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China, Global Governance, and Hegemony:: Neo-Gramscian Perspective in the World Order 中国、全球治理与霸权:世界秩序中的新葛兰主义视角
Q4 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2018-06-15 DOI: 10.5278/OJS.JCIR.V6I1.2363
Peng Bo
This paper intends to provide an analytical framework to interpret the dynamic nexus between China and the world order from the perspective of the neo-Gramscian international relations school. It supposes that the post-war world order is mainly shaped by and reflected in the architecture of international/global governance. This supposition is largely built on the conceptual nexus between global governance, hegemony, and world order. Then, through the lens of global governance, the paper contends that the post-war historical dynamics between China and the world order can be divided into three periods: first the period of hostility and rejection (1949-1971), second the period of acceptance and integration (1971-2008), and third the period of leadership and contribution (2008 up to now). On the basis of such chronology, the paper attempts to deliver a historical and holistic interpretation of China’s changing role in the post-war world order. By distinguishing the roles China played and is playing in different historical periods, and by elaborating this dynamic historical process through a holistic view, this paper concludes that China is currently serving as a proactive rule-shaper rather than a disruptive revisionist or a stubborn vindicator of the existing world order.
本文旨在从新葛兰主义国际关系学派的角度,为解读中国与世界秩序之间的动态联系提供一个分析框架。它认为战后的世界秩序主要由国际/全球治理结构所塑造并反映。这种假设在很大程度上建立在全球治理、霸权和世界秩序之间的概念联系之上。然后,通过全球治理的视角,本文认为战后中国与世界秩序的历史动态可以分为三个时期:第一个时期是敌对和拒绝时期(1949-1971),第二个时期是接受和融合时期(1971-2008),第三个时期是领导和贡献时期(2008年至今)。在此基础上,本文试图对中国在战后世界秩序中不断变化的角色进行历史性和整体性的解读。本文通过区分中国在不同历史时期所扮演和正在扮演的角色,并通过整体观来阐述这一动态的历史过程,得出结论:中国目前是一个积极的规则塑造者,而不是一个破坏性的修正主义者或现有世界秩序的顽固维护者。
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引用次数: 5
Consideration on China’s New Normal Economic Growth 关于中国经济增长新常态的思考
Q4 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2018-06-15 DOI: 10.5278/OJS.JCIR.V6I1.2364
D. Lo
Slowdown in economic growth is the defining characteristic of the ‘New Normal’ of the Chinese economy post-2008. Explanations of the slowdown have coalesced around the theses of demand deficiency and profitability decline. This paper dissects the theoretical reasoning and empirical backings of these theses, with a view to clarifying the structural-institutional conditions that underpin the economic performance. On that basis, the paper arrives at the judgement that, long term, whether or not China is able to sustain medium-speed growth or even to resume high-speed growth hinges on the rivalry between two models of economic transformation that have both been operating in the economy in recent years: namely, a production-oriented model versus a speculation-oriented model.
经济增长放缓是2008年后中国经济“新常态”的决定性特征。对经济放缓的解释集中在需求不足和盈利能力下降的论点上。本文剖析了这些论文的理论推理和实证依据,以期阐明支撑经济绩效的结构性制度条件。在此基础上,本文得出的判断是,从长远来看,中国是否能够保持中速增长,甚至恢复高速增长,取决于近年来在经济中运行的两种经济转型模式之间的竞争:即生产型模式与投机型模式。
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引用次数: 3
New Globaliser in the Hood 兜帽里的新全球化者
Q4 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2018-04-17 DOI: 10.5278/OJS.JCIR.V0I0.2263
Diego Trindade d'Ávila Magalhães
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引用次数: 0
Brazil, China and Internet Governance 巴西、中国与互联网治理
Q4 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2018-04-17 DOI: 10.5278/OJS.JCIR.V0I0.2267
Louise Marie Hurel, M. S. Rocha
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引用次数: 1
Brazil-China Energy Cooperation 巴中能源合作
Q4 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2018-04-17 DOI: 10.5278/OJS.JCIR.V0I0.2265
P. Xavier, E. Alves, A. Steiner, Fabíola Faro Eloy Dunda
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引用次数: 0
New Institutions on the Block 新的机构在街区
Q4 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2018-04-17 DOI: 10.5278/OJS.JCIR.V0I0.2264
Fernanda Martins
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引用次数: 0
A Decade of Emergence 崛起的十年
Q4 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2018-04-17 DOI: 10.5278/ojs.jcir.v0i0.2262
L. Ramos, A. García, Diego Pautasso, F. Rodrigues
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引用次数: 0
Defense Economy and National Development 国防经济与国家发展
Q4 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2018-04-17 DOI: 10.5278/ojs.jcir.v0i0.2266
S. E. Medeiros, R. Feodrippe, L. M. Benvenuto
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引用次数: 1
权力转移、地位焦虑与中美战略竞争新态势 / Power Transition, Status Anxiety, and New Trends of Strategic Competition between China and the US 权力转移、地位焦虑与中美战略竞争新态势 / Power Transition, Status Anxiety, and New Trends of Strategic Competition between China and the US
Q4 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2018-01-01 DOI: 10.5278/JCIR.V6I2.2812
Qiubin Wang
Since the end of World War II, the US has become the superpower after having overcome security and economic challenges from the Soviet Union and Japan. It has been able to maintain this unique status for decades. However, in recent years, with the rapid growth of China and its vigorous promotion of the Belt and Road Initiative, America’s pre-eminent status is facing an unprecedented challenge. As the economic gap between China and the US gets smaller, the possibility of power transition is emerging. This change of power status leads to a deep “status anxiety” inthe US. In fact, this anxiety is evident in both China and the US. However, as a hegemonic power, America’s status anxiety is stronger than that of the rising power. The US is feeling insecure, due to witnessing the fact that its pre-eminent position inthe economy, military, technology, and developmental model, as  well as other fields, are being replaced by other emerging powers. Because of the status change and status anxiety, competition has been stronger during the Trump administration and, as China is moving towards the center of the world stage, the Trump Administration identifies China as its “rival”, and adopts many measures to balance China. As a result, besides the competition in the traditional fields such as the economy, technology, security, etc., both China and the US are also engaging in intense competition in other areas, such as norms, conception, and their “circle of friends”. Despite the fact that China has no intention (nor capacity, either) to compete with or confront the US, when facing the overbearing challenges from the US, China should think about what it should do. This is also the most difficult diplomatic issue for China after its 40 years’ reform and opening-up.
自第二次世界大战结束以来,美国克服了来自苏联和日本的安全和经济挑战,成为超级大国。几十年来,它一直能够保持这种独特的地位。然而,近年来,随着中国的快速发展和“一带一路”倡议的大力推进,美国的卓越地位正面临前所未有的挑战。随着中美经济差距的缩小,权力转移的可能性正在显现。这种权力地位的变化导致了美国深刻的“地位焦虑”。事实上,这种焦虑在中国和美国都很明显。然而,作为一个霸权国家,美国的地位焦虑比崛起大国更强烈。美国感到不安全,因为它在经济、军事、技术和发展模式以及其他领域的卓越地位正在被其他新兴大国所取代。由于地位的变化和地位的焦虑,特朗普执政期间的竞争更加激烈,随着中国走向世界舞台的中心,特朗普政府将中国视为“对手”,并采取了许多措施来平衡中国。因此,除了在经济、技术、安全等传统领域的竞争外,中美两国在规范、观念、“朋友圈”等其他领域也展开了激烈的竞争。尽管中国无意(也没有能力)与美国竞争或对抗,但面对美国的霸道挑战,中国应该思考自己应该做些什么。这也是中国改革开放40年来遇到的最棘手的外交问题。
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引用次数: 1
一带一路与人类命运共同体: 中国倡议与全球行动 / Belt and Road Initiative and Concept of a Community with Shared Future for Mankind: Chinese Proposals and Global Actions 一带一路与人类命运共同体: 中国倡议与全球行动 / Belt and Road Initiative and Concept of a Community with Shared Future for Mankind: Chinese Proposals and Global Actions
Q4 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2018-01-01 DOI: 10.5278/jcir.v6i2.2813
Yue-ting Lin
【摘要】 当下,全球化以及多边主义和国际合作遭遇单边主义与孤立主义的阻击,严 重威胁着全球稳健发展与良性治理格局的形成。理性思考和探寻有效应对之策理应成为人类 共同国际社会的积极选择。中国以强烈责任感和使命感提出一带一路倡议及以其最终推动区 域命运共同体和人类命运共同体建设的宏大目标,积极探求通过平等互利共赢的多边国际合 作应对各种全球发展与全球治理挑战。但国际上诸多误解误读严重干扰一带一路倡议的落 地。在回顾相关研究基础上考察人类命运共同体建设对于全球发展与治理良性格局形成的重 大意义及其核心支撑体系及中国一带一路倡议的核心价值,厘清两者内在关联及互动共进规 律,提出中国相关世界讲清一带一路倡议本质内涵和普遍时代价值、创新实践并以此引领、 带动区域乃至全球力量推动人类命运共同体建设的基本选择。 【关键词】 一带一路倡议;人类命运共同体;中国倡议;全球行动 【作者简介】 林跃勤,经济学博士,中国社会科学院研究员,中国社会科学杂志社对 外传播中心主任。本文为国家社科基金一般项目:“现实版全球化理论悖论与‘一带一路’ 理论创新研究”(编号 18BJL086)阶段性成果。
【摘要】 当下,全球化以及多边主义和国际合作遭遇单边主义与孤立主义的阻击,严 重威胁着全球稳健发展与良性治理格局的形成。理性思考和探寻有效应对之策理应成为人类 共同国际社会的积极选择。中国以强烈责任感和使命感提出一带一路倡议及以其最终推动区 域命运共同体和人类命运共同体建设的宏大目标,积极探求通过平等互利共赢的多边国际合 作应对各种全球发展与全球治理挑战。但国际上诸多误解误读严重干扰一带一路倡议的落 地。在回顾相关研究基础上考察人类命运共同体建设对于全球发展与治理良性格局形成的重 大意义及其核心支撑体系及中国一带一路倡议的核心价值,厘清两者内在关联及互动共进规 律,提出中国相关世界讲清一带一路倡议本质内涵和普遍时代价值、创新实践并以此引领、 带动区域乃至全球力量推动人类命运共同体建设的基本选择。 【关键词】 一带一路倡议;人类命运共同体;中国倡议;全球行动 【作者简介】 林跃勤,经济学博士,中国社会科学院研究员,中国社会科学杂志社对 外传播中心主任。本文为国家社科基金一般项目:“现实版全球化理论悖论与‘一带一路’ 理论创新研究”(编号 18BJL086)阶段性成果。
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引用次数: 1
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Journal of China and International Relations
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