must strengthen its naval construction, especially by building a navy capable of long ocean voyages to protect the expanding and deepening national interests. China will gain advantages from constructing such a navy. China’s navy must gradually shift from an offshore navy to an ocean-going navy with strong projection capabilities to realize the transition to ocean offensive and defensive strategies.
【摘要】作为一个正在不断崛起的大国，中国必须要加强其海军建设，特别是打造一支具备远洋能力的强大海军，以保护中国正在不断扩大和深化的国家利益。中国具有丰富的海权资源，不断增强的国家综合实力，并且陆地安全趋向稳定，因此具备建设远洋海军的优势条件。中国海军必须要从近海性海军逐步转变为具有强大力量投送能力的远洋海军，实现向远洋攻防战略的转型。 As a rising power, China must strengthen its naval construction, especially by building a navy capable of long ocean voyages to protect the expanding and deepening national interests. China will gain advantages from constructing such a navy. China’s navy must gradually shift from an offshore navy to an ocean-going navy with strong projection capabilities to realize the transition to ocean offensive and defensive strategies.
{"title":"加强中国远洋海军建设的必要性与可行性探析 / An Analysis of the Necessity and Feasibility of Strengthening the Construction of an Ocean-Going Navy","authors":"Xiao-Min Fang","doi":"10.5278/OJS.JCIR.V2I2.949","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5278/OJS.JCIR.V2I2.949","url":null,"abstract":"【摘要】作为一个正在不断崛起的大国，中国必须要加强其海军建设，特别是打造一支具备远洋能力的强大海军，以保护中国正在不断扩大和深化的国家利益。中国具有丰富的海权资源，不断增强的国家综合实力，并且陆地安全趋向稳定，因此具备建设远洋海军的优势条件。中国海军必须要从近海性海军逐步转变为具有强大力量投送能力的远洋海军，实现向远洋攻防战略的转型。 As a rising power, China must strengthen its naval construction, especially by building a navy capable of long ocean voyages to protect the expanding and deepening national interests. China will gain advantages from constructing such a navy. China’s navy must gradually shift from an offshore navy to an ocean-going navy with strong projection capabilities to realize the transition to ocean offensive and defensive strategies.","PeriodicalId":37130,"journal":{"name":"Journal of China and International Relations","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2014-11-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"70988310","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2014-11-04DOI: 10.5278/OJS.JCIR.V2I2.951
Zhijie Cheng, Wanhe Wang
成志杰 王 宛 【 内容提要 】中俄合作是将来一定时期内国际格局变革与发展的决定性力量。但是，中俄关系存在典型的“二律背反”情结：既借重又怀疑,既合作又防范。处理两国关系，除了原有的双边机制外，中俄还可以通过网状伙伴外交机制进行多边机制下的合作。网状伙伴外交机制主要是指中俄在各个相关多边机制内的互动合作，是双方彼此需要、彼此借重，有效处理双边关系，共同应对国际事务的灵活机制。它具有自身的逻辑。加强和深化中俄合作并不意味着中俄要结盟。网状伙伴外交机制的提出更多是中俄合作的新路径，对于缓解中俄关系中竞争与博弈困境、促进相关国际机制发展等具有重要的意义。金砖国家应该建立金砖国家治理型机制。它需要一个主导性力量中心进行推动。网状伙伴外交机制有利于塑造金砖国家机制的主导性力量中心——中俄联合主导，它是金砖国家治理型机制的内涵之一。中俄联合主导将会在金砖国家机制发展中发挥引领作用。 Sino-Russian cooperation will become an important force in reforming and developing the international system in the near future. However, Sino-Russian relations are complicated since the two countries maintain a guarded attitude towards each other even while cooperating extensively. In addition to furthering bilateral relations, China and Russia can also choose to cooperate through multilateral network mechanisms. This provides opportunities for flexible and strategic cooperation and coordination between the two countries. Strengthening and deepening the Sino-Russian cooperation does not imply forming an actual alliance. The network partnership diplomatic mechanism could play an important role in alleviating competition and mistrust between China and Russia, promoting the development of relevant international mechanisms, and providing a new path for Sino-Russian cooperation. The BRICS countries should establish a BRICS governance mechanism which has to be promoted by a leading force. The network partnership diplomatic mechanism could play a leading role in shaping this type of governance mechanism with Sino-Russian cooperation at its core.
成志杰 王 宛 【 内容提要 】中俄合作是将来一定时期内国际格局变革与发展的决定性力量。但是，中俄关系存在典型的“二律背反”情结：既借重又怀疑,既合作又防范。处理两国关系，除了原有的双边机制外，中俄还可以通过网状伙伴外交机制进行多边机制下的合作。网状伙伴外交机制主要是指中俄在各个相关多边机制内的互动合作，是双方彼此需要、彼此借重，有效处理双边关系，共同应对国际事务的灵活机制。它具有自身的逻辑。加强和深化中俄合作并不意味着中俄要结盟。网状伙伴外交机制的提出更多是中俄合作的新路径，对于缓解中俄关系中竞争与博弈困境、促进相关国际机制发展等具有重要的意义。金砖国家应该建立金砖国家治理型机制。它需要一个主导性力量中心进行推动。网状伙伴外交机制有利于塑造金砖国家机制的主导性力量中心——中俄联合主导，它是金砖国家治理型机制的内涵之一。中俄联合主导将会在金砖国家机制发展中发挥引领作用。 Sino-Russian cooperation will become an important force in reforming and developing the international system in the near future. However, Sino-Russian relations are complicated since the two countries maintain a guarded attitude towards each other even while cooperating extensively. In addition to furthering bilateral relations, China and Russia can also choose to cooperate through multilateral network mechanisms. This provides opportunities for flexible and strategic cooperation and coordination between the two countries. Strengthening and deepening the Sino-Russian cooperation does not imply forming an actual alliance. The network partnership diplomatic mechanism could play an important role in alleviating competition and mistrust between China and Russia, promoting the development of relevant international mechanisms, and providing a new path for Sino-Russian cooperation. The BRICS countries should establish a BRICS governance mechanism which has to be promoted by a leading force. The network partnership diplomatic mechanism could play a leading role in shaping this type of governance mechanism with Sino-Russian cooperation at its core.
{"title":"网状伙伴外交机制：中俄合作的新路径 —兼论金砖国家治理型机制中的中俄联合主导 / Network Partnership Diplomatic Mechanism: The New Path in Sino-Russian Cooperation - On the Sino-Russian Joint Dominance of BRICS Governance Mechanism","authors":"Zhijie Cheng, Wanhe Wang","doi":"10.5278/OJS.JCIR.V2I2.951","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5278/OJS.JCIR.V2I2.951","url":null,"abstract":"成志杰 王 宛 【 内容提要 】中俄合作是将来一定时期内国际格局变革与发展的决定性力量。但是，中俄关系存在典型的“二律背反”情结：既借重又怀疑,既合作又防范。处理两国关系，除了原有的双边机制外，中俄还可以通过网状伙伴外交机制进行多边机制下的合作。网状伙伴外交机制主要是指中俄在各个相关多边机制内的互动合作，是双方彼此需要、彼此借重，有效处理双边关系，共同应对国际事务的灵活机制。它具有自身的逻辑。加强和深化中俄合作并不意味着中俄要结盟。网状伙伴外交机制的提出更多是中俄合作的新路径，对于缓解中俄关系中竞争与博弈困境、促进相关国际机制发展等具有重要的意义。金砖国家应该建立金砖国家治理型机制。它需要一个主导性力量中心进行推动。网状伙伴外交机制有利于塑造金砖国家机制的主导性力量中心——中俄联合主导，它是金砖国家治理型机制的内涵之一。中俄联合主导将会在金砖国家机制发展中发挥引领作用。 Sino-Russian cooperation will become an important force in reforming and developing the international system in the near future. However, Sino-Russian relations are complicated since the two countries maintain a guarded attitude towards each other even while cooperating extensively. In addition to furthering bilateral relations, China and Russia can also choose to cooperate through multilateral network mechanisms. This provides opportunities for flexible and strategic cooperation and coordination between the two countries. Strengthening and deepening the Sino-Russian cooperation does not imply forming an actual alliance. The network partnership diplomatic mechanism could play an important role in alleviating competition and mistrust between China and Russia, promoting the development of relevant international mechanisms, and providing a new path for Sino-Russian cooperation. The BRICS countries should establish a BRICS governance mechanism which has to be promoted by a leading force. The network partnership diplomatic mechanism could play a leading role in shaping this type of governance mechanism with Sino-Russian cooperation at its core.","PeriodicalId":37130,"journal":{"name":"Journal of China and International Relations","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2014-11-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"70988830","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2014-11-04DOI: 10.5278/ojs.jcir.v2i2.946
Shi Li
李诗隽 【摘要】 全球气候变暖导致北极冰川融化，这使得北极的价值突显。近年来，沿岸各国乃至圈外国围绕北极海洋主权、海域边界、资源开采、航道控制等海洋权益的地缘政治竞争愈演愈烈，而北极争端的症结则集中体现在能源、航道和地缘政治这三个问题上。面对美国、俄罗斯和加拿大各有侧重的北极战略，中国应以能源安全为战略基点，积极开展与北欧国家的多边合作，以经济合作为主，扩大北极非军事区域范围，从而能够在错综复杂地北极争端中最大限度地谋求国家利益。 Global climate warming results in Arctic sea ice melting which increases the value of the Arctic. In recent years, the competition among Arctic coastal nations and nations outside the Arctic has become increasingly fierce for sovereignty over the Arctic Ocean, sea borders, resource extraction, channel control, and other marine interests. The crux of the Arctic dispute focuses on energy, control of the waterways, and geopolitics. To face up to the United States, Russia and Canada’s Arctic strategies, China should focus on energy security strategy. China should actively carry out multilateral cooperation with the Nordic countries, mainly on economic cooperation, and expand the scope of the demilitarized zone, thus becoming able to maximize the interests of the Chinese state.
李诗隽 【摘要】 全球气候变暖导致北极冰川融化，这使得北极的价值突显。近年来，沿岸各国乃至圈外国围绕北极海洋主权、海域边界、资源开采、航道控制等海洋权益的地缘政治竞争愈演愈烈，而北极争端的症结则集中体现在能源、航道和地缘政治这三个问题上。面对美国、俄罗斯和加拿大各有侧重的北极战略，中国应以能源安全为战略基点，积极开展与北欧国家的多边合作，以经济合作为主，扩大北极非军事区域范围，从而能够在错综复杂地北极争端中最大限度地谋求国家利益。 Global climate warming results in Arctic sea ice melting which increases the value of the Arctic. In recent years, the competition among Arctic coastal nations and nations outside the Arctic has become increasingly fierce for sovereignty over the Arctic Ocean, sea borders, resource extraction, channel control, and other marine interests. The crux of the Arctic dispute focuses on energy, control of the waterways, and geopolitics. To face up to the United States, Russia and Canada’s Arctic strategies, China should focus on energy security strategy. China should actively carry out multilateral cooperation with the Nordic countries, mainly on economic cooperation, and expand the scope of the demilitarized zone, thus becoming able to maximize the interests of the Chinese state.
{"title":"北极争端的症结及中国的北极战略定位 / The Sticking Point of the Arctic Dispute and China's Strategic Positioning","authors":"Shi Li","doi":"10.5278/ojs.jcir.v2i2.946","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5278/ojs.jcir.v2i2.946","url":null,"abstract":"李诗隽 【摘要】 全球气候变暖导致北极冰川融化，这使得北极的价值突显。近年来，沿岸各国乃至圈外国围绕北极海洋主权、海域边界、资源开采、航道控制等海洋权益的地缘政治竞争愈演愈烈，而北极争端的症结则集中体现在能源、航道和地缘政治这三个问题上。面对美国、俄罗斯和加拿大各有侧重的北极战略，中国应以能源安全为战略基点，积极开展与北欧国家的多边合作，以经济合作为主，扩大北极非军事区域范围，从而能够在错综复杂地北极争端中最大限度地谋求国家利益。 Global climate warming results in Arctic sea ice melting which increases the value of the Arctic. In recent years, the competition among Arctic coastal nations and nations outside the Arctic has become increasingly fierce for sovereignty over the Arctic Ocean, sea borders, resource extraction, channel control, and other marine interests. The crux of the Arctic dispute focuses on energy, control of the waterways, and geopolitics. To face up to the United States, Russia and Canada’s Arctic strategies, China should focus on energy security strategy. China should actively carry out multilateral cooperation with the Nordic countries, mainly on economic cooperation, and expand the scope of the demilitarized zone, thus becoming able to maximize the interests of the Chinese state.","PeriodicalId":37130,"journal":{"name":"Journal of China and International Relations","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2014-11-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"70988252","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2014-11-04DOI: 10.5278/OJS.JCIR.V2I2.942
Li Xing
{"title":"Call for Papers and Guidelines for Contributors","authors":"Li Xing","doi":"10.5278/OJS.JCIR.V2I2.942","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5278/OJS.JCIR.V2I2.942","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":37130,"journal":{"name":"Journal of China and International Relations","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2014-11-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"70988250","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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