Pub Date : 2015-11-30DOI: 10.5278/OJS.JCIR.V3I2.1311
Cao Wei, Xiang Yuchen
本文以2011年美国曼哈顿广场上的中国国家形象宣传片为对象，对其效果进行了实证性评估。为此，笔者给出了衡量国家形象宣传片效果的一般性标准和指标。其中，衡量标准是看其在投放后是否改善了美国民众对中国的形象认知；量化指标分别是：目标国媒体报道的数量与报道的倾向性、目标国民众的参与度与民众的态度倾向和目标国民众的行为。通过分析发现，2011年中国国家形象宣传片并没有达到预期的乐观效果。美国主流媒体报道偏少、报道颇为负面；美国民众参与度低，对国家形象宣传片和中国的好感度不高；宣传片的播放也未引发更高的来华旅游热。本文认为，今后国家形象宣传片的建设应关注两个方面：一是注重文化差异，增强话语的可读性；二是言行一致，增强话语的可信性。 This article empirically assessed the effect of China’s national publicity film launched in Times Square in Manhattan, New York. To this end, the author gave a set of general criteria and indicators to measure the effect of national publicity films. Whether the publicity film was effective depends on whether American people’s image perceptions of China were improved after it was launched. Quantitative indicators are: the number of reports in the target country and the predispositions of the reports; the target country people’s participation and their predispositions; and the real behavior of the target country people. The analysis revealed that the 2011 national publicity film did not achieve the anticipated effect. The number of U.S. mainstream media reports was less than expected and their evaluations were quite negative; the participation of American people was low and the extent of the favorability both of the publicity film and China was not high; and the launch of the publicity film did not trigger a travel boom to China. Accordingly, this article suggested that the future implementation of China’s national publicity films focuses on two aspects: first, pay attention to cultural differences and enhance the comprehensibility of the discourse; second, practice what it preaches and strengthen the credibility of the discourse.
本文以2011年美国曼哈顿广场上的中国国家形象宣传片为对象，对其效果进行了实证性评估。为此，笔者给出了衡量国家形象宣传片效果的一般性标准和指标。其中，衡量标准是看其在投放后是否改善了美国民众对中国的形象认知；量化指标分别是：目标国媒体报道的数量与报道的倾向性、目标国民众的参与度与民众的态度倾向和目标国民众的行为。通过分析发现，2011年中国国家形象宣传片并没有达到预期的乐观效果。美国主流媒体报道偏少、报道颇为负面；美国民众参与度低，对国家形象宣传片和中国的好感度不高；宣传片的播放也未引发更高的来华旅游热。本文认为，今后国家形象宣传片的建设应关注两个方面：一是注重文化差异，增强话语的可读性；二是言行一致，增强话语的可信性。 This article empirically assessed the effect of China’s national publicity film launched in Times Square in Manhattan, New York. To this end, the author gave a set of general criteria and indicators to measure the effect of national publicity films. Whether the publicity film was effective depends on whether American people’s image perceptions of China were improved after it was launched. Quantitative indicators are: the number of reports in the target country and the predispositions of the reports; the target country people’s participation and their predispositions; and the real behavior of the target country people. The analysis revealed that the 2011 national publicity film did not achieve the anticipated effect. The number of U.S. mainstream media reports was less than expected and their evaluations were quite negative; the participation of American people was low and the extent of the favorability both of the publicity film and China was not high; and the launch of the publicity film did not trigger a travel boom to China. Accordingly, this article suggested that the future implementation of China’s national publicity films focuses on two aspects: first, pay attention to cultural differences and enhance the comprehensibility of the discourse; second, practice what it preaches and strengthen the credibility of the discourse.
{"title":"从公共外交的视角看中国国家形象宣传片效果/Assessing the Effect of China's National Publicity Films from the Perspective of Public Diplomacy","authors":"Cao Wei, Xiang Yuchen","doi":"10.5278/OJS.JCIR.V3I2.1311","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5278/OJS.JCIR.V3I2.1311","url":null,"abstract":"本文以2011年美国曼哈顿广场上的中国国家形象宣传片为对象，对其效果进行了实证性评估。为此，笔者给出了衡量国家形象宣传片效果的一般性标准和指标。其中，衡量标准是看其在投放后是否改善了美国民众对中国的形象认知；量化指标分别是：目标国媒体报道的数量与报道的倾向性、目标国民众的参与度与民众的态度倾向和目标国民众的行为。通过分析发现，2011年中国国家形象宣传片并没有达到预期的乐观效果。美国主流媒体报道偏少、报道颇为负面；美国民众参与度低，对国家形象宣传片和中国的好感度不高；宣传片的播放也未引发更高的来华旅游热。本文认为，今后国家形象宣传片的建设应关注两个方面：一是注重文化差异，增强话语的可读性；二是言行一致，增强话语的可信性。 This article empirically assessed the effect of China’s national publicity film launched in Times Square in Manhattan, New York. To this end, the author gave a set of general criteria and indicators to measure the effect of national publicity films. Whether the publicity film was effective depends on whether American people’s image perceptions of China were improved after it was launched. Quantitative indicators are: the number of reports in the target country and the predispositions of the reports; the target country people’s participation and their predispositions; and the real behavior of the target country people. The analysis revealed that the 2011 national publicity film did not achieve the anticipated effect. The number of U.S. mainstream media reports was less than expected and their evaluations were quite negative; the participation of American people was low and the extent of the favorability both of the publicity film and China was not high; and the launch of the publicity film did not trigger a travel boom to China. Accordingly, this article suggested that the future implementation of China’s national publicity films focuses on two aspects: first, pay attention to cultural differences and enhance the comprehensibility of the discourse; second, practice what it preaches and strengthen the credibility of the discourse.","PeriodicalId":37130,"journal":{"name":"Journal of China and International Relations","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2015-11-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"70989315","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2015-11-30DOI: 10.5278/ojs.jcir.v3i2.1315
Li Xing
{"title":"JCIR中文版征稿启事及来稿规范/ Call for Papers and Guidelines for Contributors","authors":"Li Xing","doi":"10.5278/ojs.jcir.v3i2.1315","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5278/ojs.jcir.v3i2.1315","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":37130,"journal":{"name":"Journal of China and International Relations","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2015-11-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"70989788","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2015-11-30DOI: 10.5278/OJS.JCIR.V3I2.1302
Li Xing
{"title":"目录/Table of Content - Chinese","authors":"Li Xing","doi":"10.5278/OJS.JCIR.V3I2.1302","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5278/OJS.JCIR.V3I2.1302","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":37130,"journal":{"name":"Journal of China and International Relations","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2015-11-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"70988586","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2015-11-30DOI: 10.5278/OJS.JCIR.V3I2.1313
Cong Peiying
长期以来，霸权研究都是国际关系研究中的一个核心问题，霸权在国际体系中扮演了非常重要的角色。但在新的时代背景下，霸权研究应该超越“霸权稳定伦”和“霸权兴衰论”的束缚，更加关注其维系的真正原因。通过对于美国实例分析，霸权能够维系的两个重要条件是强大的自我调整与修复能力和让外界对其产生依赖的能力。这两种能力可以使霸权延缓衰落，但霸权始终难以摆脱最终走向衰亡的历史规律。在全球化时代，霸权和崛起大国之间可以摆脱现实主义理论的束缚，在良性竞争基础上，实现和平共处与务实合作。基于这一逻辑，中国在现行的国际政治经济体系中能够扮演好霸权制衡者和监督者的角色。 Generally, studies on hegemony are some of core subjects in international relations. Hegemony plays a very important role in the international system. In the new era, hegemony studies should go beyond the hegemonic stability theory and rise and fall of hegemony theory. Finding out the causes of hegemony’s existence seems more important. Based on an analysis of American hegemony, the two vital leverages for hegemony are capability of self-adjustment and amendment and making others dependent on it, which can postpone the fall of hegemony. But no hegemony can get rid of the natural law. On the background of economic globalization, hegemony and rising power can coexist, compete positively and cooperate by excluding the influence of traditional theories. Based on this logic, China may actively be a balancer and supervisor to the hegemony in the international system.
长期以来，霸权研究都是国际关系研究中的一个核心问题，霸权在国际体系中扮演了非常重要的角色。但在新的时代背景下，霸权研究应该超越“霸权稳定伦”和“霸权兴衰论”的束缚，更加关注其维系的真正原因。通过对于美国实例分析，霸权能够维系的两个重要条件是强大的自我调整与修复能力和让外界对其产生依赖的能力。这两种能力可以使霸权延缓衰落，但霸权始终难以摆脱最终走向衰亡的历史规律。在全球化时代，霸权和崛起大国之间可以摆脱现实主义理论的束缚，在良性竞争基础上，实现和平共处与务实合作。基于这一逻辑，中国在现行的国际政治经济体系中能够扮演好霸权制衡者和监督者的角色。 Generally, studies on hegemony are some of core subjects in international relations. Hegemony plays a very important role in the international system. In the new era, hegemony studies should go beyond the hegemonic stability theory and rise and fall of hegemony theory. Finding out the causes of hegemony’s existence seems more important. Based on an analysis of American hegemony, the two vital leverages for hegemony are capability of self-adjustment and amendment and making others dependent on it, which can postpone the fall of hegemony. But no hegemony can get rid of the natural law. On the background of economic globalization, hegemony and rising power can coexist, compete positively and cooperate by excluding the influence of traditional theories. Based on this logic, China may actively be a balancer and supervisor to the hegemony in the international system.
{"title":"霸权维系条件及对其制衡的意义——以美国为例/The Conditions and Importance of Maintaining and Containing Hegemony – The Case of the United States","authors":"Cong Peiying","doi":"10.5278/OJS.JCIR.V3I2.1313","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5278/OJS.JCIR.V3I2.1313","url":null,"abstract":"长期以来，霸权研究都是国际关系研究中的一个核心问题，霸权在国际体系中扮演了非常重要的角色。但在新的时代背景下，霸权研究应该超越“霸权稳定伦”和“霸权兴衰论”的束缚，更加关注其维系的真正原因。通过对于美国实例分析，霸权能够维系的两个重要条件是强大的自我调整与修复能力和让外界对其产生依赖的能力。这两种能力可以使霸权延缓衰落，但霸权始终难以摆脱最终走向衰亡的历史规律。在全球化时代，霸权和崛起大国之间可以摆脱现实主义理论的束缚，在良性竞争基础上，实现和平共处与务实合作。基于这一逻辑，中国在现行的国际政治经济体系中能够扮演好霸权制衡者和监督者的角色。 Generally, studies on hegemony are some of core subjects in international relations. Hegemony plays a very important role in the international system. In the new era, hegemony studies should go beyond the hegemonic stability theory and rise and fall of hegemony theory. Finding out the causes of hegemony’s existence seems more important. Based on an analysis of American hegemony, the two vital leverages for hegemony are capability of self-adjustment and amendment and making others dependent on it, which can postpone the fall of hegemony. But no hegemony can get rid of the natural law. On the background of economic globalization, hegemony and rising power can coexist, compete positively and cooperate by excluding the influence of traditional theories. Based on this logic, China may actively be a balancer and supervisor to the hegemony in the international system.","PeriodicalId":37130,"journal":{"name":"Journal of China and International Relations","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2015-11-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"70989023","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2015-11-30DOI: 10.5278/OJS.JCIR.V3I2.1305
Z. Feng, Lilian Tu
菲律宾发起的仲裁案是以小国身份采用法理主义的方式将其与中国相比的实力弱势和法理弱势转化为战略优势，将中菲之间的南海争端塑造成“权利与武力的较量”，给中国造成巨大的法理挑战和外交困境。仲裁案本身及其后续影响突出了法理主义的重要意义，为南海争端走向法理解决做了必要的推动和铺垫。对中国而言，南海争端可以走向法理解决，不仅是因为参与仲裁或者发起诉讼有助于加强和维护中国在南海的合法权益，树立中国遵守国际法、承担国际责任的大国形象，为中国的和平发展塑造良好的地区周边环境；还因为通过国际法解决相关争议有助于防止域外大国美国的过度介入，使南海争端维持在一个相对可控的状态和范围内，避免地区国家间的岛礁争端演变成大国战略冲突。 The Philippines is pushing forward the South China Sea (SCS) arbitration case against China, attempting to invoke a legalistic approach to turn its disadvantages of strength and jurisprudence to legal advantages over China. It seems that the case is a test for the question of “might versus right”, posing a serious legal challenge and diplomatic difficulty to China. Though China has reiterated its position of neither accepting nor participating in the arbitration, the case itself and its follow-up consequences still highlighted the importance of legalism, and paved the way for a judicious settlement of the South China Sea disputes. As for China, the SCS disputes can be settled judiciously, not only because it can protect and strengthen China’s legal rights and interests in the South China Sea, as well as cultivate a positive image of China as a responsible and law-abiding global power, building a stable neighboring environment for China’s peaceful development, but it also helps to prevent extra-regional countries, like the United States, from getting excessively involved. This judicious approach manages the SCS disputes from a controllable range, preventing maritime disputes among regional countries evolving into strategic rivalry between great powers.
菲律宾发起的仲裁案是以小国身份采用法理主义的方式将其与中国相比的实力弱势和法理弱势转化为战略优势，将中菲之间的南海争端塑造成“权利与武力的较量”，给中国造成巨大的法理挑战和外交困境。仲裁案本身及其后续影响突出了法理主义的重要意义，为南海争端走向法理解决做了必要的推动和铺垫。对中国而言，南海争端可以走向法理解决，不仅是因为参与仲裁或者发起诉讼有助于加强和维护中国在南海的合法权益，树立中国遵守国际法、承担国际责任的大国形象，为中国的和平发展塑造良好的地区周边环境；还因为通过国际法解决相关争议有助于防止域外大国美国的过度介入，使南海争端维持在一个相对可控的状态和范围内，避免地区国家间的岛礁争端演变成大国战略冲突。 The Philippines is pushing forward the South China Sea (SCS) arbitration case against China, attempting to invoke a legalistic approach to turn its disadvantages of strength and jurisprudence to legal advantages over China. It seems that the case is a test for the question of “might versus right”, posing a serious legal challenge and diplomatic difficulty to China. Though China has reiterated its position of neither accepting nor participating in the arbitration, the case itself and its follow-up consequences still highlighted the importance of legalism, and paved the way for a judicious settlement of the South China Sea disputes. As for China, the SCS disputes can be settled judiciously, not only because it can protect and strengthen China’s legal rights and interests in the South China Sea, as well as cultivate a positive image of China as a responsible and law-abiding global power, building a stable neighboring environment for China’s peaceful development, but it also helps to prevent extra-regional countries, like the United States, from getting excessively involved. This judicious approach manages the SCS disputes from a controllable range, preventing maritime disputes among regional countries evolving into strategic rivalry between great powers.
{"title":"Sino-Philippines Arbitration Case and Its Influence on The Resolution of South China Sea Disputes","authors":"Z. Feng, Lilian Tu","doi":"10.5278/OJS.JCIR.V3I2.1305","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5278/OJS.JCIR.V3I2.1305","url":null,"abstract":"菲律宾发起的仲裁案是以小国身份采用法理主义的方式将其与中国相比的实力弱势和法理弱势转化为战略优势，将中菲之间的南海争端塑造成“权利与武力的较量”，给中国造成巨大的法理挑战和外交困境。仲裁案本身及其后续影响突出了法理主义的重要意义，为南海争端走向法理解决做了必要的推动和铺垫。对中国而言，南海争端可以走向法理解决，不仅是因为参与仲裁或者发起诉讼有助于加强和维护中国在南海的合法权益，树立中国遵守国际法、承担国际责任的大国形象，为中国的和平发展塑造良好的地区周边环境；还因为通过国际法解决相关争议有助于防止域外大国美国的过度介入，使南海争端维持在一个相对可控的状态和范围内，避免地区国家间的岛礁争端演变成大国战略冲突。 The Philippines is pushing forward the South China Sea (SCS) arbitration case against China, attempting to invoke a legalistic approach to turn its disadvantages of strength and jurisprudence to legal advantages over China. It seems that the case is a test for the question of “might versus right”, posing a serious legal challenge and diplomatic difficulty to China. Though China has reiterated its position of neither accepting nor participating in the arbitration, the case itself and its follow-up consequences still highlighted the importance of legalism, and paved the way for a judicious settlement of the South China Sea disputes. As for China, the SCS disputes can be settled judiciously, not only because it can protect and strengthen China’s legal rights and interests in the South China Sea, as well as cultivate a positive image of China as a responsible and law-abiding global power, building a stable neighboring environment for China’s peaceful development, but it also helps to prevent extra-regional countries, like the United States, from getting excessively involved. This judicious approach manages the SCS disputes from a controllable range, preventing maritime disputes among regional countries evolving into strategic rivalry between great powers.","PeriodicalId":37130,"journal":{"name":"Journal of China and International Relations","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2015-11-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"70989143","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2015-05-29DOI: 10.5278/OJS.JCIR.V3I1.1146
Camilla T. N. Sørensen
In order to gain a better understanding of the newer and more assertive features of Chinese foreign policy in recent years, this article examines Xi Jinping's "Chinese dream" for clues of how the Chinese leadership sees China's international role evolve. In their speeches and statements on the "Chinese dream", Chinese leaders generally promote it as a continuation of China's peaceful development strategy. However, looking more carefully there are some rather innovative elements, which support analyses from Chinese International Relations scholars that point to a gradual development of new thinking and a new approach in China's foreign policy strategy under Xi that indicate big changes in the way that China engages with the international system.
在关于“中国梦”的演讲和声明中，中国领导人普遍将其作为中国和平发展战略的延续。
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Pub Date : 2015-05-29DOI: 10.5278/OJS.JCIR.V3I1.1147
Yuan Feng
China's relationship with certain institutions is a popular topic in international relation studies. In this article I will adopt a discursive institutionalist perspective to present how the transformation of China's foreign ideas influences China's relationship with the ASEAN, the most institutionalized regional arrangement in Asia. This article examines China's foreign policy ideas from Mao Zedong's time until the end of Hu Jintao's mandate, separated into different time spans with historical conjunctures. China's foreign policy ideas will be analyzed according to three different levels of generalities (philosophical level, paradigm level and policy level), and two types of ideas (cognitive and normative) as suggested by Discursive Institutionalism. The relationship between China and ASEAN will be examined under the larger framework of China's foreign policy ideas, and I attempt to contribute to a deepened understanding of China's relationship with the ASEAN.
{"title":"China and ASEAN: The Evolution of Relationship under a Discursive Institutionalist Perspective","authors":"Yuan Feng","doi":"10.5278/OJS.JCIR.V3I1.1147","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5278/OJS.JCIR.V3I1.1147","url":null,"abstract":"China's relationship with certain institutions is a popular topic in international relation studies. In this article I will adopt a discursive institutionalist perspective to present how the transformation of China's foreign ideas influences China's relationship with the ASEAN, the most institutionalized regional arrangement in Asia. This article examines China's foreign policy ideas from Mao Zedong's time until the end of Hu Jintao's mandate, separated into different time spans with historical conjunctures. China's foreign policy ideas will be analyzed according to three different levels of generalities (philosophical level, paradigm level and policy level), and two types of ideas (cognitive and normative) as suggested by Discursive Institutionalism. The relationship between China and ASEAN will be examined under the larger framework of China's foreign policy ideas, and I attempt to contribute to a deepened understanding of China's relationship with the ASEAN.","PeriodicalId":37130,"journal":{"name":"Journal of China and International Relations","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2015-05-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"70988610","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2015-05-29DOI: 10.5278/OJS.JCIR.V3I1.1144
M. Lanteigne, Su Ping
The Arctic and Far North regions of the world have grown in importance for China's international interests in recent years, and in 2013 China became an observer state in the Arctic Council. Beijing has sought to develop an Arctic policy based on scientific research and partnerships, including in the areas of environmental studies and climate change issues, as well as development and economic issues. As the Arctic gains more international attention due to the effects of ice melting and the possibility of the region becoming a new source of resources, concerns have been raised about a scramble for riches and economic advantages. China, as a rising political and economic power, has been subject to much scrutiny, especially from the West, about its emerging agenda in the Arctic region. Although China is not an Arctic state, the concerns are based on predictions that Beijing is seeking to play a stronger and perhaps even dominant role in the Arctic, and this has led to many misconceptions about China's Arctic policy. The result has been a "clash of identities" between Chinese and Western perceptions, and in order to understand why these diverging views have appeared, it is necessary to first examine the origins of "myths" about China's regional Arctic policies, and then examine their roles, using constructivist theory, before suggesting ways for both China and the international community to address this divergence.
{"title":"China's Developing Arctic Policies: Myths and Misconceptions","authors":"M. Lanteigne, Su Ping","doi":"10.5278/OJS.JCIR.V3I1.1144","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5278/OJS.JCIR.V3I1.1144","url":null,"abstract":"The Arctic and Far North regions of the world have grown in importance for China's international interests in recent years, and in 2013 China became an observer state in the Arctic Council. Beijing has sought to develop an Arctic policy based on scientific research and partnerships, including in the areas of environmental studies and climate change issues, as well as development and economic issues. As the Arctic gains more international attention due to the effects of ice melting and the possibility of the region becoming a new source of resources, concerns have been raised about a scramble for riches and economic advantages. China, as a rising political and economic power, has been subject to much scrutiny, especially from the West, about its emerging agenda in the Arctic region. Although China is not an Arctic state, the concerns are based on predictions that Beijing is seeking to play a stronger and perhaps even dominant role in the Arctic, and this has led to many misconceptions about China's Arctic policy. The result has been a \"clash of identities\" between Chinese and Western perceptions, and in order to understand why these diverging views have appeared, it is necessary to first examine the origins of \"myths\" about China's regional Arctic policies, and then examine their roles, using constructivist theory, before suggesting ways for both China and the international community to address this divergence.","PeriodicalId":37130,"journal":{"name":"Journal of China and International Relations","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2015-05-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"70988458","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2015-05-29DOI: 10.5278/OJS.JCIR.V3I1.1148
N. Renwick
China is establishing itself as a new international aid donor. This study explains China's emerging approach to international development assistance. The paper addresses the question of how far China's understanding of "development" is an appropriate basis for genuinely "win-win" relationships? The paper explores this question by examining China's relationship with Southeast Asia. China is re-emphasising its commitment and partnership credentials with neighbouring states, some of whom have many people living in poverty and as countries are in need of development assistance. The paper identifies key facets of China's approach to international development, examines economic, political and strategic factors underpinning China's approach in Southeast Asia. Adopting a Human Security perspective, it assesses China's development contribution with reference to Cambodia, Laos and Myanmar and highlights popular opposition. The study finds that Chinese trade and investment are making a significant contribution to the region's economic growth. However, the analysis identifies two problems in China's approach, an over-reliance on the level of state-to-state relations and too narrow a domain of engagement centred upon economic cooperation. China needs to incorporate a societal engagement strategy highlighting transparency and accountability of Chinese corporate behaviour. It also needs to re-balance its approach by emphasising human capital capability and capacity-building across the non-economic social and cultural domains. China's approach to international development is a rapid learning process and is emerging, but still has further to go.
{"title":"China's Approach to International Development: A Study of Southeast Asia","authors":"N. Renwick","doi":"10.5278/OJS.JCIR.V3I1.1148","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5278/OJS.JCIR.V3I1.1148","url":null,"abstract":"China is establishing itself as a new international aid donor. This study explains China's emerging approach to international development assistance. The paper addresses the question of how far China's understanding of \"development\" is an appropriate basis for genuinely \"win-win\" relationships? The paper explores this question by examining China's relationship with Southeast Asia. China is re-emphasising its commitment and partnership credentials with neighbouring states, some of whom have many people living in poverty and as countries are in need of development assistance. The paper identifies key facets of China's approach to international development, examines economic, political and strategic factors underpinning China's approach in Southeast Asia. Adopting a Human Security perspective, it assesses China's development contribution with reference to Cambodia, Laos and Myanmar and highlights popular opposition. The study finds that Chinese trade and investment are making a significant contribution to the region's economic growth. However, the analysis identifies two problems in China's approach, an over-reliance on the level of state-to-state relations and too narrow a domain of engagement centred upon economic cooperation. China needs to incorporate a societal engagement strategy highlighting transparency and accountability of Chinese corporate behaviour. It also needs to re-balance its approach by emphasising human capital capability and capacity-building across the non-economic social and cultural domains. China's approach to international development is a rapid learning process and is emerging, but still has further to go.","PeriodicalId":37130,"journal":{"name":"Journal of China and International Relations","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2015-05-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"70988658","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2015-05-29DOI: 10.5278/OJS.JCIR.V3I1.1145
G. Johnson, Zhimin Lin
In this study we explore Chinese views of their country's rapidly growing ties with Latin America. We adopt a dual approach in this project. First, we examine the Chinese expert’s views of Latin America. Our analysis indicates that China’s overwhelming focus is on the country’s economic relationships with Latin America, while seeking to avoid overt political entanglements. Trade and investment opportunities appear to dominate published accounts of this relationship. Second, we conducted an original survey of educated youth in a relatively large city in Eastern China. In general, we find educated youth also place great emphasis on economic relations, though as expected experts are far more engaged in Sino-Latin American relations. Educated youth positively evaluate relations, but express greater caution and skepticism. Both experts and educated youth value large and/or growing trading partners far more than small/stagnant relationships or trading rivals.
{"title":"Sino-Latin American Relations: A Comparison of Expert and Educated Youth Views of Latin America","authors":"G. Johnson, Zhimin Lin","doi":"10.5278/OJS.JCIR.V3I1.1145","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5278/OJS.JCIR.V3I1.1145","url":null,"abstract":"In this study we explore Chinese views of their country's rapidly growing ties with Latin America. We adopt a dual approach in this project. First, we examine the Chinese expert’s views of Latin America. Our analysis indicates that China’s overwhelming focus is on the country’s economic relationships with Latin America, while seeking to avoid overt political entanglements. Trade and investment opportunities appear to dominate published accounts of this relationship. Second, we conducted an original survey of educated youth in a relatively large city in Eastern China. In general, we find educated youth also place great emphasis on economic relations, though as expected experts are far more engaged in Sino-Latin American relations. Educated youth positively evaluate relations, but express greater caution and skepticism. Both experts and educated youth value large and/or growing trading partners far more than small/stagnant relationships or trading rivals.","PeriodicalId":37130,"journal":{"name":"Journal of China and International Relations","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2015-05-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"70988500","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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